O belo perigo da escrita: Foucault e a arte de pensar a alteridade com “mãos de veludo”

Social events have affected humans throughout the history of humanity causing the formation of many new movements and thoughts. Film industry, being the seventh art form, has also been affected by current social and political events thereby becoming transformed just like all other art forms. Horror movies which were first seen along with the first examples of movies in time became a genre by itself thanks to Hollywood and includes many film varieties that best reflect these transformations. Horror movies strived on scary middle age and gothic literature and in time has been shaped by the current social and political events. New beliefs and horrors have been added to older ones which in time increased the anxiety and horror elements. Horrors of witches and inquisition were replaced by the atom bomb and doomsday which was later on replaced by serial killers. In this study, the effects of political, social and current events on horror movies will be determined by making use of critical theory. The analysis of social status will be examined in decade long intervals under the light of these findings to determine which horror elements were caused by which social events. In the political, social and agenda of events that make up most prominent effects of fear critical theory may be found. In this state that social status is based on dealing with analysis of ten-year processes that are to be examined and What kind of horror elements which social events which cause has been analysed as it is.

Digital media give the public a voice to discuss or share their thoughts about political and social events. However, these discussions can often include language that contributes to creating toxic or uncivil online environments. Using data from Reddit, we examine the language surrounding three major events in the United States that occurred in 2020 and early 2021 from the comments and posts of 65 communities identified for their focus on extreme content. Our results suggest that social and political events in the U.S. triggered increased hostility in discussions as well as the formation of a set of shared language for describing and articulating information about these major political/social moments. Findings further reveal shifts in language toward more negativity, incivility, and specific language surrounding non-White outgroups. Finally, these shifts in language online were found to be durable and last after the events occurred. Our project identifies that negative language is frequently present on social media and is not necessarily exclusive to one group, topic, or real-world event. We discuss the implications of language as a powerful tool to engage, recruit, and radicalize those within communities online.

This study examines the impact of political, economic, social and terrorism events on market volatility over the period of the Tunisian revolution from December 1, 2010 to May 29, 2015. Our study is based on daily data of three variable: Tunindex the composite index of the Tunisian stock market, the financial companies’ index, and the exchange rate Eur/Tnd, in order to detect the influence of each type of event on these three selected variables. Using an EGARCH model, the empirical evidence highlights that the fourth types of events affect the Tunindex market volatility. In fact, the political, social and terrorism events increase the volatility of the index. However, the economic events diminish this volatility. Furthermore, we notice that only political and social events influence the market volatility of the financial companies. However, exchange rate Eur/Tnd was affected only by economic and social events.

Political Events, like all social events, are the objects of interpretation by the press, the public, and the public through journalistic frameworks of presentation. Our studies are premised on the assumption that understanding the impact of social and political events requires understanding how the events are framed for the public in the stories the press tells. Framing is a kind of sense-making that creates one interpretation of political events while ignoring others. That framing is done by the press, by the public, and by the public through the press is a widely shared assumption. Murray Edelman describes the framing process this way: Interpretation pervades every phase of news creation and dissemination. Officials, interest groups, and critics anticipate the interpretations of particular audiences, shaping their acts and language so as to elicit a desired response. The audiences for news are ultimate interpreters, paying attention to some news stories, ignoring most, and fitting news accounts into a story plot that reflects their respective values. For any audience, then, an account is an interpretation of an interpretation.

Sociopolitical events and technical innovations may affect the content of delusions and the course of psychotic disorders

