“O! That I Could Find a France for my Love”: A Second Look at Coleridge’s Francophobia

What would a history of medieval literature in French that is not focused on France and Paris look like? Taking as its starting point the key role played in the development of textual culture in French by geographical regions that are either at the periphery of French-speaking areas, or alternatively completely outside them, this article offers three case studies: first of a text composed in mid-twelfth century England; then of one from early thirteenth-century Flanders; and finally from late thirteenth-century Italy. What difference does it make if we do not read these texts, and the language in which they are written, in relation to French norms, but rather look at their cultural significance both at their point of production, and then in transmission? A picture emerges of a literary culture in French that is mobile and cosmopolitan, one that cannot be tied to the teleology of an emerging national identity, and one that is a bricolage of a range of influences that are moving towards France as well as being exported from it. French itself functions as a supralocal written language (even when it has specific local features) and therefore may function more like Latin than a local vernacular.

Book reviewed in this article:Cuatro Comedias, edited with notes and vocabulary by John M. Hill and Mabel Margaret Harlan. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, Inc., 1941.Benavente, Jacinto, La Malquerida. Edited with introduction, notes and vocabulary by Paul T. Manchester. New York: F. S. Crofts & Company, 1941.Closs, A. and Mainland, W. F., German Lyrics of the Seventeenth Century. London: Gerald Duckworth and Company, 1940.Balzac, Honoré de, Ferragus. Edited by Walter S. Hastings and Jared Wenger. New York: D. C. Heath and Company, 1940.Leslie, John Kenneth, Ventura De La Vega and the Spanish Theatre, 1820–1865. Princeton, 1940.Sánchez Galarrage, Gustavo, El Héroe, edited by Virgil A. Warren and James O. Swain. New York: Oxford University Press, 1941.Dumas, Alexandre. Les Trois Mousquetaires. Adapted and edited by Henriette Roumiguière Kollewijn and Algernon Coleman. Boston: D. C. Heath and Company, 1941.Lacey, Alexander, Basic Written French. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1941.Eddy, Helen M., Struble, Marguerette, Cochran, Grace, and Williams, Florence B., Basic French. Heath's Modern Language Series. Boston: D. C. Heath and Company, 1940.De Vries, Louis (with the collaboration of the members of the graduate Faculty of Iowa State College), French‐English Science Dictionary for Students in Agricultural, Biological and Physical Sciences. New York: McGraw‐Hill Book Company, 1940.Lang, André, L'Affaire Plantin. Edited by Jeanne Guiet and Marcel Vigheras. New York: The Dryden Press, Inc., 1941.Dubrule, Noelia and Dunlap, Edna C., Beginning French. New York, Charles Scribner's Sons. Cloth.Moody, George, Anthologie de contes français. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1940.Hendrix, William S. and Meiden, Walter E., Beginning French: A Cultural Approach. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1940.Haden, Ernest F. and Trotter, R. C, Science Française, Readings in General Science. Boston: D. C. Heath and Company, 1940.Rosenfield, Leonora Cohen, From Beast‐machine to Man‐machine. (Animal soul in French Letters from Descartes to La Mettrie.) New York: Oxford University Press, 1941.Kany, E. and Dondo, Mathurin, Elementary French Conversation, Intermediate French Conversation, and Advanced French Conversation. New York: D. C. Heath and Company.Cooper, N., A First Anthology of French Poetry. Oxford University Press. Linen cover. Price, $35.Segur, La Comtesse de, L'Auberge de l'Ange Gardien. Edited by Charlotte Moffett. New York, N. Y.: Globe Book Company, 1940.Lever de Rideau, Six One Act Modern Comedies, edited by Stanley Schwartz. New York: The Dryden Press, 1940.Miller, Minnie M. and Nielson, J. R., Outlines and Tests on French Civilization. New York: F. S. Crofts and Company, 1940.Micks, Wilson and Longi, Olga, Fundamental French. New York: Oxford University Press, 1940.Remarque, Erich, Drei Kameraden. Edited with foreword, notes, and vocabulary by Waldo C. Peebles. American Book Company, 1941.

