Nominalmorphology and semantics - Where's gender (and 'partitive articles') in Gallo-Romance?

We present an interaction model enabling data-source probes and action-based gauges to communicate using an intelligent event model known as ActEvents. ActEvents build on conventional event concepts by associating structural and semantic information with raw data, thereby allowing recipients to be able to dynamically understand the content of new kinds of events. Two submodels of ActEvents are proposed: SmartEvents, which are XML-structured events containing references to their syntactic and semantic models, and Gaugents, which are heavier but more flexible intelligent mobile software agents. This model is presented in light of DARPA's DASADA program, where ActEvents are used in a larger-scale subsystem, called KX, which supports continual validation of distributed, component-based systems. ActEvents are emitted by probes in this architecture, and propagated to gauges, where 'measurements' of the raw data associated with probes are made, thereby continually determining updated target-system properties. ActEvents are also proposed as solutions for a number of other applications, including a distributed collaborative virtual environment (CVE) known as CHIME.

Teodora Radeva-Bork. Single and double clitics in adult and child grammar. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2012. [xvi] + 230 pp. Clitics have intrigued linguists for decades. By definition, they occupy an intermediate position between words and affixes (e.g., 's in English). They fulfill syntactic roles but do not carry stress and form a phonological unit with the preceding or following word. In Single and double clitics in adult and child grammar, Teodora Radeva-Bork presents fresh observations and new data on the topic. The main contribution of the work is empirical data on the acquisition of direct-object clitics and direct-object clitic doubling in Bulgarian. The book, however, makes important theoretical contributions to the understanding of these phenomena cross-linguistically. While the intended audience of the book is scholars of syntax and first-language acquisition, the book is accessible also to non-experts. Chapter 1 provides a useful overview of the book, chapter 2 goes into depth in the definition of clitics and the evolution of theoretical thinking about them, and chapter 7 presents a bullet-point summary of the main arguments and findings. Extensive cross-referencing within and between chapters also contributes to the clarity and coherence of the work. The core is clearly organized, presenting two pairs of a theory-focused chapter and an empirical chapter. The first pair (chapters 2 and 3) focuses on single clitics, and the second (chapters 4 and 5) on clitic doubling. Chapter 2 provides an overview of the definition of clitics, their spread, and the current theoretical landscape with respect to single clitics. Bulgarian has direct-object clitics, indirect-object clitics, and auxiliary clitics, but the book concentrates on direct-object clitics. The chapter develops the idea that Bulgarian direct-object clitics (clitics henceforth) are case markers (K heads) but that they also have agreement properties. Chapter 3 begins by shedding light on an intriguing pattern in the crosslinguistic data on the acquisition of clitics. In some languages Catalan, French, Italian, and European Portuguese) clitics emerge around age three and go through a stage during which children omit them. In other languages (Spanish, Romanian, Greek, and Croatian), children begin to produce clitics around age two and make few errors. Unlike other scholars, who have focused on explaining clitic acquisition in a single language (usually one showing a late emergence pattern), Radeva-Bork looks for an explanation of the cross-linguistic pattern. She suggests that the explanation can be found in the Unique Checking Constraint (Wexler 1998). On the basis of this constraint, she suggests that Bulgarian children should show early emergence of clitics, even though other recent data have suggested that this is not the case (Ivanov 2008). But Radeva-Bork supports her prediction with data from two elicited production studies with Bulgarian two- to four-year-old children, the data for which are extensively presented and discussed. The children show practically error-free use of the clitics, a pattern indistinguishable from adult performance. Clitic doubling refers to the doubling of a verbal argument by a weak pronoun (the clitic) within the same clause. Chapter 4 overviews the spread of this phenomenon (with a focus on the Balkans) and its current treatments. Radeva-Bork argues that, unlike in Romance languages where clitic doubling may result from left or right dislocation of an argument, in Bulgarian it is genuine clitic doubling. This is shown by the lack of a prosodic boundary between the clitic and its adjacent associate. The chapter also makes the case that there are three types of triggers of clitic doubling in Bulgarian: object marking (especially when non-SUBJ-first word order is used), topic marking, and accusative or dative experiencers (again conditioned by word order). (1) Previously research has emphasized semantic factors, and RadevaBork presents data suggesting that syntactic conditions and information structure are stronger constraints on clitic doubling in colloquial Bulgarian. …

