New specimen of an Early Iron Age brooch type from Western Transdanubia

Sacrificial Tradition and Religion during the Early Iron Age in South Scandinavia – with Special Reference to Settlement SacrificesSacrificial customs and religion during the Early Iron Age (500 BC–400 AD) has occupied archaeologists from the infancy of archaeology. Most would probably agree that the religion was primarily fertility related, originating as it was in the existing peasant society. The literature does not reflect any disagreement about the religion of the Early Iron Age being polytheistic and consequently concerned a variety of gods. However, it is still unknown how the religion was integrated in the everyday life, and under which conditions it was practiced.The research interest and the overall synthesis framework have especially addressed sacrifices in bogs and wetlands (for instance weapon sacrifices, bog bodies, deposited earthenware, anthropomorphic wooden figures, domestic animals, cauldrons, ring sacrifices, etc.). Strongly simplified, the existing consensus may be expressed in one single sentence: The overall society-related sacrificial traditions develop from being almost exclusively connected with wetland areas during the Early Iron Age (until c.400 AD) to being primarily connected with dry land after this time, cf. Fig. 1.The question is whether – based on the intense data collection over the recent decades – archaeology can or should maintain this very simple picture of the development of the sacrificial traditions and the religions during the Iron Age? Is it possible that we – rooted in for instance narrow definitions of sacrificial finds, habitual thinking, and a “delusion” consisting of the numerous well-preserved, well-documented, spectacular, and impressive finds of bog sacrifices – fail to see numerous forms of deposits, which (as opposed to the impressive finds of sacrifices in bogs) are hidden in the archaeological material?The settlements of the Iron Age have been excavated in large numbers over the recent decades, and it is the ritual finds from these localities that provide the background for this article.The ritual deposits from the settlements can be divided into two superior groups distinguished by the physical context. One comprises sacrifices made to constructions, which are characterized by being directly connected to a specific structure; the other encompasses settlement sacrifices that are to a higher degree characterized by an overriding affiliation to the settlement. The establishment of a sacrifice definition suitable for scanning the archaeological material for relevant finds is of vital importance. As the definition should not beforehand restrict the search through the material, it is important not to narrow the basis by concentrating only on the physical characteristics of the individual artefacts. The general idea behind the present presentation is that the different ritual dimensions of a society are internally connected as they function within the same overall conventions and, as a consequence, make up parts of a general mental structure, which can leave physically recognizable traces across the different ritual dimensions, cf. Fig. 2. This principal viewpoint creates a theoretical starting point for my work and the established definition of sacrificial finds: All intentionally deposited objects, which analytically show significant similarities as regards their physical appearance and/or their deposition context with other recognized ritual objects/contexts, and which are closely connected to these in time and space, should, when analysed, be considered sacrificial finds.The British religious historian, Ninian Smart, describes religion as consisting of seven thematically describing situations, which – albeit not completely unconnected – may be described individually:1) A dogmatic and philosophical dimension, comprising doctrine systems.2) A mythical and narrative dimension, comprising tales of the deities, of the creation, etc.3) An ethical and judicial dimension, comprising the consequences of the religion in relation to the shaping of the life of the individual.4) A social and institutional dimension comprising organisations and institutions that tie together the individual religious society.5) An empirical and emotional dimension comprising the individual’s experience of god and the divine.6) A ritual and practical dimension comprising prayer, sacrifices, worship, etc.7) A materiel dimension comprising architecture, art, sacred places, buildings, and iconography.As archaeologists, we have a very limited possibility of investigating the very thoughts behind the practiced religion. It is therefore natural to concentrate to a higher extent on the overall setting for it – the ritual dimension and the materiel dimension respectively. The ritual dimension and in particular its sacrificial aspect is traditionally divided into groups characterised by their significance level within the religion as such.1) The first and most “important” group consists of cult rituals. These are characterized by being calendar rites based on the myths of the religion or the history of the people, and by playing a part in the events of the year.2) The next group comprises transition rites (rite de passage), which follow the life cycle of the individual.3) The last group comprises rites of crises, which serve the purpose of averting danger, illness, etc.It is important to realize that the two first ritual groups are predictable cyclic rituals addressing the gods, the myths, and/or the people/the individual respectively. Only the third and least central group of rituals is determined by non-predictable and “not-always” occurring incidences. On this background, it becomes central to analyse, which category one is facing when one wants to assess its importance for the religion as such, in order to evaluate the primary character of the religion.In an attempt to understand the overall importance of a specific ritual practice, one cannot ignore a very complicated problem, which is to evaluate whether the sacrifices were practiced by single individuals or by a larger group of people as part of more common and society-supporting rituals. The issue of the relation between different sacrifice types and the groups causing these has been addressed repeatedly. Often, narrow physical interpretation frames as to who sacrificed what are advanced (i.e. Fig. 3). However, the question is how suitable are these very narrow and rigid interpretation models? As mentioned above, a sacrifice is defined by the intention (context) that caused it rather than by the specific physical form of the object!The above mentioned methodical and theoretical issues provide the background for the author’s investigation of the archaeological sources, in which he focused especially on the relationship between ritual actions as they are expressed in bog deposits and in burial grounds and measured them against the contemporary finds from the settle­ments.The analysis of the archaeological material is based on those find groups (sacrifices of cauldrons, magnificent chariots, humans, animals, metals, and weapons), which have traditionally been presented as a proof that society supporting and more community influenced ritual sacrifices were carried out beside the bogs.The examination of the material supports that sacrifices of cauldrons, magnificent chariots, humans, animals, and earthenware are found in both settlements and wetlands (Figs. 4-12), and that the deposits seem to follow superior ritual conventions, i.e. Fig. 2. The sacrifices were not made in fixed sacred places but in a momentary sacred context, which returns to its daily secular sphere once the rituals have been carried out. Often, the ceremony consists of a ritual cutting up of the sacrificed object, and the pars pro toto principle occurs completely integrated in connection with both burial customs, wetland sacrifice customs, and settlement sacrifice customs. Sacrifices often occur as an expression of a rite de passage connected to the structures, fields, or infrastructure of the village. However, the repeated finds of earthenware vessels, humans, and animals in both wetland areas and in the villages indicates that fertility sacrifices were made regularly as part of the cyclic agricultural world. This places the find groups in a central position when it comes to understanding the religious landscape of the Early Iron Age. In a lot of respects, the settlement finds appear as direct parallel material to the contemporary wetland-related sacrificial custom and so one must assume that major religious events also took place in the settlements, for instance when a human or a cauldron was handed over to the next world. Both the selection of sacrificial objects, the form of depositing, and the preceding ceremonial treatment seem to follow superior ritual structures applying to both funerary rites and wetland sacrifices in Iron Age society.Often, the individual settlement-related sacrificial find seems to be explained by everyday doings, as largely all sacrifice-related objects of the Early Iron Age have a natural affiliation with the settlement and the daily housekeeping. However, it is clear that if the overwhelming amount of data is made subject to a comprehensive and detailed contextual analysis, settlement related find groups and attached action patterns appear, which have direct parallels in the ritual interpretation platform of the bog context. These parallels cannot be explained by pure practical or coincidence-related explanation models!As opposed to ploughed-up Stone Age axe deposits or impressive bronze depots from the Bronze Age and gold depots from the Late Iron Age, a ploughed-up collection of either earthenware, bones, human parts, etc. are not easily explained as sacrificial deposits. However, much indicates that the sacrificial settlement deposits of the Iron Age were not placed very deeply, and so they occur in the arable soil of later times. We