The works of Anne Finch, a writer doubly exiled as a female poet and Jacobite, stand out as eminently teachable examples of a compelling political outsider view that provokes us to consider how we can better attend to perspectives of principled opposition. Her poems in response to what has been called the "first modern revolution," together with her odes upon the deaths of King James II and Queen Mary Beatrice, showcase the subversive power of indirect articulation, expressing values through emotions and affects in veiled forms such as allegory and alternate history.

This article examines how French vaudeville tunes circulated in England through both theatrical performances and French-language textbooks (or ‘grammars’). My central concern is to consider how audiences in London – who had little exposure to the rich satirical and cultural connotations that these tunes had acquired over years of performance in Paris – might have been able to grasp their significance within staged works performed by visiting Parisian troupes between the years 1718 and 1735. I suggest that in tracing the transmission of tunes from France to England, scholars should consider a wider range of print sources, since vaudevilles had a social life extending beyond the plays in which they were performed. To this end, I focus on analysing vaudevilles found in French ‘grammars’. The pedagogical nature of these sources explicitly puts on display how French culture was translated for an English readership. By comparing the tunes found in grammars with plays that used the same tunes, I reveal both how Londoners could have become acquainted with the Parisian understanding of French tunes and how the grammar books could have shifted the meanings of these tunes for English readers and audiences. Ultimately, the circulation of French tunes abroad through grammars directs our attention to the material and cultural practices undergirding the mobility of eighteenth-century musical culture.

This work is based on my thesis from Aix en Provence on French Civilisation and Letters (1984). The head of the examinations was the writer Raymond Jean. My idea is to show how the decadent writer and poet Marc André Raffalovich fought against the personalities in science concerning homosexuality with a new point of view and with great difficulty, shedding new light on this subject in a review from 1886 to 1914 under the direction of Dr. Alexandre Lacassagne Les Archives d'Anthropologie Criminelle de Médecine Légale et de Psychologie Normale et Pathologique published in 1886, edited by the director A. Lacassagne, professor and chairman of legal medicine, Lyon, and author of the article "Pederastie," Dictionnaire Encyclopedique des Sciences Medicales, volume XXII published in 1886. In 1893, he wrote an introduction for l'Inversion Sexuelle of Dr. Julien Chevalier (Paris: Masson-Lyon Storck). This monthly review "d'au moins 80 pages" was called L'Ecole Lyonnaise, and so to say, l'Ecole Francaise d'Anthropologie Criminelle, which defends against l'Ecole Italienne of Lombroso, the culturalist theory of the birth of the criminal; according to this école du milieu social: "La Société a les criminels qu'elle merite" (The society has criminals it deserves). After the first world war, it was to be overridden by the Marxist analysis.

PurposeThis paper aims to introduce how sociological traditions can provide a complementary, conceptual lens needed to better understand a country’s orientation in its digital transformation policies. While historically sociology has been used to study technological effects, introducing a sociological lens that considers broader macro digital policies can better complement a country’s national innovation system framework by highlighting where forms of acceleration and inertia in digital diffusion may or may not occur.Design/methodology/approachTo formulate this lens, iterative literature reviews were conducted and four major sociological traditions (i.e. Durkheim, Functional-Utilitarian, Marxist and Micro-interactionist) were identified and integrated into one structure. The integrated structure was then applied to the French case of Minitel as a sample application. The French Minitel was selected because it is well-known and due to one of the author’s familiarity with the French culture. The description was based upon secondary data.FindingsThrough the use and application of this lens, the findings reveal that understanding a country’s specific orientation within a sociological tradition can help academics and practitioners determine what accelerates or provides inertia in the diffusion of new digital technologies within a country’s sociological frame. For the French Minitel, two dominant views seem to exist in France, the Durkheim and the Functional-Utilitarian view, which both affected the country’s path dependency in continued investments in Minitel.Research limitations/implicationsWhile policymakers are tasked with the development and implementation of digital transformation policies, a key consideration for both scholars and practitioners on digital policy and governance is to understand the broader macro ramifications of sociological frameworks on the evolving effects of digital transformation. While the authors provide a sample illustration, future research is needed to operationalize this lens and to apply it across various regions and countries in the development of new digital transformation policies.Practical implicationsAs countries face considerable pressure to digitize their economies, policymakers require a better framework to advance the sociological aspects of digitization and its effects upon local institutions and actors in society. The paper provides a complementary lens that can better help them in this regard.Originality/valueTo date, policymakers and governments lack an integrated framework to understand the sociological effects of digital technologies and their diffusions along with their implications on societies such as on the framework of national innovation. The authors provide a sample integrated structure and sample application.