This chapter deals with clitic doubling in Mac and Bg. It should be of broader significance because, among other things, clitic doubling is not associated with a preposition in SI, as it is in the Romance languages, and because it has become grammaticalized as an obligatory marker of specificity in Mac. There are two classes of questions concerning clitic doubling in Mac and Bg. The first is when it occurs; that is, what semantic and discourse factors license clitic doubling. This question is of particular concern in these and other Balkan languages in which not all objects and indirect objects are doubled. The second question is how clitic doubling can be analyzed syntactically; that is, how both the clitic and the doubled argument can be assigned a theta-role. These questions can be, and often are, addressed separately because a given set of semantic and discourse lincensors of clitic doubling may be compatible with a number of syntactic analyses and vice versa. Note that there is a large literature on clitic doubling; of primary relevance to us is that on the Balkan languages because clitic doubling in Greek (Anagnostopoulou 1994; Schneider-Zioga 1994; Anagnostopoulou and Giannakidou 1995), Romanian (Dobrovie-Sorin 1990), and Albanian {Kallulli 1995) is similar to clitic doubling in Mac and Bg (Rudin 1996, 1997; Dimitrova-Vulchanova and Hellan 1991, 1996; Alexandrova 1997; Guentcheva 1994).

This paper starts from the observation that, diachronically, the differential marking of direct objects in Romanian went through different stages, each of which attests to a different syntactic mechanism; i.e., from no marking to a stage with marking through either clitic doubling (CD) or differential particles (DOM) and further to a stage where the marking triggers both CD and DOM. The proposal is that these changes arise from the interaction between a major parametric shift at the clause structure level and an idiosyncratic change within the nominal phrase. That is, CD is an epiphenomenon of a major shift that concerns the location of discourse agreement features (i.e., from C to T); whereas the transition from DOM to CD/DOM is facilitated by the concurrent bleaching and reanalysis of the DOM particle within the nominal phrase.

The order of clitics (CLs) in Romance languages has been studied in depth by many scholars since Perlmutter’s first approach. This author points out that person and case features impose a filter that results in the following pattern in Spanish: Se- II- I- IIIdat- IIIacc. This pattern has been revisited because it is not restrictive enough: it gives rise to impossible sequences. In this context, the goal of this work is to define a pattern of morphosyntactic features for River Plate Spanish clitics, and an ordering pattern, with the purpose of developing a computational model for an automatic analysis of this phenomenon. This kind of analysis is justified because the algorithm output shows the degree of success of the descriptive proposal. To this end, we use NooJ, a linguistic development environment that has diverse tools. The computational modeling involves two stages: (i) the creation of an electronic dictionary and (ii) the creation of a computational grammar. The algorithm developed can generate all correct sentences conformed by Nominative Pronoun + CL + CL + Verb, Non-Finite Verb-CL-CL and Imperative Verb-CL-CL, and it can recognize these kinds of expressions in written text assigning the correct semantic labels. With these results, we conclude that our descriptive proposal is adequate for the analysis of sequences of clitics in River Plate Spanish.

This paper centers on the nature of clitic doubling in River Plate Spanish. We present some novel empirical observations regarding clitic doubling and its relation with extraction and ellipsis. Concretely, we show that clitic doubling ameliorates some island effects. However, this repair effect disappears under ellipsis. We claim that this anti-repair effect follows if clitic doubling is a PF operation (in the sense of Distributed Morphology) that is blocked under ellipsis. Crucially, anti-repair effects are not observed in contexts of clitic left dislocation. We propose then that this is because clitic left dislocation is a purely syntactic phenomenon and, as expected, is not affected by ellipsis. One important consequence that follows from our analysis is that Kayne’s Generalization (i.e. the fact that clitic doubling is dependent on differential object marking) has to be seen as a purely PF-phenomenon, an idea in consonance with Bobaljik’s (2008) recent findings on the relation between case and agreement. Keywords: clitic doubling; focus fronting; island repair; ellipsis; PF-resumption

