Navigating Recognition: The Symbolic Struggles in the Biographies of Young Polish Internet Content Creators

절대주의 시대에서 상대주의 시대로, 동질성에 기초한 사회에서 이질성에 기초한 사회로 변모하면서 관용이 실질적으로 행해질 가능성이 높아졌다. 하지만 안타깝게도 관용은 행해지지 않고, 비관용이 혐오와 증오의 모습으로 나타나고 있다. 주류 가치관은 이질성을 포용하는데 한계를 드러내고, 그 중 일부는 타자와 소수자에 대한 혐오와 증오의 정치를 벌인다. 시대의 변화는 다름에 대한 관용의 폭을 넓히긴 했지만, 역으로 타자와 소수자에 대한 혐오와 증오를 더 강화시키기도 했다. 가치의 상대성이 인정되는 분위기 속에서도, 자신의 가치에 기초해 다른 가치를 부정하는 일이 빈번하게 일어났다. 시대(context)가 변함에 따라 관용을 논하는 text가 달라진다. 절대주의 시대에는 (그 당시 법으로도 처벌되지 않는) 물리적 가해를 입히는 증오 범죄(hate crime)를 하지 말라는 촉구로서 관용을 들고 나왔다면, 상대주의 시대에는 (물리적 가해를 입히는 증오 범죄는 당연히 범죄로서 형벌을 받기에) 정신적 가해를 입히는 Hate Speech가 논의의 중심에 선다. 예전과 차이가 있는 건 비주류 쪽의 대응이다. 절대주의 시대에 주류는 절대 강자였고, 비주류는 주류의 관용을 어쩔 수 없이 기다릴 수밖에 없는 처지에 있었다. 이런 가운데 비주류의 투쟁이 있었지만 (대부분 불법으로 탄압받았다) 변화가 있기까지는 정말 오랜 시간과 많은 사람의 피와 땀이 필요했다. 법제화(法制化)는 느리게 이루어졌다. 상대주의 시대에는 비주류는 더 이상 주류의 관용에 의지하지 않고, 비주류 스스로 자신의 정체성에 기초한 ‘승인 투쟁’을 벌인다(오늘날은 정당한 집회와 결사로 보호받는다). ‘평등한 존중’이라는 관점에서 본다면, 관용보다는 ‘승인’의 차원에서 다른 삶의 방식을 인정하고 이를 권리로서 인정하는 것이 필요하다. 이럴 때 소수자 배척과 배제는 비관용을 넘어서, 권리 침해, 평등권 침해가 된다. 1차적 질서 하에서는 승인될 여지가 없지만, 2차적 질서 하에서는 승인될 여지가 생긴다. 승인될 여지가 없거나 부족할 때는 관용의 미덕은 빛을 발하지만, 승인될 여지가 있을 때에는 관용은 (좋은 것임에도) 소극적인 미덕에 그친다. ‘다름에 대한 관용’은 ‘다름에 대한 승인’과 밀접한 관련이 있다. 다름에 대한 승인이 되고 나면, 이후 관용의 기제는 더 힘을 발휘한다. 오늘날 ‘관용’은 승인’과의 관련성 속에서 살펴야 한다.There is a greater likelihood that tolerance will be practiced while transforming from absolutism to relativism, from a society of primary order to a society of secondary order, from a society based on homogeneity to a society based on heterogeneity. Unfortunately, tolerance is not done, and pessimism appears in the form of disgust and hate. Mainstream of values limit the inclusion of heterogeneity, and some of them engage in disgust and hate of minorities. Changes in the times have broadened the tolerance for differences, but they have also strengthened disgust and hate of minorities. Even in an atmosphere where the relativity of values is recognized, it frequently happened to deny other values based on their own values. As the context changes, the text of tolerance changes. In the era of absolutism there was tolerance as a call to not hate crime(which is not punishable by the law at that time). Hate Speech, which causes mental harm, is at the center of the discussion in the era of relativism. There was a struggle of minority (mostly illegal suppression) but it took a long time and many people’s blood and sweat to change. Legislation has been slow. In the era of relativism, subcultures no longer rely on tolerance, but subcultures themselves make ‘struggle for recognition’ based on their identity(today they are protected by legitimate rallies and associations). From the perspective of ‘equal respect’, it is necessary to acknowledge the other way of life and to recognize it as a right in terms of ‘recognition’ rather than tolerance. In the dimension of minority movement, ‘recognition’ is the priority, ‘tolerance’ is not the priority. People in the majority group acknowledge that minorities can enjoy the same rights as their ‘equal respect’ demands. The virtue of tolerance shines when there is no room to be recognized or when there is a lack of tolerance, but when there is room to be recognized, tolerance is a passive virtue although it is good. ‘Tolerance of difference’ is closely related to ‘recognition of difference’. After approval of difference, the tolerance mechanism becomes more powerful. Today ‘tolerance’ should be examined in relation to ‘recognition.’

