O corpo como país: gênero e política na obra de Laerte Coutinho

O artigo analisa a militância feminista de mulheres do Partido Comunista do Brasil, atualmente denominado Partido Comunista Brasileiro (PCB) entre 1930 e 1937, bem como as relações estabelecidas com outros grupos feministas do período. A preocupação central é evidenciar a forma como as pecebistas concebiam a luta e as críticas que fizeram a outros grupos feministas. No início do século XX, tornou-se crescente o número de mulheres organizadas em prol de mudanças político-sociais para o gênero feminino. No período, surgiram organizações coletivas formais que lutaram por mais direitos para as mulheres, que costumamos chamar feministas. A luta pela emancipação feminina era permeada por tensões. Para as mulheres do PCB, o feminismo era entendido como um movimento “pequeno-burguês”, por isso, inadequado para as mulheres que estavam verdadeiramente preocupadas com a emancipação feminina. Não se assumir feminista não significava, necessariamente, falta de engajamento com as pautas comuns aos feminismos. Afora todas as tensões, a luta das mulheres dentro do PCB e as relações intrapartidárias também foram marcadas por tensões e contradições. Nesse sentido, o texto visa refletir sobre as diferentes formas de organização, tensões e contradições existentes nas lutas feministas na primeira metade do século XX, especialmente aquelas ligadas ao PCB.

Journal Article The Brazilian Communist Party: Conflict and Integration 1922–1972 and Anarchists and Communists in Brazil, 1900–1935 Get access The Brazilian Communist Party: Conflict and Integration 1922–1972. By Ronald H. Chilcote. New York, London: Oxford University Press. 1974. 361 pp. £8.75.Anarchists and Communists in Brazil, 1900–1935. By John W. F. Dulles. Austin, London: University of Texas Press. 1974. 603 pp. $12.50. £6.00. John Brooks John Brooks Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar International Affairs, Volume 51, Issue 4, October 1975, Pages 630–631, https://doi.org/10.2307/2615906 Published: 01 October 1975

Objective/context: It is possible to verify the role performed by the first activist dissidents from Stalinism aiming at noticing the impact from Marxist-Leninist theory and Russian Revolution on the organization of thinking and left-wing militancy in the capital of São Paulo. The Brazilian Trotskyists ideas and action, during the 1920s and 1930s, are re-evaluated from the analysis of primary sources, in order to understand the interpretations that the dissidents have given to historical events in which they were active and fervent protagonists. In that manner, we expect to get to a more rigorous interpretation of the formation and development of PCB (Brazilian Communist Party). Originality: The studies on PCB usually assume a Stalinist bias, despising Trotskyists as cowards or traitors of Proletarian Revolution. This analysis reveals the Trotskyists interpretation of the events in which they participated, with the support of vast documentation, mostly unpublished, preserved in workers and police archives. Methodology: This approach uses concepts consecrated by the Marxist-Leninist dialectical method, raised to the category of “subject knowledge”, understood as blocks of historical knowledge that were present and disguised in the interior of functional and systematic sets, and that were disqualified as non-conceptual knowledge, hierarchically inferior. This is an approach that questions the formal systematizations from consecrated authors and raises the narratives of individuals who were silenced by power. By focusing on human actions and meanings that go unnoticed in broad analytical frameworks, the goal is to extract from facts that are apparently common a relevant sociocultural dimension, with the use of the narrative as a resource. Conclusions: Strongly influenced by immigrants and by anarchism, the Brazilian labor movements created their own labor unions and parties, and the most important was the Brazilian Communist Party, founded in 1922. In no time, as a consequence of the mortal fight between Stalin and Trotsky, the Brazilian comrades strongly disagreed about the course of the revolution, originating a severe dispute for the dominance of the party’s direction, considering that it was moving away from historical materialism and condemned, for this procedure, the proletarian progress to deviance and defeat. The opponent most operating group, gathered in the International Communist League, started a constant fight against the party’s direction and political policy, becoming the repression preferential victims during the difficult times under the dictatorship of Getúlio Vargas.

This article focuses on the relationship between the political Left and Brazil’s urban poor by exploring the paradoxical role of Brazilian communists in the massive land struggles that mobilized Rio’s favelas against forced eviction in the mid-twentieth century. Without the communists’ organizational, legal, and political acumen, Rio’s iconic favelas might never have become a permanent and precious urban foothold for the migrant poor. Without the residents’ support, the Brazilian Communist Party might not have experienced electoral triumph in the late 1940s or maintained a strong political presence through the decades when it was declared illegal. And yet favela activists rarely acknowledge communist involvement in their struggles, and Communist activists and scholars grant such movements only a marginal, instrumental role in the Brazilian Communist movement. This dance of mutual forgetting reveals much about the subtle but persistent disjuncture between leftist ideology and grassroots political practice that characterized mid-twentieth-century Brazil. Analysts have long bemoaned and explored this disjuncture in the context of Brazil’s labor politics; this article argues that the gap between party doctrine and the massive, diffuse urban social movements of the mid-twentieth century was broader and more fateful still.