Decisions in construction operation are taken at two levels, strategic and operational (Pena-Mora et al. 2008). Currently, in construction operations simulation area, there is a little understanding of how decisions at strategic level interact with operational level and how results of interactions could influence the outcomes of operations. The common practice in construction simulation is simulating operations in isolation to strategic/context level. Two methods of simulation have gained prominence in construction operations simulation are discrete event simulation (DES) and system dynamics (SD) (Alvanchi 2011). DES has been widely used in modeling construction operations; however, it lacks the ability to model the global/context aspects of operations being modeled and ignores the complex cause-effect relationships among variables. DES and SD provide a valuable decision support tool but none is individually capable of capturing the holistic picture of the operations being modeled, in addition, DES seems to overcome the SD limitations and vise versa. In this context, SD is utilized to circumvent those limitations associated with DES and to benefit from its holistic modeling capabilities. To address those issues, a hybrid simulation system capable of integrating DES and SD on a single platform is presented. The propose system applicable to modeling and simulating construction operations, and encompasses five stages: 1) identifying objectives and criteria; 2) building DES and SD models; 3) interfacing formalism; 4) time synchronization; and 5) DES_SD executer. In stage (1), objectives of operations requiring hybrid simulation are identified, and then project's operations are decomposed based on criteria developed from the unique characteristics of DES and SD. The decomposition results in units, when modeled using DES or SD, are called modules. Stage (2) focuses on building the simulation modules. The norms of building DES and SD models are used. Hybrid model structure is defined in this stage based on problem's requirements. Three possible structures are identified. First, if context variable effects on operation being modeled need to be accounted for, then those variables are modeled using SD and their effects are fed into interface variables in DES model. Second, when impacts of the strategic level on operational level need to be account for, then operational level represented in DES model components are allowed to interact only within framework set by strategic level. Third, where global SD model is built and failed to account for operational aspects, then DES is mobilized to compute operational variables, and then feed them into SD model through interfaces. Interface variables that act as contact points between modules' variables to receive or export data are selected in this stage. For stage (3), in order to facilitate integrating and interfacing of variables in the hybrid environment, formalism is used to describe the variables to the DES_SD executer. A novel synchronization method that utilizes Time Bucket concept is developed in stage (4) (Alzraiee et. al 2012). It provides an algorithm to deal with DES and SD simulation clocks. The final stage (5) involved developing the executer, which assembles the elements of the proposed hybrid simulation system on single platform. The proposed methodology was initially tested successfully through utilizing DES and SD simulation engines using circular hybrid simulation technique. Consequently, a pseudo code that results in a computer simulation application (hybrid system) is developed. Final testing and validation process is conducted to assure the reliability and validity of the application. This research is expected to be of value in hybrid modeling and simulating construction operations and understanding the impact of various factors on time and cost of the operations being simulated. This allows for improvements in planning and execution of construction work with cost and timesaving.

In the Balkan Slavic languages, whose dialects actually form a dialectal continuum, clitic doubling shows gradual variation along a vertical north-south axis and a horizontal east-west axis. On the north-south axis, there is variation with respect to the categories that can be clitic-doubled. On the east-west axis languages/dialects vary with respect to the conditions on clitic doubling, with almost total dependence on discourse factors in the easternmost dialects in the area and remarkable dependence on grammatical factors in the westernmost ones. In the majority of the Macedonian dialects discourse factors do not play any role and all definite direct objects and all specific indirect objects are clitic doubled. In Western Macedonia, the vertical north-south axis and the horizontal east-west axis along which clitic doubling variation in Balkan Slavic moves, intersect, so that in the Western Macedonian dialects, as well as in Standard Macedonian, which is based on the West-Central dialects, clitic doubling is obligatory with all definite direct and all specific indirect objects. In the case of indirect objects, the specificity effect does not always hold; even non-articled NPs, which are never specific, can sometimes be clitic doubled. Accordingly, in Western and Standard Macedonian the doubling clitic is becoming a mere case marker of the object it doubles. In Aromanian and Megleno-Romanian, two Romance Balkan languages which are in close contact with the Western Macedonian dialects, the conditions for clitic doubling are analogous to those in Macedonian. This fact leads to the conclusion that the grammaticalization of the doubling clitic is an areal phenomenon.