A bundle of weapons from Vimose An integral find from the weapon offering in Vimose is the main subject of this article. The excavator, Conrad Engelhardt, himself drew attention to this find, but it has not been dealt with since the Vimose publication.The find consists of 29 lance heads (without barbs), 8 spearheads (with barbs) and a silver plated bronze plate from a sword hilt, all wrapped in a piece of woven woollen cloth. No exact parallels to the bronze plate are known, and this article therefore deals exclusively with the 37 spear- and lance heads which have been identified. But spear- and lance heads from the Roman period have never been treated so comprehensively that they can be directly placed culturally and chronologically. The material from the weapon graves, which has furnished type artefacts, comprises in particular sword fittings and shield bosses, in conjunction, of course, with any imports and in very rare cases with brooches. The procedure followed here is therefore a detailed analysis of the spear- and lance heads found in the bundle, an evaluation of the different types, and a comparison with weapons recovered from graves.A prerequisite for a detailed analysis of spear- and lance heads is a definition of elements, appendix 1. In fig. 2 and 3 the various forms of blade/point and socket sections found in spear- and lance heads from Vimose, Nydam, Krage­hul, Illerup Ådal and several small votive finds are shown.Lance headsThe blade section serves as the basis for the division of the 29 lance heads in the bundle. This element has the advantage that it is often possible to determine even in corroded and fragmented specimens found in graves. The following blade sections are represented: 2 and 2b, 3, 5 and 6.All the lance heads in the bundle have curved blade, except perhaps for no. 24742, which may have had a simple blade. The socket outline varies more, but the concave form predominates with 24 specimens. Only 4 are straight and 1 convex.The lance heads of section 2 and 2b (fig. 4) do not comprise a homogeneous group, since the rhombic blade section is found with both straight and symmetrical concave sides. The socket sections also vary. The total length of the lance heads varies between 14.2 and 23.3 cm and the average blade thickness is only 0.65 cm as against 1.15 cm in lance heads of blade section 6. None of the lance heads is decorated.It is characteristic of the lance heads with blade section of form 3 (fig. 5 and 6) that the section of the distal 8 cm changes to form 2. The overall length of the two specimens is about 21 cm and one is decorated with chasing on both socket and blade. Lance heads with this blade section are not known from Scandinavian grave finds and will not be treated further here.Lance heads with blade section of form 5 (fig. 7 and 8) merge into form 2 10.0, 7.0 and 10.5 cm from the point respectively. The socket sections are respectively of form 6, 2 and 5. Two of the three socket sections are characterized by small facets of uniform width. The overall length varies from 20.7 to 33.6 cm, and two of the three heads are chased on the upper part of the socket and on the blade. In spite of the differences in size there are so many common features that the heads are referred to the same type, named after the lance head in the Lyng­højgård grave and defined:- 1: blade section of form 5, merging into form 2 more than 3 cm from the point and 2: curved blade.The lance heads with blade section of form 6 (fig. 13-22) are divided into various types, called after some of the types shown in the scheme fig. 29.The Gamme type (fig. 13 c) is defined primarily on the shape of the socket, which is cylindrical, i. e. with a straight profile and the greatest thickness minus the smallest thickness less than 0.5 cm. The blade can vary, Lance heads with blade section 2 and 26 and 6 also being referred to the type. The blade may be simple or curved. The Vennolum type (fig. 14) is defined by:- 1: blade section of form 6, 2: curved blade, 3: concave, not cylindrical socket, socket length less than 3/8 of the blade length, 5: blade width greater than 3.5 cm. The Skiaker type (fig. 16) has the same blade section, blade shape and socket section as the Vennolum type, but the socket length is more than or equal to 3/8 of the blade length and the blade width less than or equal to 3.5 cm.These lance heads are shown in the table fig. 12, where also the Svennum type (20), which does not occur in the bundle, is included. The Gamme type is in the bundle represented by 1 specimen, the Vennolum type by 7, and the Skiaker type by 8. In addition there are 2 hybrid forms (Vennolum/Skiaker) and 2 special forms. A more detailed description of lance heads of the Vennolum and Skiaker types is found in fig. 10 and 11, where the dimensions are shown in histogram form.6 of the 7 lance heads of Vennolum type are chased on the blade and one of them has in addition metal inlay. All lance heads of Skiaker type in the