PurposeThis paper deeply investigates the herd behavior of the Egyptian mutual funds under changing and different conditions of the market pre- and post-events and compares the impact of asymmetric risk conditions on the herding behavior of the Egyptian mutual funds in both up and down markets.Design/methodology/approachWe test for the existence of herding for the whole period from 2003 to 2022, as well as for the pre-and post-different Egyptian uprising periods. We employ two well-known models, namely the cross-sectional standard deviation (CSSD) and cross-sectional absolute deviation (CSAD) models. Additionally, we use the quantile regression approach.FindingsWe find that the behavior of mutual funds does not change following the different political and social events. For the whole period, we find evidence of herding behavior using only the model of CSAD in down-market conditions. We generalize our finding to be evidence of the existence herding behavior in different quantiles, under only the down market in specific points’ pre, post or both given events throughout the whole series. Conversely, during the upper market, we show a full absence of herding behavior considering all different quantiles. When the market is down, managers are afraid of the condition of uncertainty, neglecting their own private information, avoid acting independently and consequently, following other mutual funds. When the market is up, managers become rational and act fully independent.Research limitations/implicationsFuture research should delve deeper into the drivers of herding behavior, assess its longer-term effects, develop risk management strategies and consider regulatory measures to mitigate the potential negative impact on mutual fund performance and investor outcomes.Practical implicationsThe study reveals that the behavior of mutual funds remains consistent despite various political and social events, suggesting a degree of resilience in their investment strategies. The research uncovers evidence of herding behavior in both high and low quantiles, but exclusively in down markets. In such conditions of market decline, fund managers appear to forsake their private information, exhibiting a tendency to follow the crowd rather than acting independently.Social implicationsThe study reveals that the behavior of mutual funds remains consistent despite various political and social events, suggesting a degree of resilience in their investment strategies. The research uncovers evidence of herding behavior in both high and low quantiles, but exclusively in down markets. In such conditions of market decline, fund managers appear to forsake their private information, exhibiting a tendency to follow the crowd rather than acting independently. Future research should delve deeper into the drivers of herding behavior, assess its longer-term effects, develop risk management strategies and consider regulatory measures to mitigate the potential negative impact on mutual fund performance and investor outcomes.Originality/valueThe paper investigates the herd behavior of the Egyptian mutual funds under asymmetric risk conditions, the study follows the spectrum of the herding behavior analysis and Egyptian mutual funds, extending the research with imperial analysis of market conditions pre- and post-events including currency floating, COVID-19 and political elections. The study gives substantial recommendations for policymakers and investors in emerging markets mutual funds.

The article examined the origin and development of the Yemeni press. The article systematically analyzed the history of the Yemeni press, its origin its development trends. The establishment of the Yemeni press was taking place against the backdrop of the country's historical development under the influence of various political regimes, as well as political and social events that the Yemeni press went through, as it faced and interacted with national, social, and cultural events. The press covered the periods of ebb and flow that the national movement went through, the crises that the country and the people of Yemen went through during the periods of national movements, uprisings and revolutions. The article studied the history of the birth and the first steps of the Yemeni press (XIX — mid XX centuries) in what was known in North Yemen, South Yemen and "before the unity of Yemen" at various historical and political stages, up to the revolution, liberation and independence. In general, in an integrative structure that confirms the dialectical connection between journalism and the social, cultural, national and revolutionary movement, confirming the unity of the Yemeni land, people and destiny. The author concluded that the Yemeni press is one of the oldest in the Arab region and in many countries around the world, not to mention its prominent role in opposing the Turkish presence and imamate rule in northern Yemen, and British colonialism in southern Yemen, where the Yemeni press became the mouthpiece of the national liberation movement. However, mass communications in Yemen are primarily driven by political goals, they are usually influenced by political and economic circumstances, and international mass media coverage.

Oil along with currencies and gold are the main indicators of the most important processes which take place in the world economy, quotations’ volatility being always followed by economic and social events. Quiet periods of oil prices, when quotations have a constant evolution or only suffer minor fluctuations, are very rare. Most of the time, very sharp price increases or decreases are happening over night or week. This is mostly due to the fact that the oil market is extremely speculative, being influenced by political, military, social, or meteorological events. Since the major oil price shocks of the 70s, the impact of oil price changes on the economic reality of a country or region has been widely studied by academic researchers. Moreover, the stock market plays an important role in the economic welfare and development of a country. Therefore, a vast number of studies have investigated the relationship between oil prices and stock market returns, being discovered significant effects of oil price shocks on the macroeconomic activity for both developed and emerging countries. The purpose of this study is to investigate the volatility of oil prices on stock exchanges taking into consideration the recent events that have affected the oil markets around the globe. Furthermore, based on the findings of this research, some possible scenarios will be developed, taking into account various events that might take place and their potential outcome for oil prices’ future.