636LANGUAGE, VOLUME 67. NUMBER 3 (1991) dividual basis, as W has noted. This choice would then be more dependent on economic prestige. In her final chapter, W discusses the differences between first- and secondgeneration immigrants to Catalonia with regard to the learning of Catalan. For those immigrants who do not live in a predominantly Catalan neighborhood, W hypothesizes that those who were born outside Catalonia are more likely to learn Catalan than those who are native-born of immigrant parents. She says that immigrants who have moved to Catalonia are not part of a social group when they first arrive, so it is not a great risk for them to learn Catalan and thus define themselves as members of the Catalan social group. Those who are born in Catalonia, however, grow up with a social identity, which for immigrants is usually Castilian. These speakers must accept the risk of rejection by their own social group if they wish to learn Catalan. W points out that other researchers have keyed on the cognitive-linguistic background of immigrant children, but that in view of her findings in Catalonia it might be worthwhile to examine the social risks as well. In spite of shortcomings in the design of the matched-guise test, Woolard's book is a valuable study. She explains very clearly the complexity of bilingualism in Catalonia, and her ethnographic portrait elucidates the feelings and conflicts between Catalans and Castilian immigrants. This book will be of great interest to researchers in the areas of bilingualism, language prestige, ethnic identity, and language planning, and to anyone who wants to understand fully the unusual status of the Catalan language in Spain. REFERENCES Mier, Jeanne Zang. 1986. Estudi sociolinguistic de certs aspectes de la llengua catalana. Treballs de sociolinguística catalana 6.33-112. Vallverdú. Francesc. 1973. El fet linguistic com a fet social. Barcelona: Edicions 62. 5706 Vandegrift Avenue[Received 11 September 1990; Rockville, MD 20851revision received 11 January 1991.] The syntactic recoverability of null arguments. By Yves Roberge. Kingston & Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1990. Pp. x, 217. $34.95. Reviewed by Donna Jo Napoli, Swarthmore College Roberge begins his book with an introduction to the theoretical framework adopted, that of Government and Binding (GB) Theory. A survey of previous accounts of null arguments, particularly in Romance languages (the primary data base for the book), follows. The prose is clear and easy to understand, despite the fact that the works being summarized are full of complex arguments. The reader can be deceived into thinking this is a rather simple book; but the remaining chapters disabuse one of this initial false impression. There are four chapters in all: 'Syntactic theory and null arguments' (10-34), 'Null arguments in Romance languages' (35-84), 'On clitic doubling' (85-151), and 'Clitics and agreement markers' (152-80). The main thesis of the book has two parts. First, all empty categories must be licensed, a familiar concept in GB and one that R calls the Recoverability REVIEWS637 Principle (8). Second, two mechanisms for licensing null arguments are a rich enough inflection (AGR) and clitics. The notion of recoverability itself is not explored explicitly. But from the very fact that R claims that AGR and clitics can license because they have the relevant features of person, number, and, sometimes, gender and Case, we are led to the idea that recoverability here means not just predictability, but an actual subset relation between sets of assigned roles or features (as in Larson 1990;613, n. 14). For example, an act ofeating predictably involves something eaten (or to eat). But we cannot deduce from that pragmatic fact that a verb like eat has a syntactically present null object in a sentence like John ate already. With R's approach a verb could have a null argument only if there is some syntactically realized element that will allow us access to all the relevant information about the null argument. Since lexical pronouns in Romance languages are feature bundles for person, number, gender, and Case, only if this set of features can be recovered about a null argument will the null argument be licensed. Pro, the null pronoun, is allowed in subject...