bundle are chased. Chasing and inlays are seen in fig. 17-22.SpearheadsThere are only 8 spearheads in the bundle. All the spearhead types from Vimose are therefore used in the type classification, except specimens with a boss on the socket, those with only one barb, those with another socket section than forms 5 and 6 and those with convex socket.Every spearhead in the bundle has a curved blade and 7 out of 8 have a concave socket outline, the remaining specimen having a convex one. The point section is in all specimens of form 2 and only socket form 5 or 6 is represented, i. e. with 10 or 12 facets of uniform width.The Simris spearhead type (fig. 26) (see Simris grave 41 in the scheme fig. 29) is defined by:- 1: curved blade, 2: point/socket ratio greater than or equal to 0.66.The Skiaker spearhead type (fig. 27 and the Skiaker grave in the scheme fig. 29) is defined by:- 1: curved blade, 2: point/socket ratio greater than or equal to 0.33 but less than 0.66 and 3: point width less than 1.2 cm.The scheme fig. 23 also shows the Svennum spearhead type which does not occur in the cloth bundle (21). This differs from the Skiaker type in that the point width is larger than or equal to 1.2 cm.The Simris type is represented by 4 specimens, the Skiaker type by 3, and in addition there is a single spearhead of special form (fig. 25). None of the spear­heads is chased, but one is furnished with metal inlay (fig. 26 a and fig. 28).ChronologyAlthough all spear- and lance heads in the bundle were obviously deposited at the same time, one would still expect to be able to indicate time differences, because spear- and lance heads are unlikely to be of the same age at the time of deposition.A number of finds from weapon-containing graves in Denmark, Norway and Sweden, containing lance heads of types represented in the bundle, serve as a foundation for a relative chronology. These graves are shown in the scheme fig. 29.Lance heads with blade section 2 and 2b are known from inter alia the Danish graves Harnebjerg and Kagstedhøj and a Swedish grave from Kornettskogen. They were found with shield bosses with conical top or with pointed bosses, dated to the early Roman Iron Age. The Kornettskogen grave also contained a single-edged sword.The lance head of blade section 3 is not as far as I know found in Scandnavian graves.The Lynghøjgård type of lance head was found in the Lynghøjgård grave with a spearhead with a boss on the socket and only one barb, a single-edged sword, and a shield-handle fitting with nails with thimble-like heads. The Norwegian grave of Østre Hovin contains a variant of the Lynghøjgård type, a spearhead with point section 2b, a single-edged sword, a rod shield-boss and a shield-handle fitting with offset ends. According to these finds the Lynghøjgård lance head type should be referred to the early Roman lron Age.In 6 of 9 graves with lance heads of Gamme type, spearheads with a boss on the socket were also found, and in 6 out of 8 graves with shield bosses there are rod bosses, whilst in the other two there are pointed bosses. Further, 4 out of 6 swords are double-edged short swords.In graves with lance heads of Vennolum type there are also characteristic common features. All the shield bosses are of the semicircular type, 4 of which have an added top. All the swords, apart from the double-edged short sword in the Vennolum grave, are double-edged long swords. The spearhead types are, however, different. The Norwegian grave from Hunn contains one spearhead with bossed socket; 3 spearheads are of Simris type, and 2 of Skiaker type.The Øvre Skiaker grave is the only certain case of a combination of the Skiaker types, but this probably also applies to Simris grave 88.The seriated type combination diagram fig. 30 comprises all the graves from the scheme fig. 29 and it is shown that the graves in the upper part of the diagram should be referred to the early Roman lron Age. Simris grave 88 at the bottom of the diagram contains a fibula with a tall pin catch (Almgren VII, 196), which is late Roman Iron Age. The Norwegian grave from Gullen contains, besides the weapons, two strongly profiled fibulae (Almgren IV, 88) and a bronze vessel of Eggers' type 44. The fibulae normally belong to the early Roman Iron Age but are of a developed form, and the bronze vessel is known in this form from both the early and the late Roman period. The Gullen grave is thus most probably attributable to the beginning of the late Roman Iron Age.The graves with lance heads of Gamme type must be placed between the early Roman Lynghøjgård grave and the Gullen grave, but a boundary between the early and the late Roman period within this group of graves cannot be de­monstrated, for they lack fibulae and the imported ware does not afford critical dating. There are thus only weapons remaining as a basis for dating. The spear­head with bossed socket was found in the Hunn grave and the rod boss disappears in the present material, before the