Interdisciplinary study on popularity prediction of social classified hot online events in China

This article, written by Editorial Manager Adam Wilson, contains highlights of paper SPE 146765, ’Economics and Technology Drive Development of Unconventional Oil and Gas Reservoirs: Lessons Learned in the United States,’ by C.P. Flores, SPE, PB Energy Storage Services, and S.A. Holditch, SPE, and W.B. Ayers, SPE, Texas A&M University, prepared for the 2011 SPE Annual Technical Conference and Exhibition, Denver, 30 October-2 November. The paper has not been peer reviewed. Advances in technology and better economics have supported the exploitation of unconventional reservoirs in the United States. The concept of the energy-resource triangle put forth by J.A. Masters in 1979 explains that unconventional oil and gas are abundant but the exploitation of these resources is particularly sensitive to both technology and commodity prices. Here, the effects of technology and various geopolitical and economic events on US unconventional production are assessed in the context of Master’s resource-triangle theory (RTT). History of Commodity Prices—Oil- and Gas-Price Fluctuations Traditionally, commodity prices have been the result of the supply and demand in the markets; however, on occasion, organizations have restricted production to try to affect prices. The fluctuations in oil prices are also related to various political events. Major critical petroleum-related events from 1861 through 2006 explain fluctuations in oil prices. The Pennsylvania oil boom in the 1860s saw prices reaching a peak of USD 104.35/bbl (in 2006 dollars) until the oil boom began in Texas with the discovery of the Spindletop (1901) and East Texas (1930) fields. The boom in Texas originated a period of stable, low prices sustained by product availability. In 1931, oil prices fell to a low of USD 8.66/bbl (in 2006 dollars) and continued to be relatively stable until the oil crisis in the Middle East during the 1970s. The Yom Kippur war in 1973, the Iranian Revolution in 1978–79, and the Iraq invasion of Kuwait in 1991–92 caused spikes of USD 14.99/bbl (in 2006 dollars), USD 88.13/bbl (in 2006 dollars), and USD 29.71/bbl (in 2006 dollars), respectively. In 1998, the Asian financial crisis saw prices fall to USD 16.22/bbl (in 2006 dollars), but, in 2006, oil prices quadrupled, reaching USD 65.14/bbl. The increase in oil prices continued until recently with prices of approximately USD 70/bbl. Political, economic, or social events are, among other parameters, responsible for oil-price fluctuations. Historically, periods of high prices have benefited the exploitation of unconventional reservoirs because these reservoirs require costly stimulation methods to produce at economic rates. The link between periods of high price and development of unconventional reservoirs supports the RTT.

