Abstract
This paper applies a model of tonosyntax designed for the Dogon languages to Emai, another language of West Africa that belongs to the Edoid group. The Dogon model aligns with and diverges from the tonosyntax of Emai. In Dogon noun phrases, an adnominal controller prompts a {L} (low) tone overlay onto the lexical tone of a left-adjacent target. Numerals, quantifiers and discourse markers fail as controllers. In Emai, most adnominals except cardinal numerals and discourse markers trigger a {H} overlay on a left-adjacent head or other adnominal. Emai varies from Dogon on two additional counts. Emai quantifiers prompt tonal overlay. In addition, right edge lexical /H/ constrains {H} overlay. We conclude by positing a potential relation between low {L} vs high {H} overlay and Clements and Railland’s (2008) lax vs tense prosody types.
Highlights
Heath and McPherson (2013) as well as McPherson (2014) and McPherson and Heath (2016) advance a model of tonosyntax
It stipulates that lexical tone is completely replaced by a grammatically conditioned tonal overlay. This model is illustrated by melodic patterns involving noun phrase internal elements in the Dogon languages of West Africa
Our purpose in this paper is to examine the Heath and McPherson model as it relates to NP internal tonosyntax in Emai
Summary
Heath and McPherson (2013) as well as McPherson (2014) and McPherson and Heath (2016) advance a model of tonosyntax. Tonosyntax; replacive tone; reference restrictors; prosody types; Emai An adnominal controller in Dogon prompts a {L} (low) tone overlay onto the lexical tone melody of a left-adjacent target. In Tommo So, the lexical /LH/ on noun ìsé ‘dog’ becomes {LL} after a low overlay prompted by adnominal adjective gέm ‘black.’
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