This review considers Les intellectuels russes à la conquête de l’opinion publique française: Une histoire alternative de la littérature russe en France de Cantemir à Gorki, a collection edited by Alexandre Stroev, a specialist in Franco-Russian cultural connections. The publication sets an ambitious goal — to offer an alternative history of the perception of Russian literature in France over a period of almost two centuries. Nineteen articles mostly cover the translations and reception of works by a number of prominent representatives of Russian literature in France. At the same time, many of them explore the interest of Russian writers in French culture, their reading repertoire, circle of acquaintances, and travel diaries. The opinions expressed in most cases are adapted to modern theoretical research and are significant for both the history and theory of literature. The publication is dedicated to the memory of the untimely departed Alexander Yanushkevich, a remarkable researcher of 19th-century Russian literature and a participant of the collection.

The Renaissance humanist Guillaume Budé (1468 n.s. –1540) holds an important though uncomfortable place in contemporary French culture. Immediately evoking for many two of the fundamental institutions of the humanities in France today — the Collection Budé (the French equivalent of the Loeb Classical Library) and the Collège de France (in front of which his statue has stood since 1882) — the name Budé also evokes a vague spectre of monstrous erudition, looming out at us from the mists of early modernity. The greatest Budé scholar of the twentieth century, Marie-Madeleine de La Garanderie, formulated the bold paradox that this famous name remains that of an unknown (cited p. 7). Such obscurity seems the inevitable fate of an author whose prolific corpus was extremely influential and almost exclusively in Latin; on the map of French letters, therefore, ‘Budé’ remains for many a massy yet unapproachable terra incognita. Keenly aware of this complex inheritance, and eager to provide access to this important author, the contributors to the present volume elucidate the historical Budé through the analysis and exposition of his social context (Part One), methods (Part Two), major works (Part Three), and early modern reception (Part Four). The result is an invaluable work for early modernists interested in this multifaceted humanist. Budé is here viewed from all angles: as a courtier to François Ier; a pioneer in the fields of Renaissance jurisprudence and textual criticism; and as the author of highly original contributions to early modern Christian thought. The keyword for Budé’s significance to us today, and around which the twenty-seven contributions to this collection constantly circle, is of course ‘philology’, a word which simultaneously expresses the focus of Budé’s works and the intellectual method or approach which he pioneered. The name Budé evokes philology in a way very similar to the intimate relationship between Montaigne and the essay, standing for a form of simultaneous writing and reading inextricably intertwined, at the same time highly personal and yet also profoundly influential. Understood therefore as an ‘art de lire’ (p. 9) rather than a scholarly discipline, Budéan philologia is marked by a tension between the reader in the present and the text as a message from the past. This approach promotes reading as a never-ending negotiation between past and present, characterized by ongoing attempts to accommodate the ancient text in the world of the present and the modern reader in that of the past. The intended goal of such reading — for Budé at least — was the eventual transformation of the present through its encounter with the past. Whether or not we still believe in the transformative potential of ancient texts, we remain today just as challenged by the fundamental problem of how to read texts unavoidably tinted by their status as historical artefacts. This volume meets that challenge in a suitably Budéan manner. It delivers an intimate, multifaceted portrait of Budé squarely within his historical moment; moreover, it offers a path to finally integrating the neo-Latin humanist within a longer narrative of French culture.

