Nonlinear climate-economic dynamics in the European union: the role of renewable energy and emissions in temperature-induced growth effects

Editorial: Governing the EU's climate and energy transition through the 2030 Framework

Eighty-six EU policy options for reducing imported deforestation

Energy security is one of the main problems that humanity faces today and the European Union (EU) has to rely on energy-rich countries for its energy needs. The European Innovation Union, the Energy Community, and the Europe 2020 initiative address energy security as a priority, but policies seem to be reactive instead of addressing energy security in its complexity. This problem can be solved with appropriate legal tools. Energy governance has links with several policies: trade, investment, environmental protection, energy transit, energy security, finance, et cetera. Of these policies, energy trade has a high impact for European energy security policy. Currently, the international community does not address trade in energy as a cohesive entity and its governance is fragmented. The paper explores the institutional legal framework for the creation of a European energy union, whose aim is to achieve affordable, secure and sustainable energy. This energy union is based on five pillars, which are analyzed: security, solidarity and trust; the completion of a competitive internal market; moderation of demand; the decarbonization of the EU energy mix (i.e., greater use of renewable energy); and technologies. The EU is the first region in the world to set up the ambitious target of decarbonizing its economy by 2050. The paper then looks at the energy union in the context of the rule of law. All of this could be reproduced in other regions of the world and eventually create a new international energy order. This requires a fresh and comprehensive approach to legal instruments.

Lobbying has traditionally been an enterprise of national interest organizations, which chiefly seek to influence national actors, especially governments. However, studies find that national interest organizations increasingly also target the European Union (EU). As the EU agenda has increased in depth and scope, interest organizations at national and EU political levels might be expected to align in coalitions in order to influence EU legislation. Such strategies potentially increase interest organizations’ political leverage significantly; despite that, lobbying coalitions consisting of organizations aligned to different political levels have been scantily studied in the literature on EU lobbying. Therefore, the first aim of the article is to illustrate a case where coalition lobbying is highly likely: the lobbying strategies employed by the interest organizations of Germany’s energy industries in the process leading up to the EU’s Renewable Energy Directive. These industries are represented by several organizations at both the national and the European level. The second aim of the article is an investigation into how the Renewables Directive came about, as the outcome has profound impact on power production and consumption, and future prospects for EUs mitigation of greenhouse gases. Large controversy was connected to the legal proscriptions of support mechanisms for enhancing renewable energy production in particular. Two of the organizations that would be the most severely affected by the Renewables Directive were the European utilities industry and renewables industry, together constituting all power producers and their affiliates in Europe. The utilities and renewables industries disagreed deeply on core issues, such as legislation on support mechanisms for expanding production of renewable energy in the EU. The utilities industry favored an EU-wide green certificate scheme, whereas the renewables industry pressed for national choice of support mechanisms. Because the stakes were high, both had large incentives to invest substantial resources into lobbying on this legislation. The third aim of the article is to discuss what such multilevel lobbying reveals about perceptions of where real decision-making power is located in the EU. Energy policy is traditionally a strong national domain, which makes the governance theory of liberal intergovernmentalism (LI) relevant to use. However, as the EU is increasingly expanding its legislation on energy issues, the multilevel governance theory (MLG) also might describe how interest organizations perceive power to be located when EU legislation is formulated.The results indicate that despite all lobbying that organizations targeted toward the German government, which played a key role in the negotiations, the observations of the lobbying behavior is still better described by MLG than LI; the limited leverage of LI is illustrated by three points. First, all the German interest organizations lobbied institutions at both the national and at the EU levels. Second, national and European interest organizations participated in informal multilevel political coalitions consisting of a broad church of actors, as regards the renewables industry in particular. By coordinating political positions, pooling resources and developing common strategies, the interest organizations probably increased their leverage substantially, not the least because these coalitions also were backed by governments in key member states and members of the European Parliament. Third, all the EU-level interest organizations lobbied both the core EU institutions and central national governments. Summing up, these findings suggest that multilevel strategies should be considered for inclusion in analyses of national and European-level interest organizations’ lobbying of EU legislation. The interest organizations themselves seem to see power as distributed across multiple levels of governance, and lobby accordingly. In order to grasp momentum of the lobbying process, it is moreover often probably relevant to assess coordination of strategies between interest organizations at different levels in complex multilevel advocacy coalitions. By demonstrating that all organizations covered, regardless of sizes and resources, lobbied at multiple governance levels, this study also nuances the picture of which actors participate in EU policymaking. When legislation on crucial issues is created, small national interest organizations might also target EU institutions. Finally, at least one national interest organization cooperated with private companies to share tasks and enhance lobbying strength. Such cooperation between an interest organization and its private members is a relevant topic of research in future studies on interest organizations.