Early Iran Age settlement on Funen During the last thirty years, our knowledge of Early Iron Age settlement on Funen has been enlarged by the discovery of many new settlements and graves, so that 504 localities are now known from the Pre-Roman, Early Roman and Late Roman periods. A list of finds according to period follows the text and these are also plotted on the maps figs. 1-4.Figs. 1 and 2 show the extent of settlement in the Pre-Roman and Early Roman periods of the lron Age respectively. The similarity between the two maps is apparent. Settlement affects the same areas and is almost as dense in the former as in the latter period. The Pre-Roman settlement first gains momentum from Period II (the Ripdorf stage) however, only 4 finds being known on the island from Period I (see note 1). In general, there seems to be no connection between the areas cultivated in the Early Iron Age and those cultivated in the Late Bronze Age (note 2). The massive Iron Age settlement first commences c. 200 B.C. and continues till c. 400 A.D., when it ceases, to judge by the subsequent lack of finds at least. In the Late Roman Iron Age (200-400 A.D.) settlement becomes more sparse in the northwestern part of the island (Vends herred) and in the coastal strip to the east of this (see map 3); otherwise it follows that of the two earlier periods. The first three maps are combined in fig. 4.In the three maps 1-3, the distribution of settlement and grave finds shows a tendency to concentrate in small local tracts. This division has been shown to have some correspondence with the later division into administrative districts or »herreder« (notes 4-5) and may be seen clearly in fig. 5, where the five ancient types of place­names are plotted, together with the administrative district boundaries. Between some of these local tracts, at least, there has been uncultivated and impassable border country.The Early Iron Age settlement constitutes as far as archaeological finds are concerned a compact entity (map 4). This settlement occurs suddenly, since no continuity can be observed between the Late Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age. The reason for this is probably the transition from a transitory cut-and-burn cultivation in the Bronze Age to a more permanent agriculture in the Early Iron Age, which was perhaps made possible by the stalling of animals, whereby their manure became available for use on the fields. A corresponding problem concerns the cessation of Iron Age settlement around 400 A.D., at which time the archaeological finds cease. The reason for this may be, however, that the peasants decide about this time to give up the dispersed settlement which is indicated by the refuse pits of settlements and the graves, and instead live together in villages, as we know them from the Viking and Medieval periods.Several ancient place-name forms can probably be linked to the 600 years of Early Iron Age settlement (figs. 1-3). Therkel Mathiassen and I have in previous works (notes 6, 8-14) tried to show that the ancient place-name endings, as recorded in fig. 5, are parts of names which the Iron Age peasants gave to the dispersed settlement areas but not to the villages. In the areas of northwest Jutland studied by Mathiassen villages were present in the Early Iron Age, whereas on Funen settlement was in general dispersed.The over 200 new finds which have been made since I discussed the relationship between place-names and settlement in the Early Iron Age, in Fynske Aarbøger 1951, corroborate the conclusions I then reached. The local settlement tracts which have been described above cover, true enough, a large part of the area of the island group of Funen, but a comparison between the maps figs. 1-5 nevertheless shows an unambiguous correspondence between the settlements and the five ancient types of place-names. Prominent among these are the numerous names ending in -lev and -inge. Their link with the Iron Age settlements is shown in the scheme on p. 132. This employs hypothetical place-name settlements. The five types of place-names are all well represented within the settlement areas of the Early Iron Age, so that if each hypothetical place-name settlement is allowed to have a radius of 2 km there must be said to be complete coverage of place-names by Iron Age settlement. This is apparent from the percentages in the last column. It can also be shown that only a few finds fall outside the place-name circles. Some must necessarily do so, as the five types of names treated here are not the only ancient ones, and may no longer be extant.Each place-name was tied to the local settlement tract with its individual farms. Later this name seems to have been transferred to the village which the local population for unknown reasons, be they economic, technical or defensive, decided to found, probably in the Late Iron Age. If this is correct, one should not generally expect to find antiquities of the Early Iron Age on the site of the present villages with ancient names. Prof. Aksel Christensen (note 26) has recently described this situation, "the regulated village with a certain commonalty probably existed as a type of settlement by King Gotfred's time ... many were previously founded by neighbours in a dispersed settlement after joint decision".E. Albrectsen