Bernardet of the one-act La voix humaine, is followed by Hélène Laplace-Claveries’s more readable and more illuminating examination of how in his Arguments chorégraphiques , Cocteau is less a librettist than a ‘choréconteur’ and how he privileges a choreographic present tense in these texts for dance. For her part, Bénédicte Gorrillot ploddingly and painstakingly traces the myth of Orpheus, specifically the influence in Cocteau’s works of “un fonds orphique de nature religieuse, associé à une parole mythique (d’ordre métaphysique), antérieur aux reformulations de l’Empire romain” (116). Roberto Zemignan points in his reading of Le testament d’Orphée to the inherent tension between the linearity of action and the disruption of deductive logic, as dramatized , indeed “parasitée” (6), by dream. In the last contribution of the first section, “Comment Cocteau raconte quand il parle,” Pierre-Marie Héron examines the interplay between the spirit of conversation and the appeal of narration in the writer-poet’s public talks, radio broadcasts, and newspaper contributions. Hardly revelatory, Héron’s conclusion, like many of the‘findings’by the authors before him, is surprisingly banal: “Cocteau parle et raconte en variant la manière et l’allure de son propos, avec un sens sûr de ‘l’exactitude’ du style selon le public et le genre” (182). The contributions in the second part of the volume do little to increase its usefulness. They include two articles on stage works, a study by Marianne Bouchardon of “les ficelles du théâtre” (187) in Cocteau’s ‘poésie au théâtre’ and his ‘poésie de théâtre’ and one by Ariane Martinez of the creator’s “arguments chorégraphiques” (207); a piece by Évanghélia Stead on the short-lived Schéhérazade, founded by Cocteau with François Bernouard in November 1909, and which was simultaneously a“revue de poésie,”“revue de belle typographie,”and“revue mondaine”(238); and Alex Callebaut’s more inspired reading of the paradoxical preface of the 1954 poetic collection Clair-obscur, in which he shows the genetic tension between the definitional and the metaphorical.All things considered and given the other unremarkable contributions preceding it—which hardly provide the “perspectives larges et variées” (7) that Linares promises in his foreword—it is probably the most interesting and original essay. California Polytechnic State University Brian G. Kennelly Melzer, Sara E. Colonizer or Colonized: The Hidden Stories of Early Modern French Culture. Philadelphia: UP of Pennsylvania, 2012. ISBN 978-0-8122-4363-5. Pp. 320. $75. Boileau and the discourse of colonialism? Early modern French letters and thought as a bridge to understanding France’s mindset and history as a colonial power? Sara Melzer makes that case. She does not treat as merely humorous Boileau’s denunciation of Perrault and the Modernes as a bunch of wild Indians—“Hurons” and “Topinamboux”—or Rouen’s celebration of the 1550 royal entry of Henri II and Catherine de Médicis with the tableau vivant of a Brazilian village that included fifty 230 FRENCH REVIEW 87.1 Reviews 231 natives of the country brought to France for the occasion, but she asks instead what these unconventional episodes and events reveal about how early modern France saw itself. In so doing, she calls into question a standard view of French Classicism as a moment when,by imitating the Ancients,French writers and thinkers sought to elevate their own country’s culture to the same level as that of their models in the pantheon of cultural greatness. René Girard, whose work is cited in the bibliography and seems always to hover at the edges of this study, would not be surprised to learn that imitation , even of so distant a model as the Ancients, brings with it troubling implications. All may well have started with the Gauls, as some late fifteenth- and sixteenth-century writers tried to establish, by way of liberating French culture from the Frankish-Trojan ancestry that so tightly and uncomfortably attached it to Ancient Rome. Although ultimately successful, these writers encountered two irksome facts: the Gauls had been colonized by the Romans, who considered them barbarians...

This book, which is about what ‘popular culture’ means in France, and how the term's shifting meanings have been negotiated and contested, represents a theoretically informed study of the way that popular culture is lived, imagined, fought over and negotiated in modern and contemporary France. It covers a wide range of overarching concerns: the roles of state policy, the market, political ideologies, changing social contexts and new technologies in the construction of the popular. But the book also provides a set of specific case studies showing how popular songs, stories, films, TV programmes and language styles have become indispensable elements of ‘culture’ in France. Deploying yet also rethinking a ‘Cultural Studies’ approach to the popular, it therefore challenges dominant views of what French culture really means today.