Theotonio Dos Santos (1936–2018): The Revolutionary Intellectual Who Pioneered Dependency Theory

Brazilian communist militant Clodomir Santos de Morais was born in Bahia. Throughout the 1950s and 1960s he was an important Peasant Leagues' leader and a Brazilian Communist Party (PCB) militant. In 1955, he was elected deputy in Pernambuco. As a member of a group that defended the centrality of the agrarian question, Morais was expelled from the PCB in 1962. His position in favor of armed struggle also led him to a rupture with Francisco Julião in 1962.

The political trajectory of the Brazilian Communist Party (BCP) was vary outstanding the 1950’s, consolidating a change in its policy line, directing the party to an armed struggle. The aim of this paper is to analyze the resonance of Maoist thought and the Chinese Revolution of 1949 in the Brazilian Communist Party, showing how the Brazilian communists tried disseminate and implement those theses in the country.

The political trajectory of the Brazilian Communist Party (BCP) was vary outstanding the 1950’s, consolidating a change in its policy line, directing the party to an armed struggle. The aim of this paper is to analyze the resonance of Maoist thought and the Chinese Revolution of 1949 in the Brazilian Communist Party, showing how the Brazilian communists tried disseminate and implement those theses in the country.

Após a Segunda Guerra Mundial, entra em cena a bomba atômica, uma arma com um poder de destruição muito superior ao das armas que, até então, eram utilizadas nos conflitos internacionais. As bombas atômicas jogadas sobre as cidades japonesas de Hiroshima e Nagasaki, em 1945, causaram um enorme impacto na opinião pública mundial. Governos de diversos paá­ses do mundo não conheciam o verdadeiro teor de uma arma que utilizava a energia atômica. Milhões de pessoas em todo o mundo só souberam o que era a bomba atômica na prática, isto é, após os episódios de Hiroshima e Nagasaki. Os militantes comunistas brasileiros utilizaram-se de relatos de sobreviventes das cidades japonesas para angariarem assinaturas em prol dos ”Apelos” em favor da paz mundial. A imprensa não comunista, por sua vez, não permitindo o direito á diferença, condenava as ações ”pacifistas” orientadas pelo PCB e não informava á população as conseqá¼ências de uma guerra nuclear e os efeitos de uma explosão atômica.

The possibility of developing capitalism in the so-called backward countries and the paths that must be followed in order to achieve socialism is a fertile ground for controversies in marxist thought. This article seeks to present the similarities between the debates on this theme that took place in Russia at the end of the 19th century, between Russian Nationalists (narodniks) and Lenin, and in Brazil in the middle of the 20th century, between the Brazilian Communist Party and the authors of the dependency theory. We concluded that many arguments that appeared in the initial debate are repeated just over 50 years later.

Durante la segunda mitad de la década de 1960, la revista Paz e Terra fue el centro de los debates del movimiento ecuménico brasileño y tuvo fuertes lazos con el Consejo Mundial de Iglesias y el Partido Comunista Brasileño. Este trabajo estudia los temas importantes y las trayectorias políticas y religiosas de los principales autores de la revista. Con respecto a la metodología, se analizaron todos los números de Paz e Terra (1966- 1969) y numerosas fuentes periódicas (entrevistas, obituarios, etcétera) para reconstruir las biografías de los autores. En primer lugar se hizo un análisis de contenido de la revista: se realizó una descripción cualitativa de los números y se usaron nubes de palabras con cada índice. Posteriormente se utilizó el método sociocéntrico del Análisis de Redes Sociales, sumado a un estudio prosopográfico para obtener paralelismos de militancia. Nuestra hipótesis es que en ese contexto (Brasil, 1966-1969), las trayectorias de militancia de comunistas y ecumenistas que publicaron en Paz e Terra presentaron paralelismos (como el humanismo, la persecución política, la formación académica) que les permitió encontrarse en un espacio de debate en común.

In 1949, the occupation of land in Caminho da Areia, an industrial suburb of the capital of Bahia, illustrated the politics of coexistence, through which the common Bahian people were able to express their choices and attitudes. In becoming squatters, workers publicly emerged from their anonymous and everyday lives. They were instantly perceived as a relevant social group with the ability for collective action by the Communists, who sought to assist them, and also by the Bahian Governor, Otavio Mangabeira, who promised his palace would always be open for pleas from the poor. While the Governor failed to welcome the squatters’ representatives, he managed to reinstate his paternalistic authority by granting the occupied land to the squatters and using his friends from the press to mediate the deal. The Brazilian Communist Party (PCB), however, which had backed the protests from the beginning, received a “pair of handcuffs” instead of a “pair of wedding rings” from the newly established Brazilian democracy, as Helio da Costa so aptly described the situation.

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The Brazilian Communist Party: Conflict and Integration, 1922-1972.

The 1950s are a period of great significance for Brazilian workers. The trade union movement, headed by an alliance of communist and labor militants, made major organizational and mobilization progress that led to significant workers’ participation in society and national political life. This article analyzes the trajectory of the Brazilian labor movement during the period, placing emphasis on factors that are internal to the life of the movement. Among the latter, we consider constituting forces and internal disputes, political and ideological orientation and their influence on organization and practice, as well as the forms of struggle that were developed. Furthermore, external conditioning factors, such as the political and economic conjuncture that serve as a scenario for the union actor are also taken into account, considered insofar as they both alter and are altered by the latter. Keywords: workers’ movement, Brazilian Communist Party, military dictatorship, new working class, strike movement.