To translate the influence of political ideas in different contexts is a dangerous endeavor that casts the credibility of the historian of ideas into permanent doubt. Some contend that political ideas are rooted in certain contexts, and when transferred to different environments they undergo alterations that make them difficult to recognize. This book on the European Revolutions of 1848 and their influence in the Americas tries to do something still more complex—not only to trace the influence of the ideas that inspired the near-simultaneous uprisings in Europe but also show how the events themselves were models for social unrest and revolution. Six case studies (Argentina, Chile, Peru, Brazil, Colombia, and the United States) deal with the content of social republicanism, its reading in these countries, and the relationship between political events in the New World and the “spring of the people” in Europe. The book also contains two general surveys of the European revolutions and their influence in America. A final article is devoted to the Chilean Benjamín Vicuña Mackenna and his impressions of the events in Europe during his trips between 1852 and 1853.Most of the articles confirm Roger Magraw’s observation that the participation of a “radical republican stratum of the bourgeoisie” was the driving ideological and organizational force behind popular protest in France, rather than the artisanal character of the urban labor force. This is also true in Latin America—where, as Clara Lida suggests, the French political and social ideas of romanticism, utopian and democratic socialism, and republicanism penetrated through the bourgeois so-called liberals who organized the new states and gave content to the new nations. Although all these ideas had some effect on Latin American intellectuals, the vocabulary of republican democracy, understood as a widening of social and political participation, was the most influential. Most Latin American elites had adopted republicanism as the only alternative to monarchy without a clear definition of its political implications, especially regarding the boundaries of civil and political society. Until 1848, republicanism had no real liberal content, contrary to traditional historiography: the idea of the community and the common good, rather than individual rights, were the driving ideas behind all political discourse. The social republicanism of 1848 encouraged Latin American intellectuals and activists to widen the scope of participation in civil society. Artisans became the representatives of the “people,” since they were the new actors pressuring for incorporation into civil society.The authors suggest that the ideas behind 1848 seem to have been most influential in Chile, Peru, Uruguay, and Colombia. They were disseminated through the press, clubs, associations, and other social venues, such as freemasonry and the banquet as a place for political mobilization. Nevertheless, one must not forget that many of the ideas that occasioned the social uprisings in Europe had already been disseminated through different means, even in America. David Rock rightly points out how the Generación de 1837 in Argentina was already discussing romanticism and Saint-Simonian socialism. Francisco Bilbao published “Sociabilidad Chilena” in 1844, scandalizing Chilean society, attacking clericalism, proposing new forms of distribution of property, and despising the Spanish heritage as an impediment to modernity.The events of 1848, especially those of February, did have a major impact in Latin America, as described throughout the book. The news, by May, of France’s apparently peacefully transition toward the republic produced relief and hope among Latin American liberals under pressure for social democratization. Peruvian “true patriots” gave “glory to republican France,” as stated by Natalia Sobrevilla Perea (p. 199). We know that reactions in June were not as optimistic. Fear of the populus reappeared in the political discourse, and the possibility of revolution “à la française,” awoke conservative feelings about the natural order of society and a rejection of radical change. Clara Lida cites the Mexican Eco del Comercio as “ringing the alarm bells vis-à-vis ‘the principles of a most impassioned republicanism’ which took into account ‘the uneducated working clases’” (p. 68). Tim Roberts reports that in the United States, the New York Herald saluted the “suppresion of the mob,” while acknowledging that “U.S. exercises saluting Europe fell off significantly after early 1849” (p. 81). Therefore, the political influence of the events of 1848 was twofold. The events of February encouraged a republican discourse, while those of June terrified the intellectuals engaged in that discourse, demonstrating the contradictory effect of European events and ideas on the minds of Latin American intellectuals.What was the relationship between local democratizing pressures of the period and the influence of the events and ideas generated in Europe? Undoubtedly abolitionism was widespread and became more accepted in Brazil, Colombia, and Peru; artisans were recognized as members of civil society in Colombia and Chile, nurturing elite fear of their political potential; freedom of the press and freedom of association (which gave birth to modern political parties) became principles that admitted no ideological discussion. These are obvious consequences of the legitimization of a new republican pathos and a new social ethos. Nonetheless, internal dynamics were important in the sequence of events in different countries. Posada Carbó rightly argues that long unresolved problems surfaced in 1848 in Colombia, while Nara suggests that the Praia movement and opposition toward the Portuguese bureaucracy were related mainly to “matters of daily life and survival” in Brazil (p. 122). Natalia Sobrevilla Perea stresses the fact that 1848 fueled an ongoing debate among Peruvian intellectuals and provided support for the 1854 revolution that abolished both slavery and Indian tribute, as well as granted legitimacy to artisans as social and political actors.Neither slavery nor Indian tribute were part of the agenda of the “Quarantehuitards,” nor were most of the political and social events they influenced in Latin America. This shift in the political and social motivations for change, dependent on the particular realities of state formation and nation consolidation taking place in different Latin American countries, is a demonstration of the effects of what was mainly a cultural revolution in 1848. It introduced a new vision of the social and the political, forced a redefinition of republicanism and democracy, and blurred the traditional separation between civil and political society. Within this new context, local demands and internal dynamics in every country acquired a new ideological guideline that replaced traditional legitimizing forces with new rational parameters in which representation, citizenship, popular sovereignty, and political and social rights became accepted and undisputed requirements for a republican government. This book is an excellent compilation of articles illuminating this process in Latin America.