Practically all Romance languages have complement clitic pronouns which basically replace the arguments of a verb. Only a sub-area of Romance, extending from France through northern Italy to the Adriatic Sea, also has subject clitics, connected to the syntactic subject of an inflected verb. The subject clitics of northern Italy have been studied in depth, and the resulting picture shows strong variation. A series of absolute and implicational generalizations, though, tells us that the variation is within a single system. The Occitan varieties of Piedmont and Southern France at first sight seem to belong to the same system; they have just fewer forms of subject clitics than other northern Italian dialects, and generally these clitics are optional. On closer inspection, though, more radical differences appear to exist between Occitan and northern Italian, in this respect. While in northern Italian and northern Romance it is possible to recognise links between subject clitics and subject agreement, in Occitan most of the functions of these elements appear to have a pragmatic nature. The only exception is the 3rd sg. impersonal clitic, which is obligatory. This property violates in a very interesting way the generalizations made on NIDs and leads us to conclude that while northern Romance varieties can be seen as types of non-null subject languages, Occitan dialects represent particular kinds of null subject languages. KEYWORDS: clitics, pronouns, null subject, Occitan, Romance languages

Este artigo investiga a construção de redobro de clítico (RC) em português europeu (PE), que se caracteriza pela dupla expressão de um argumento através de um clítico e de um pronome forte. Em PE, esta construção manifesta-se obrigatoriamente em contextos discursivos e sintáticos em que o clítico, enquanto elemento átono e necessariamente adjacente a um hospedeiro verbal, não pode receber acento prosódico nem participar em construções que requerem autonomia morfossintática. O padrão altamente restritivo da configuração de redobro nesta língua opõe o PE a outras línguas românicas, como o espanhol ou o romeno, em que o RC pode manifestar-se opcionalmente com expressões nominais plenas. Neste trabalho, procuro explicar o contraste entre o RC em PE e noutras línguas propondo que à designação de RC correspondem duas construções distintas. Concretamente, defendo que em PE o clítico não é a manifestação do redobro de um argumento, como é tradicionalmente assumido nas análises para outras línguas, mas o próprio argumento redobrado. Na análise que apresento, clítico e pronome forte estão associados por movimento e a configuração de redobro resulta da produção das duas cópias da cadeia de movimento para satisfação de um requisito em PF. O RC em PE é, nesta perspetiva, um fenómeno de interface que envolve duas operações independentemente motivadas: o movimento sintático do clítico para cliticização ao hospedeiro verbal e a realização do pronome forte em PF para atribuição de acento prosódico.

Clitic Reduplication in Bulgarian Revisited The paper discusses the reduplication of direct and indirect objects with a clitic pronoun in modern Bulgarian. It is argued that the so-called Clitic Doubling, as traditional grammar labels it, is not a unitary phenomenon. Instead, there exist 5 different constructions with well-defined syntactic and pragmatic properties: (1) as for Topic; (2) Hanging Topic o Nominativus pendens; (2) Clitic Left Dislocation; (4) Clitic Right Dislocation, and (5) Clitic Doubling proper. These constructions need to be carefully distinguished in order to be able to better understand the very nature of the reduplication phenomena in Bulgarian, as well as in the other languages which possess the same or similar types of structures.