Abstract. European Union (EU) competitiveness framework influences sustainable development strategy of the member states of the EU and neighboring countries aspiring to integrate to EU. The influence of the EU competitiveness framework for Ukraine’s sustainable development strategy is considered in this article. There are both challenges and opportunities for Ukraine to adapt its policies and its governance structures in order to follow EU standards. Ukraine’s ongoing reforms, with the aspiration for closely EU integration, are emphasizing the relevance of this study, since the EU offers economic and political benefits. The objective of the research is to determine the main elements of the EU competitiveness framework and evaluate their relevance to Ukraine’s development strategy. It studies the most important EU directives, for example European Green Deal and Sustainable Development Goals, to present how they can be used to support the activities of innovation, digital change, and ecology in Ukraine. The article applies comparative analysis to identify gaps in the current policy framework in Ukraine and the EU standards in areas of social policies, infrastructure, and regulatory alignment. The method of research is based on a systematic review of the existing literature and case studies, as well as on policy documents of both the EU and Ukraine. The research argues that, despite major improvement in some areas (renewable energy and digital governance), Ukraine still lacks a comprehensive adjustment of its policies to EU standards. Institutional inefficiencies, economic disparities, and old infrastructure form part of these challenges. But the study also finds a number of opportunities for Ukraine to take advantage of the EU’s competitiveness framework, to the Ukrainian economy’s benefit: economic growth, investment in green energy and greater trade partnerships. This work also has a practical value as recommendations for the policy actions Ukraine can take to harmonize with the EU framework are provided. Finally, these recommendations aim to enhance institutional capacity, support public private partnership and tailor investments in sustainable sectors. Ukraine's long-term development prospects, its global competitiveness, and its contribution to regional stability can be improved by aligning Ukraine with the EU framework of competitiveness.

Temporal-spatial determinants of renewable energy penetration in electricity production: Evidence from EU countries

Spatial misfits in a multi-level renewable energy policy implementation process on the Small Island State of Malta

China and the European Union (EU) are the world’s first and third biggest energy consumers today. Owing to the physical distance and the fact that both China and the EU are energy-importers, there has thus far been a relative lack of interaction in the energy field. Few existing studies of China–EU relations focus on energy issues. While China became the world’s biggest energy consumer, largest carbon-emitter as well as largest investor in renewable energy in 2011, the EU has been facing challenges in securing its energy supply because of domestic antagonism towards nuclear power and a worsening relationship with Russia. Adding also the role of energy-related carbon emissions in the international climate change negotiations, energy became a crucial area for cooperation for world players like China and the EU. This article examines the China–EU energy interaction, especially the perceptions of the EU’s role. The analysis is based on primary empirical data from three research projects. It finds that China has yet to view the EU as a prominent global energy player or even a major energy partner. Instead of passively receiving norms sent by the EU in the energy dialogues, this article argues that China has been a selective norm-taker.

The European Commission’s policy on “climate change and energy” under the Renewable Energy Directive is an important part of the European Commission policies. As a target, the Commission wants its member countries to increase total energy consumption from renewable energy sources to 20% in the European Union (EU) by 2020. This means, any country which is interested in joining the EU should adhere to its policies and conditions regarding energy consumption. In this paper, firstly, we study the trend of renewable energy consumption in the EU. Data illustrate that the EU region, as a whole, is near its goal, although some members still have to work more or undertake reforms to reach the 20% renewable energy target. Secondly, the renewable energy condition in Turkey, a country that has been preparing in the past decade to join the EU, is surveyed. Based on the results, Turkey needs to pay attention to new renewable resources in order to reach the EU’s target.