The Middle East has been a volatile region for over a century, due to occupations, wars, and acts of terrorism. Being a victim of terrorism and war, this region has been described as a swamp, particularly due to the intense propaganda of the mass media owned by global hegemony, which is the leading cause of the chaos in the area. The people of the region, who are to pay a price because of terrorism and violence, are thus equated with terrorism in others’ minds and are further victimized. This study explores the plight of the region by analysing the mentality of the parties to the conflict in the region. This is because if we consider the events only as a military struggle to control oil and other strategic energy resources, we could hardly find out the truth. We should bear in mind that the events in the Middle East involve a variety of actors and reasons that are difficult to explain from a single perspective. Furthermore, since instability and chaos in the region have been going on for years and completely independent factors are involved in the process, issues have become immensely complicated. Therefore, no matter what point of view we adopt to approach the events (political, economic, cultural, religious, etc.), it would not be hard to find a justification for the theory we suggest. Our study hardly disregards this fact. However, when we prudently consider the events in the Middle East, we can recognize that all the actors essentially legitimize themselves using religion, although political and socio-economic reasons are brought to the fore. In other words, all the parties responsible for the chaos basically act out of religious motives and establish their existence in the region for religious reasons, although they do not frankly admit it. Foremost among these actors comes the United States of America. In fact, while the USA owns various instruments that could be used, not only to end the chaos in the region but also to exploit the resources of the region through peaceful means, the reason why it does not opt for this is the existence of Protestant Evangelicals, who guide American politics to take sides in the political/social events in the Middle East. An examination of the attitude of the USA in the events in the Middle East and the policies it implements in the region would reveal that they exactly coincide with the eschatological goals of Evangelicals. Another major power that is involved in the political and social events in the region with an eschatological approach is the ideological Shia. This line of thinking (Imamate), which claims to be the sole heir of Prophet Muhammad, struggles to play an open or secret role in all regional events to shape the Middle East based on its own ideology. The third actor, which is the source of violence and chaos in the Middle East, is the Khārijite way of thinking that directly or indirectly legitimizes projects that the other two actors are trying to implement in this region, and historically, it has always supported terrorism in the lands of Islam. The Khārijite thought describes any interpretation or behaviour that runs counter to the Islamic life it has created and idealized as blasphemy. This article examines these three actors in terms of their objectives and their impacts on the events in the Middle East region. It also reveals the historical and theoretical foundations of how these three ideologies, which are religious madhabs/sects/communities in terms of their sources, assume an active role in the political events in the region. While analysing the issues, ideological interpretations are avoided; events are addressed in a meaningful and holistic way in terms of their causes and effects, not in a style that is disconnected from de facto reality.

Background: Progress in gender equity can improve health at the individual and country levels. Objectives: This study’s objective was to analyze recent trends in gender equity and identify historical and contextual factors that contributed to changes in gender equity in three countries: China, Nepal, and Nicaragua. Methods: To assess gender equity trends, we used the Gender Gap Index (GGI) from the World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap Report (2006–2017). The GGI incorporated data on economic participation, educational attainment, health, and political empowerment for almost 150 countries. We selected China, Nepal, and Nicaragua because of their major changes in GGI and diversity in geographical location and economic status. We reviewed major social, economic, and political events during 2006–2017, and identified key events in each country. We compared countries’ GGI with matched controls average using interrupted time-series analysis. Results: Nepal and Nicaragua both had dramatic increases in GGI (improvement in equity), Nepal (β = 0.029; 95% CI: 0.003, 0.056) and Nicaragua (β = 0.035; 95% CI: 0.005, 0.065). This was strongly influenced by political empowerment, which likely impacted access to education and employment opportunities. Despite major economic growth and new policies to address gender inequities (e.g. the One-Child Policy), China saw a significant decline in GGI between 2010 and 2017 (β = −0.014; 95% CI: −0.024, −0.004), largely resulting from decreased gender equity in educational attainment, economic participation, and health/survival sub-indices. Conclusions: Key social, economic, and political events helped explain trends in countries’ gender equity. Our study suggested that supportive social and political environments would play important roles in empowering women, which would advance human rights and promote health and well-being of individuals, households, communities, and countries.

The Indo-Pacific region faces frequent and intense social, political, and environmental events (herein described as shocks), including conflicts, health emergencies, economic crises, and disasters, that can increase the risk of violence against women (VAW). Yet the region is underrepresented in global research that examines the impact of these events on VAW. This scoping review identifies and analyses published peer-reviewed literature on the impact of shocks on patterns of VAW in the Indo-Pacific region between 1993 and 2024. Our review includes 203 studies from 5 databases comprising books, research articles, and chapters. Health emergencies, particularly COVID-19, accounted for the largest portion of shocks studied, followed by armed conflict and earthquakes. The findings indicate that social, political, and environmental events consistently heighten all forms of VAW, especially domestic violence, intimate partner violence, and sexual violence. The review found limited research across the region with 7 countries (of 46) informing the majority of studies: These countries were not necessarily those countries most affected by these events however. Based on these main findings, we argue that localized research on the impacts of these events on VAW is urgently needed to inform gender-responsive policies that can enhance preparedness and protection in the most affected communities.