The greatest single change in the French intellectual landscape since the beginning of the 1960s is the vastly increased prominence of psychoanalysis. That may appear to be a doubly contestable statement. On the one hand, Jacques Lacan, the dominant figure in the area, had been developing his theories ever since the publication of his thesis in 1932; on the other, other tendencies, notably feminism and antipsychiatry, can be said to vie with psychoanalysis for theoretical prominence. But the radical shift in the status of psychoanalysis, from marginal intruder upon French culture to intellectually — and often also existentially — hegemonic force, cannot be adequately understood unless one takes into account the equally radical shift towards a political re-evaluation of the self, and a self-based re-evaluation of the political, epitomised by the May events. Feminism and antipsychiatry (certainly in their French manifestations) owe a great deal to Lacanian theory, even at their points of most acrimonious divergence from it. Lacan can indeed be said to be the most seminal (the pun is intended, and will be justified) French thinker of our period, for not only feminism and antipsychiatry but also structuralist Marxism, Foucault’s re-examination of history and power, and the literary deconstruction of such as Derrida and Lyotard would not be what they are and have been without his contribution.KeywordsRadical ShiftFrench CultureGrand InquisitorContestable StatementHegemonic ForceThese keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

This article examines the struggle over the meaning of atomic science and nuclear power in mid-century French film culture, including popular and art cinema, newsreels, television, and industrial films produced by the French atomic energy commission. It considers the nuclear as a representational problem, rooted in the enduring iconicity of the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki and the difficulty of making atomic science’s value visible. Building on recent criticism of France’s ‘Trente glorieuses,’ it focuses on the less-than-glorious image of nuclear power that filled French screens during the 1940s and 1950s, especially in two films released in 1950: René Clair’s popular but largely forgotten, La beauté du diable, a Faust adaptation-cum-nuclear allegory, and Nicole Védrès’s seldom-seen (but recently restored and re-released) La vie commence demain (the follow-up to her better-known Paris 1900 (1947)), which uses a who’s who of French arts and letters—including Sartre, Gide, Prévert, Picasso, Le Corbusier and Jean Rostand, among others—to denounce nuclear weapons while imagining a future enlightened by peaceful atomic science.

Reviewed by: Public Memory in Early China by K. E. Brashier Erica F. Brindley Public Memory in Early China by K. E. Brashier. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2014. Pp. viii + 511. $69.95. Public Memory in Early China provides a rich, exquisitely detailed, and important account of early Chinese strategies for creating and maintaining a shared, public memory. Guided by such questions as, “What things should we remember?” and “How does a society measure and mark what is important to it?” Brashier discusses how certain oral and literary cultures in early China sought to mark, preserve, and commemorate individuals and ancestors, as well as other aspects of the past. With nuanced, mellifluous, and meticulously organized language, Brashier transforms the cold bones of mortuary culture—in particular, stele inscriptions, which form the springboard for his inquiry—into a wide-ranging intellectual feast. In the introduction alone, this feast includes in-depth discussions about education, about orality and literacy, about the mechanics and performative aspects of remembering, as well as about the role of the classicists in creating a memorial culture, to name a few. The bulk of the book presents a neat, threefold approach to discussing public memory. Parts I, II, and III highlight names, age, and kinship respectively as prominent ways of marking one’s status and public value during life and during the afterlife in early Chinese society. Parts IV and V examine what Brashier calls “the tangible and intangible tools of positioning the self” (pp. 263, 317). Central to the discussion of the first three parts is how names, age, and kinship help position the self [End Page 456] so as to locate individuals within a web of culturally meaningful relationships both during life and after death. This manner of organizing the book is innovative and interesting; it sheds light upon some of the most important techniques used in ancient Chinese culture to situate individuals not just hierarchically but also laterally and in every conceivable, three-dimensional direction, according to a complicated and dynamic calculation of social worth. In part I, on names, we learn about the circumstances in which various names, such as familiar, courtesy, posthumous, family, and clan names, were bestowed, used, and tabooed. We learn how names served to position individuals according to a hierarchy of value and to link them to a particular region or plot of land. Indeed, one of Brashier’s most interesting points in this section is his discussion of the tight relationship between territory and ancestral cult: the surname could locate and associate individuals with specific areas on the map of the known world. In part II, on age, we learn about the various administrative systems of valuation and ways of honoring people during and after their lifetimes. We learn about the office of the “thrice venerable” (san lao 三老; p 175), about why early Chinese culture venerated their living elderly as well as their dead, and about the administrative seniority system (jue 爵) that was used during the Han period. The overarching comparative point that Brashier stresses in this section contrasts traditional, Western views of the arc of life—which allegedly rises to midlife only to decline thereafter—with a dominant ancient Chinese view, expressed through administrative grades as well as through religious attitudes toward the dead, of an “ever-climbing stairway” (p. 166) from birth through death and afterward. Brashier’s discussion of the shared symbols used in stele inscriptions demonstrates how this medium helped reduce the particular qualities of a person’s life to a common language of hyperbole and praise, despite stele inscriptions’ ostensible focus on individual traits and biographies. A significant point that Brashier makes in part II thus has to do with the reductionism associated with age-related positioning of the self. In his discussion of “The Age of the Afterlife” (sec. 11), he especially zeroes in on this point. Specifically, his discussion of the spatial arrangement of ancestor worship and sacrifice shows how one’s individuality eventually recedes into a cloud-like, “corporate, ancestral body” (p. 200), indicated by the vertical height of an ancestral tablet [End Page 457] located at the top of the sacrificial hall. Noting the direct relationship between...