The offspring of Pima Indians with early onset type 2 diabetes are at high risk for developing diabetes at an early age. This risk is greater among those whose mothers were diabetic during pregnancy. To define the metabolic abnormalities predisposing individuals in these high-risk groups to diabetes, we conducted a series of studies to measure insulin secretion and insulin action in healthy adult Pima Indians. In 104 normal glucose-tolerant subjects, acute insulin secretory response (AIR) to a 25-g intravenous glucose challenge correlated with the age at onset of diabetes in the mother (r = 0.23, P = 0.03) and, in multiple regression analyses, the age at onset of diabetes in the father (P = 0.02), after adjusting for maternal age at onset and after allowing for an interaction between these terms. In contrast, insulin action (hyperinsulinemic glucose clamp) did not correlate with the age at onset of diabetes in the parents. To determine whether early onset diabetes in the parents affected insulin secretion in the offspring across a range of glucose concentrations, responses to a stepped glucose infusion were measured in 23 subjects. Insulin secretion rates were lower in individuals whose mothers had developed diabetes before 35 years of age (n = 8) compared with those whose parents remained nondiabetic until at least 49 years of age (n = 15) (average insulin secretory rates: geometric mean [95% CI] 369 [209-652] vs. 571 [418-780] pmol/min, P = 0.007). Finally, the AIR was lower in individuals whose mothers were diabetic during pregnancy (n = 8) than in those whose mothers developed diabetes at an early age but after the birth of the subject (n = 41) (740 [510-1,310] vs. 1,255 [1,045-1,505] pmol/l, P < 0.02). Thus, insulin secretion is lower in normal glucose tolerant offspring of people with early onset type 2 diabetes. This impairment may be worsened by exposure to a diabetic environment in utero.