The European Union (EU) is extremely concerned about the environmental harm caused by rising CO2 emissions and other factors. The EU has to uncover factors that decrease pollution before it's too late to achieve long-term sustainable growth. The paper applies the environmental Kuznets curve (EKC) hypothesis to examine the dynamic connection between GDP, energy use, energy intensity, research and development (R&D), and CO2 emissions. Data from 34 countries in the EU, spanning from 1990 to 2021, were applied. EU countries are very interdependent on one another due to tourism, trade, education, religion, and culture. Therefore, tests for cross-sectional dependency (CSD) and slope heterogeneity (SH) are used in this research. After establishing the presence of CSD and SH issues, the study employed second-generation unit root and cointegration tests. In response to these concerns, the study implemented a novel cross-section autoregressive distributed-lag model (CS-ARDL) method. There exists a U-shaped quadratic link between environmental pollution and wealth. That rules out the existence of the EKC hypothesis in the EU. This means that when income grows, pollution will drop up to a certain point, and then it will begin to climb again. Long-term pollution is reduced by the use of renewable energy and R&D. On the other hand, energy intensity increases CO2 emissions. The article also applied the CCEMG, AMG, and MG estimators to test the robustness. The CS-ARDL methodology demonstrates that increasing national income, nuclear energy, and investment in R&D alone will not be sufficient to fulfill environmental needs and that the use of alternative renewable energy sources is the greatest approach to mitigate environmental deterioration in the EU. The AMG, MG, and CCEMG estimators all agree that switching to renewable energy is the most effective strategy to lower emissions. This research offers crucial guidelines for advancing environmental policy and realizing sustainable development. Discussion, policy recommendations, and future research based on the findings are presented.

Perspectives of photovoltaic energy market development in the european union

The European Union (EU) has faced a profound energy crisis between 2020 and 2024, driven by post-pandemic economic recovery, surging energy demand, and geopolitical tensions, particularly the Russia-Ukraine conflict. This article explores the multifaceted nature of the crisis, analyzing the EU's strategic responses, including energy diversification, renewable energy adoption, and policy reforms. Using a mixed-methods approach, this study evaluates the effectiveness of these strategies and their implications for achieving long-term energy resilience. The findings underscore the need for comprehensive and inclusive energy policies that balance sustainability with security. The European union (EU) faces a complex energy crisis with roots in the COVID 19 pandemic, the disruption in global energy prices in the post Covid period and exacerbated by the war in Ukraine. These crises disrupt the EU energy markets highlighting the need for more sustainable and secure energy future. Rapid post-pandemic economic recovery led to a concomitant surge in energy demand, exceeding producers' existing capacity. The EU heavy reliance on the Russian gas imports exposed vulnerabilities, prompting the EU to implement a multi-pronged strategy to ensure energy security and High energy prices, geo-political uncertainty, renewables integration and social impact remains to be the biggest challenges. This article explores the crisis's multifaceted origins, ranging from pandemic-induced demand slumps to geopolitical tensions with Russia amid the Ukraine war. It also will analyse the strategies adopted by the EU to address the crisis, including diversification of energy sources, energy efficiency measures, and fostering renewable energy development. The article concludes by discussing the long-term implications for the EU's energy security and the need for a comprehensive energy transition plan.

Spreading Renewables: The EU and Beyond

The European Union (EU) has a recognised international legal personality and it has signed the Energy Charter Treaty (ECT) as a Regional Economic Integration Organisation (REIO). As a result, the ECT, the EU and national legislation together establish different regulatory layers governing energy markets. Although those layers are in principle complementary, rules adopted in different periods and frameworks may cause inconsistencies at national, regional and international levels.In this chapter we will look into some of the dynamics and tensions between the EU internal energy market and policy and the ECT. We will endeavour to shed light on the developments of the EU internal energy market from the perspective of the transit regime, which was at the origins of the EU internal energy market and is part of the ECT core business. In subsequent sections we will review the different approaches to long-term energy contracts under the EU and ECT contexts. We will also identify existing and open difficulties concerning the implementation of legislation regarding renewable energy sources and, on the other hand, the EU decision-making process in external energy relations concerning hydrocarbons.The review of selected measures and case law will reveal the existence of tensions at regional and international levels and the way they are addressed to simultaneously accommodate regional and international legal orders. This chapter will help to understand what kind of interactions are happening today between the EU and ECT legal systems and will offer a particular view to explain those relations.