Reviewed by: Deep Blue, Almost Black Panagiotis Roilos Thanassis Valtinos , Deep Blue, Almost Black. Translated and with an introduction by Jane Assimakopoulos and Stavros Deligiorgis. Evanston, Illinois: Northwestern University Press. 1997. Pp. xii + 116. $24.95. Thanks to an idiosyncratic, always intriguing, and consistently challenging literary discourse, Thanassis Valtinos has established himself as the most successful and innovative contemporary Greek storyteller of his people's micro-historical narratives. With Assimakopoulos's and Deligiorgis's masterly translation of Deep Blue, Almost Black, English-speakers now have access to some of the brightest pieces of his literary work. Deep Blue, Almost Black contains the homonymous novella «, » (1985) and the twelve short stories of the collection (1992). In his short stories, Valtinos traces the complex ramifications of major historical, political, and social events in twentieth-century Greece as inscribed in the speech and deeds of simple, unknown, and marginal characters. Most of these stories have been composed as small individual fragments of grander public narratives in a way reminiscent of Valtinos's literary experimentations in (1963) (1989) and, most recently, (1994). The multilayered embeddedness of Valtinos's short stories in a broader sociohistorical framework is already indicated by their titles, which more often than not point to the metonymic fragmentariness of each individual small narrative: "August '48," "The River Kaystros," "The Plaster Cast," "Peppers in a Flowerpot," "Panayotis," "Autumn Storm," "Peter and Pat," "You Will Find My Bones Under Rain." The construction of the stories in as metonymic transcriptions of major sociohistorical changes in twentieth-century Greece—the Asia Minor catastrophe, the German occupation during the second world war, the civil war, the military dictatorship, emigration— [End Page 429] bespeaks a Cavafian view of history in which the marginal and the private are foregrounded at the expense of the grandiose and the public. Valtinos refuses to subscribe to the premises of grand historical discourses or epic literary narratives. In his short stories, it is personal histories that articulate the tensions of the historical past and the disrupted present. Most narratives in celebrate the power of popular history to protect peripheral, local, and personal experiences of major historical, political, or social events from the amnesia of established modes of historiography. "August '48" is a brief chronicle of a dramatic minor incident during the Greek civil war. The romantic expectations established by the almost Cavafian title are undermined by the tragic atmosphere of the narrated event. "Peppers in a Flowerpot" uses a similar, albeit more explicit, ironic trick: despite the promising title, the story is set neither in an idyllic garden nor in the courtyard of a picturesque Greek house, but in the interrogation chamber of a commandant at the service of the military dictatorship, who keeps a pot of flowers in his office. The title of "The Plaster Cast," first published as one of the "Eighteen Texts" in 1970, functions also as a subversive metonymy of the metaphorical medical discourse often employed by the Greek military dictators. The whole story is narrated as an ironic allegorical martyría of an alleged patient who was forced to undergo the unorthodox "orthopaedics" practiced by some anonymous "doctors" whom the informed reader can easily identify with the dictators. "Panayotis" is a brief note on the life of an obscure, marginal character, a beggar whose fate has been traumatically marked by his sufferings in the Asia Minor war. This short story, a secular synaxári or Life of the almost saintly Panayotis, attests to Valtinos's deep interest in different forms of popular narrative, most successfully exemplified in his masterly «» (1964). On the other hand, the terseness of the framing introductory and concluding paragraphs in "Panayotis," which respectively describe the first years and the inglorious end of Panayotis's life, invest the whole narrative with the atmosphere of an obituary or rather of an anti-obituary: "He was born in Kynouria, in the village of Karatoula. He was drafted in 1919. In the fall of 1920, after a year's delay, he was called up for duty in the army" (33). "He died that same year, in the month of August. He had taken the animals out to graze, felt thirsty, and bent down to drink from some...