Spatial patterning of Early Iron Age metal production at Ndondondwane, South Africa: the question of cultural continuity between the Early and Late Iron Ages

Spatial patterning of Early Iron Age metal production at Ndondondwane, South Africa: the question of cultural continuity between the Early and Late Iron Ages

In the prehistoric period in Korea, the appearance of metallurgy is viewed by archaeologists as having a significant impact on the growth of complex societies by providing the technology for greater agricultural production. Within Korean archaeology, the period of 300 to 100 b.c . is classified as the Early Iron Age. The Early Iron Age is situated between the Bronze Age and the Proto–Three Kingdoms period and is culturally significant because it served as a transitional period from the Prehistoric Age to the Historic Age. Despite this significance, the period’s cultural characteristics, area of origin, and relationship with indigenous culture have yet to be explained. The Early Iron Age is primarily defined by the Jeomtodae (clay-striped) pottery culture and slender bronze dagger culture. Although it is generally accepted that ironware culture originated in the Early Iron Age, the Jeomtodae pottery culture and slender bronze dagger culture are not interpreted in the same way all the time. In addition, Chinese literature indicates the names of countries that existed in some parts of the Korean Peninsula. This article aims to examine the concept and cultural characteristics of the Early Iron Age and to review various issues dealt with in studies on the Early Iron Age.

Fårehyrder, kvægbønder eller svineavlere – En revurdering jernalderens dyrehold

The Nuragic village of Sant’Imbenia in Alghero in north-western Sardinia (Italy) was inhabited between approximately the 14 th and the 7 th century BC. Foreigners including Eastern Phoenicians and perhaps Greeks settled in the village during the last stages of its existence in the Early Iron Age, importing their own culture and technology and developing the area. Some of the pottery artifacts produced during this period do not seem to belong to the Nuragic tradition, which suggests that local craftsmen were influenced by these contacts and exchanges with foreign cultures. The objective of this work was to characterize the artifacts and analyze the evolution in production techniques during the Middle-Late Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age. The main changes seem to have occurred during the transition from the Bronze to the Iron Age, and there was also a clear distinction between cooking and serving wares. We observed that the decoration on the surface of the ceramics changed from the smooth surfaces of the Middle-Late Bronze Age to the partially vitrified, normally red slip wares of the Early Iron Age. Fragments of volcanic rocks were detected in the Early Iron Age cooking wares instead of calcite, the temper typically used during the Middle-Late Bronze Age. Firing temperatures were slightly higher in the Early Iron Age, as inferred by the presence of new mineral phases and the vitrification of the matrix. The surfaces of the ceramics were red, especially during the Early Iron Age, while the mixture often had a black heart.

The Early and Middle Bronze Age kurgans in the Northern Pontic region, accompanied by the bone slingshot-shaped pendants-amulets are published and analyzed in the paper. In the Dnipro-Molochna region five burials of the Yamna culture and one find at the Generalka 2 settlement of the Yamna culture on the Khortytsia island with such items are known. The seventh find in the burial of the Ingul Catacomb culture was discovered. Three more burials of the Yamna culture with these pendants-amulets are known in the Crimean steppe. The stratigraphic position of burials in the kurgans, burial rites, as well as the finds, found with pendants-amulets, in particular the pottery and bronze artifacts are analyzed in the paper. The bone slingshot-shaped pendants-amulets are also known in the burials of the Yamna culture in other territories: on the Lower Don (6 burials), Kuban and Stavropol (5 burials), and the Volga-Ural region (4 burials). The authors used materials from these regions for cultural and chronological comparative analysis with the finds from the Dnipro-Molochna region and Crimean steppe. The design features of pendants-amulets provided the reasons for distinguishing two groups but they do not show any regional or chronological differences. The peculiarity of the burials of the Dnipro-Molochna region and Crimean steppe is the lack of Repin type pottery in the burials with pendants-amulets. Such ceramics characterizes the Repin culture or the early stage of Yamna culture. The only exception may be represented by the burial from Novopylypivka, but available information concerning it is limited. Other available materials show that burials may refer to the so-called Late period of the Yamna culture. This is indicated by the finds of bronze ornaments, which are characteristic of the time of the appearance of burials of the Early Catacomb type. In particular, these are bronze round hemispherical plaques and clips with punch decoration. This does not contradict the find of a fragment of the pendant-amulet at the Generalka-2 settlement of the Yamna culture. The latest is a burial of the Ingul catacomb culture (Arkhangelska Sloboda 4/9). In other territories the Repin type pottery in the burials with pendants-amulets has occurred. This makes it possible to consider them earlier than the burials of the Dnipro-Molochna region and Crimean steppe. However, the assemblages that can be attributed to the Late Yamna period are also represented there. On the territory of Ukraine, burials with the Repin type pottery as well as the settlements are known on the Left Bank of Dnipro, in the Azov steppe and in the Basin of the Siverskyi Donets, but the pendants-amulets in this context are unknown. Spatial distribution of burials with pendants-amulet shows that the main direction of the spread of these cult ornaments during the period of Yamna culture passed along the line of Kuban — Crimean steppe — Dnipro-Molochna interfluve. The Volga-Ural region was not a priority. This is also confirmed by the comparative analysis of the distribution of bone hammer-shaped pendants-amulets (so-called pins) in the Northern Black Sea region and in the Volga-Ural region during the development of Yamna culture and the appearance of burials of the Early Catacomb type. Radiocarbon dates are presented for a single burial (Vynogradne, 24/7) on Molochna river, as well as a series of dates for the settlement of «Generalka 2». Dating of the burial (BLN-4687: 4327 ± 49 BP) must be explained in the context of stratigraphy and the obtained dates for other burials of the Yamna culture and burials of the Early Catacomb type of the mound 24. Burial 7 belonged to the third phase of six, allocated for burials of the Yamna culture and burials of the Early Catacomb type. When calibrating the dates of these burials using Bayesian modeling, burial 7 was dated to c. 2850—2780 BC. The whole range of Yamna culture and Early Catacomb type burials covered for approximately 550 years.