Pitcairn Peter Clegg The islands of Pitcairn, Henderson, Ducie, and Oeno (commonly known as Pitcairn) make up a single territory, the last remaining United Kingdom Overseas Territory (ukot) in the Pacific Ocean. But much of the period under review (1 July 2017–30 June 2018) was concerned with Pitcairn's relationship with the European Union (EU), which has been highly advantageous to the territory. However, a long shadow has been cast over these relations due to the upcoming departure of the United Kingdom from the European Union (Brexit), which was officially scheduled for 29 March 2019. Pitcairn is an Overseas Country and Territory (oct) of the European Union. octs are not part of the European Union and thus are not directly subject to EU law, but they do have associate status and thus receive various forms of assistance from Brussels. As a consequence, the limited resources of the Pitcairn Island Council were focused on securing as much EU funding as possible before Brexit, while also lobbying London to ensure the territory's interests were safeguarded in the longer term. A crucial meeting for Pitcairn was the European Union Overseas Countries and Territories Ministerial Conference held in Brussels between 20 and 23 February 2018. A range of issues were discussed, including climate change, sustainable energy, and biodiversity, and what EU funding could best support initiatives in these areas (octa 2018). The highlight for Pitcairn was the signing of a European Development Fund (edf)–11 Focal Sector agreement, worth €2.35 mil-lion (us$2.72 million), to upgrade the island's medical center and to support several tourism-related activities, including "improving accessibility to Pitcairn, specifically by developing the Bounty Bay and Tedside landings and improving on-shore facilities" and "constructing a shelter and information centre for tourists and other visitors" (European Commission 2018a). A further €480,000 (us$556,000) was allocated under the EU's Pacific Regional Funding to cover two-thirds of the preliminary budgeted cost of the introduction of solar-powered renewable energy to Pitcairn (Pitcairn Miscellany 2018b). Because of the frequent time lag in getting EU funds disbursed, Pitcairn also benefitted from some edf-10 money during the period under review. For example, a number of local road improvement projects were undertaken through the European Union's integre (Territories Initiative for Regional Management of the Environment) program (Pitcairn Miscellany 2017a). integre also supported a glass recycling project, whereby [End Page 219] empty glass bottles were recycled into souvenirs for the tourist market (Pitcairn Miscellany 2017b). The projects linked into integre's focus on building resilience and sustainable development in the Pacific octs in the face of climate change. In addition, funds from edf-10 paid for a new goods shed (Pitcairn Miscellany 2017a). The importance of these funds was made clear in July 2017, when Pitcairn Islands Councillor Leslie Jaques gave evidence to the House of Lords Select Committee on the European Union on the likely impacts of Brexit. He noted that the European Union provides "a significant amount" of funding—accounting for about 30 percent of Pitcairn's overall budget (House of Lords 2017, 6). He also explained the importance of being part of a regional envelope of funding, which helps to facilitate cooperation with French Polynesia, Wallis and Futuna, and New Caledonia. Pitcairn gains benefits in other respects too; the European Union is one of Pitcairn's largest markets for its honey exports, and the free movement of Pitcairners to French Polynesia, and particularly Tahiti, for medical treatment is crucial. As a consequence, Pitcairn has much to lose from Brexit, and Jaques did not mince words during his time with the House of Lords committee. He said that the loss of EU funding and freedom of movement to other European Union territories would be "catastrophic"; he went on to say that "we trust in the [Brexit] process and we hope for the best" (House of Lords 2017, 19). Jaques also cautioned that "we do not know [who will fill the funding gap], which is a concern" (House of Lords 2017, 6). So far the UK government has not given any reassurances that it will make good any shortfalls in support. More generally, there is...