Terrorist attacks, refugee movements from crisis regions as well as barriers to integration among immigrants have also been increasing fears of Islam in Austria, whereby Muslims are often regarded all too generally as outsiders to Austrian society. In this article the results of a representative study (Social Survey Austria 2018) are presented, which includes the first time a sophisticated scale on attitudes towards Muslims. In addition, a sequential multiple regression analysis will be used for a more detailed analysis of classical factors influencing critical attitudes towards Islam, whereby a new research gap will be addressed focusing on religious attitudes and practices of Austrians. The analysis of the extent of anti-Muslim sentiment in Austria reveals a dominant critical view. However, the influences of religious orientations are manifold: While conventional religious practice (such as church attendance and praying) as well as superstition reinforces animosities, inclusive religious attitudes and individual practices of spirituality lead to more tolerant attitudes. The results, which indicate a tendency towards greater tolerance among religious people, show that we are in Austria mainly confronted with cultural rather than interreligious conflicts, which are primarily centered around identity and recognition.

ON JANUARY 13, 1547, IN Trent, the Ecumenical Council approved the official statement of the Roman Catholic Church's doctrine on justification, that is, the way in which certain human beings are redeemed from sin and promised eternal happiness and others are condemned to eternal suffering. Central to the doctrine approved on that day is the freedom of the human will and the consequent responsibility of mankind to exert itself to cooperate with divine grace. In August 1608, Fran90is de Sales, Bishop of Geneva, completed the first edition of a best-seller of seventeenth-century French letters, L'Introduction a la vie devote, a guide to spiritual self-improvement that calls upon the reader to develop her or his 'inner life' through regular, structured use of imagination. Between the Church's strongly-worded, even militant, emphasis on the will and de Sales's promotion of the individual, private imagination there is a direct relation, one that the Bishop of Geneva recalls frequently, especially in his second, more theoretical book, Le Traite de l'amour de Dieu (1616). We are called upon to augment our inner life, for the grace of the Holy Spirit will enter into us 'sinon par Ie libre consentement de notre volonte [ ... J selon la me sure de son bon plaisir et de notre propre disposition et cooperation, ainsi que dit Ie sacre Concile'. 1 De Sales's insistence on disposition and cooperation furnishes the charter, so to speak, for his whole pastoral, and hence literary, project, and helps us to understand not only the simple fact that he and his Catholic contemporaries were avid practitioners of inner selfdevelopment but the particular form of that development: one that emphasised what could be called an active and imaginative form rather than a primarily hermeneutic or receptive one. Fran90is de Sales's work was widely read and influential there were at least twenty-four editions in the seventeenth century and have been at least four hundred editions in French altogether.2 Soon after the author's death in 1622, his tomb near Annecy became a place of pilgrimage, and he was canonised only forty-three years later in 1665. His call to develop the individual imagination may well have made subsequent use of this faculty or way of thinking important even for those whose intentions were far from religious. Moreover, the practice of Salesian devotion goes hand in hand with the development of the absolutist compromise that made possible so much of what we know as French baroque and classical culture? In this way, the use of imagination that is taught in L'Introduction a la vie devote has much importance for the development of politeness and civility across the spectrum of social condition in the following century.