SummaryThe article scrutinizes the development of the forms of leadership in the Early Iron Age and Archaic Greece, questioning the traditional view that personal leadership as described in the Homeric epics (the ‚Homericbasileia‘) was the rule during the Early Iron Age, but was replaced in the Archaic period by collective aristocracies, and by tyrannies as a principally new kind of monarchy. The article questions the strict distinction between the ‚constitutional‘ forms of government likebasileiaand oligarchy, andtyrannisas an illegal break of the constitutional order. The Early Iron Age archaeology supplies no evidence for institutionalised and permanent personal leadership, and the Homeric epic, presenting a controversial vision of an ostensibly distant past, cannot be accepted as a reliable guide to the socio-political order of the Early Iron Age. The termsbasileusandtyrannoswere used largely synonymously until ca 400, demonstrating that the Archaic Greeks did not distinguish between legitimatebasileiaand illegaltyrannisin their contemporary world. The evidence, including the half-legendary accounts concerning particular poleis, suggests that the more or less firmly established monarchies emerged from the eighth century onwards. On the other hand, it infers constant tensions between competing elite groups striving for power, and the consequent fluctuation of the forms of government in the Archaic. The situation could have been similar during the Early Iron Age, which suggests that Early Iron Age Greeks were familiar with both collective and personal leadership. The emergence of tyrannies and collectively governed poleis can be seen as varying, alternative, ways of polity formation resulting from the quickening development and growing tensions from the eighth century onwards; the legitimacy of both depended on local circumstances. Tyranny appears not as a break of established aristocratic order, but as the monarchic form of elite leadership; the legitimacy of both depended on local circumstances. Tyranny appears as the monarchic form of elite leadership in the early polis, which proved, however, unacceptable in the long term as personal rule became increasingly regarded as an undesirable negation of consensual order.

The team of the Institute of Archaeological Sciences of the Eötvös Loránd University has been investigating the Early Iron Age hillfort at Dédestapolcsány-Verebce-bérc (Northeast Hungary) since 2020. The settlement was destroyed by siege in the late 7th century BC, as evidenced by hundreds of early Scythian bronze arrowheads and burnt buildings. Based on the recovered metal and pottery findings the settlement dated to the Early Iron Age in the Carpathian Basin (end of the 7th century – beginning of the 6th century BC). The quantity of the Early and Middle Iron Age iron and bronze artefacts and pieces of iron raw material on the site is exceptionally high. More than 30 depots were unearthed which include pieces of iron raw material. In the whole territory, the number of these finds is more than 600. The average weight of the pieces was 1.54 kg. A few selected objects were sampled and subjected to archaeometric analysis (OM and SEM-EDS). The main aim of the examinations carried out by the experts of the Archaeometallurgical Research Group of the University of Miskolc (ARGUM) was the material characterisation of the samples to figure out what kind of processing has been applied and reveal how the iron raw materials can be connected in any way to the other iron objects found at the site. Based on the results, it can be concluded that the iron pieces are compacted with a slightly heterogeneous structure. Each one is a part of a single bloom, not several pieces of different blooms assembled together. Numerous pores and cavities were observed in the microstructure of the samples. Their basic character is similar, although, they differ from each other, mainly in terms of carbon content and degree of forming. These pieces are not typical semi-finished products; they can be identified somewhere halfway between primary bloom and compacted bar.