Three Upper Miocene hardgrounds have been analysed in this study, outcropping in the Latium-Abruzzi Apennines (Italy). The central Apennine hardgrounds all lie on top of the Latium-Abruzzi carbonate ramp succession and in each case are overlain by hemipelagic Orbulinamarls; these marls are linked to plate flexure-related to drowning and coeval input of terrigenous sediments. The hardground age ranges from Tortonian to Early Messinian. Phosphate precipitation in the investigated hardgrounds was confined to a thin layer (up to 15 cm) close to the sediment water interface. Here oxic to suboxic conditions prevailed, resulting in early-diagenetic iron cycling and subsequent phosphogenesis in oxygenated bottom-waters. Glaucony only occurs in the planktonic-rich marls that overlie and infill the phosphatized hardground level in the Latium-Abruzzi succession. An upwelling flux triggered phosphogenesis, promoting the early lithification of the sea floor on the platforms. After upwelling event neritic carbonate production could not be re-established on the Latium-Abruzzi platform because of the persisting eutrophic conditions and the high rates of tectonic subsidence and terrigenous input linked to Appennine orogenesis. The Latium-Abruzzi phosphorites are coeval with the Tortonian phosphogenic phase reported in the Mediterranean. Despite being a global event, regional and local factors played a major role in the hardground deposition at each site.

The phenomenon of clitic doubling is very widespread in different forms in the Romance languages. It can be defined as the double occurrence of the same constituent twice inside a single clausal unit; one of the two is represented by a clitic while the other has the properties of a whole phrase. It can target essentially all arguments of the verb and is often sensitive to the semantic/pragmatic properties (like definiteness/specificity, topicality, animacy) of the phrasal doublee so that XPs with these properties are more frequently doubled than XPs that do not have them, although there are languages in which doubling covers the whole spectrum of a given argument. A robust empirical generalization is that direct objects can be doubled only in languages that also double indirect objects, while there is no relation with subject clitic doubling.

In this contribution the multi-purpose event generation framework SHERPA is presented and the development status of its physics modules is reviewed. In its present version, SHERPA is capable of simulating lepton-lepton, lepton-photon, photon-photon and fully hadronic collisions, such as proton-proton reactions. SHERPA [1] is an independent approach for a framework for event generation at high energy collider experiments. The program is entirely written in the object-oriented programming language C++. This is reflected in particular in the structure of the program. In SHERPA, the various tasks related to the generation of events are encapsulated in a number of specific modules. These physics modules are initialized and steered by the SHERPA framework. This structure facilitates a high modularity of the actual event generator and allows for the easy replacement/modification of entire physics models, e.g. the parton shower or the fragmentation model. The current version SHERPA-1.0.6 incorporates the following physics modules: – ATOOLS-2.0.6: This is the toolbox for all other modules. ATOOLS contain classes with mathematical tools like vectors and matrices, organization tools such as read-in or write-out devices, and physics tools like particle data or classes for the event record. – BEAM-1.0.6: This module manages the treatment of the initial beam spectra for different colliders. At the moment two options are implemented for the beams: they can either be monochromatic, and therefore require no extra treatment, or, for the case of an electron collider, laser backscattering off the electrons is supported leading to photonic initial states. – PDF-1.0.6: In this module the handling of initial state radiation (ISR) is located. It provides interfaces to various proton and photon parton density functions, and to the LHAPDFv3 interface. In addition, an analytical electron structure function is supplied. – MODEL-1.0.6: This module comprises the basic physics parameters (like masses, mixing angles, etc.) of the simulation run. Thus it specifies the corresponding physics model. Currently three different physics models are supported: the Standard Model (SM), its Minimal Supersymmetric extension (MSSM) and the ADD model of large extra dimensions. For the input of MSSM spectra a run-time interface to the program Isasusy 7.67 [2] is provided. The next release of SHERPA will in addition support the SLHA format of spectrum files [3]. – EXTRA XS-1.0.6: In this module a collection of analytic expressions for simple 2→ 2 processes within the SM and the corresponding classes embedding them into the SHERPA framework are provided. This includes methods used for the definition of the parton shower evolution, such as color connections and the hard scale of the process. The classes for phase space integration, which are common with AMEGIC, are located in a special module called PHASIC. – AMEGIC++-2.0.6: AMEGIC [4] is SHERPA’s own matrix element generator. It works as a generatorgenerator: during the initialization run the matrix elements for a set of given processes within the SM, the MSSM or the ADD model, as well as their specific phase space mappings are created by AMEGIC and stored in library files. In the initialization of the production run, these libraries are linked to the program. They are used to calculate cross sections and to generate single events based on them.