The article summarizes and analyzes information on 16 multilayered geoarchaeological sites of the Lake Baikal coast, including the famous Ulan-Khada site. The research is based on the results of excavations, literary and archival materials. A list of local sites has been determined, their mapping, archaeological assessment, and radiocarbon data (153 dates, mostly AMS) have been analyzed. These sites are provided with stratigraphic, geological, and geomorphological characteristics, high-quality and informative materials. They represent a reliable source base and are the basis for the study of the regional Holocene cultures and the reconstruction of paleoclimates and paleolandscapes. The predominant location of multilayered sites on the western coast of Lake Baikal and, first of all, its Little Sea section is noted. From 3 to 15 cultural levels have been recorded on multilayered sites, containing finds from different periods from the Stone Age to the Late Iron Age. Currently, only two multilayered sites (Kurla 1 and Kurla 4) are known on the Lake Baikal coast, containing complexes of the Final Paleolithic. Early Holocene assemblages were noted at 8 sites (the most significant are Sagan-Nuge, Berloga, and Ityrkhei 1). Stratified Neolithic complexes predominate belogning to the early (10 sites), middle (4 sites) and late (9 sites) stages of this period. Among the most significant sites containing several isolated Neolithic layers are Sagan-Zaba 2, Ityrkhei 1, Tyshkine 2, Katun 1, Buguldeika 1 and 2. Reference sites for the Early Bronze Age are Ulan-Khada 1, Katun 1, Tyshkine 2 and 3, and for the Late Bronze Age – Tyshkine 3, Katun 1 and Berloga. At the Sagan-Zaba 2, Katun 1, and Buguldeika 2 sites, studies of the Early and Late Iron Age are promising. Radiocarbon dates have been obtained for almost all the studied sites (14). The complexes of the Early (29 dates) and Late (22 dates) Neolithic are the most endowed with them. At present, the chronology of the Lake Baikal coast cultural complexes seems to be as follows: the Final Paleolithic – 19,270–14,250 cal BP, Mesolithic – 13,070–8220 cal BP, Early Neolithic – 8170-6900 cal BP, Middle Neolithic – 6930–6290 cal BP, Late Neolithic – 5840–4650 cal BP, Early Bronze Age – 4850(4530)–3220 cal BP, Late Bronze Age – 3330–2000 cal BP, Early Iron Age – 2120–1530 cal BP, Late Iron Age – 1240–940 cal BP.

The origins of the silver trade across the Mediterranean, and the role of the Phoenicians in this phenomenon, remain contentious. This is partly because of difficulties encountered when trying to assign archaeological silver to its geological sources. Here we present a reanalysis of Iron Age silver hoards in the southern Levant, which demonstrates not only that recycling of silver was widespread in the Early and Late Iron Age, but that the components of this mixed silver originated from the Aegean, Anatolia and the western Mediterranean. An assessment of lead isotope analyses combined with compositional data allows the identification of mixing lines based on gold levels in the silver and the Pb crustal age (or, more loosely, geological age) of the ore from which the silver originated. It is shown that, from as early as the 11th century BC, these mixed silver signatures derive from the Taurus mountains in Anatolia, from Iberia and an unknown source—with Sardinia as an additional possibility—and Laurion in Greece in the Late Iron Age. In contrast to copper, which was deliberately alloyed with silver, gold appears to have been mixed unintentionally, through the melting down of silver objects with gold parts. It is suggested that vertical mixing lines (with constant Pb crustal age but variable Au), may indicate the melting down and mixing of silver in times of unrest, both here and in other contexts. Gold and lead concentrations in the silver indicate that native silver from Iberia was most likely used in the Early Iron Age, suggesting that the first people to convey silver to the southern Levant were not miners but traders who had acquired silver directly from the indigenous Bronze Age inhabitants of Iberia. However, evidence of the exploitation of jarosite also supports that silver ore mining and cupellation was ongoing in Iberia at a similar time, and continued in the Late Iron Age—potentially a result of technological transfer from the East. In essence, the western Mediterranean origin of the silver in these Early Iron Age southern Levantine hoards supports an emerging picture of Mediterranean interactions and trade relations in the increasingly bright Dark Ages (c. 1200–800 BC).

Summary The Early Iron Age in East Africa is represented by two major related pottery types, Urewe ware (originally called Dimple-based ware) and Kwale ware, while a third collection from Lelesu in central Tanzania has clear similarities to both. This article provides a detailed typological comparison between representative collections of the three types and defines their differences and similarities, concluding that the Lelesu collection is typologically intermediate between Urewe and Kwale, though its closest relationships are with the latter.