Previous articleNext article No AccessLiberalism and Campus Hate Speech: A Philosophical ExaminationAndrew AltmanAndrew Altman Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Ethics Volume 103, Number 2Jan., 1993 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/293497 Views: 140Total views on this site Citations: 33Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1993 The University of ChicagoPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Suzanne Whitten Critical Republicanism and Harmful Speech, (Oct 2021): 85–133.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78631-1_4Suzanne Whitten Questioning the Non-Interference Paradigm, (Oct 2021): 17–50.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78631-1_2Jessica Flanigan, Alec Greven SPEECH AND CAMPUS INCLUSIVITY, Public Affairs Quarterly 35, no.33 (Jul 2021): 178–203.https://doi.org/10.2307/48628247Susan J. Brison Hate Speech, (Jun 2021): 1–11.https://doi.org/10.1002/9781444367072.wbiee771.pub2Gideon Elford FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION AND SOCIAL COERCION, Legal Theory 27, no.22 (Aug 2021): 149–175.https://doi.org/10.1017/S1352325221000124Seydi ÇELİK, Biruk PAULOS THE CHALLENGES OF REGULATING HATE SPEECH ON SOCIAL MEDIA IN LIGHT OF THE THEORY OF FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION, Süleyman Demirel Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi (May 2021).https://doi.org/10.52273/sduhfd..922588María Antonia Paz, Julio Montero-Díaz, Alicia Moreno-Delgado Hate Speech: A Systematized Review, SAGE Open 10, no.44 (Nov 2020): 215824402097302.https://doi.org/10.1177/2158244020973022Stavros Assimakopoulos Incitement to discriminatory hatred, illocution and perlocution, Pragmatics and Society 11, no.22 (Jul 2020): 177–195.https://doi.org/10.1075/ps.18071.assR. George Wright Freedom of Speech as a Cultural Holdover, SSRN Electronic Journal (Jan 2019).https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3399624Grant M. Armstrong, Julie Wronski Framing hate: Moral foundations, party cues, and (in)tolerance of offensive speech, Journal of Social and Political Psychology 7, no.22 (Sep 2019): 695–725.https://doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v7i2.1006Anna Elisabetta Galeotti Toleration as the Public Acceptance of Difference, (Aug 2018): 259–280.https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429459641-10Jelena Vujić, Mirjana Daničić, Tamara Aralica Caught in the cross-fire: Tackling hate speech from the perspective of language and translation pedagogy, Lodz Papers in Pragmatics 14, no.11 (Jun 2018): 203–223.https://doi.org/10.1515/lpp-2018-0010Deni Elliott, Karlana June The Evolution of Ethics Education 1980–2015, (May 2018): 11–37.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-78939-2_2Brian Berkey Business Ethics and Free Speech on the Internet, Philosophia 45, no.33 (Nov 2016): 937–945.https://doi.org/10.1007/s11406-016-9785-9Caroline West Freedom of Expression and Derogatory Words, (Oct 2016): 236–252.https://doi.org/10.1002/9781118869109.ch17Marcus Schulzke The Social Benefits of Protecting Hate Speech and Exposing Sources of Prejudice, Res Publica 22, no.22 (Oct 2015): 225–242.https://doi.org/10.1007/s11158-015-9282-1Jonathan Seglow , Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 19, no.55 ( 2016): 1103.https://doi.org/10.1007/s10677-016-9744-3Sarah Sorial Hate Speech and Distorted Communication: Rethinking the Limits of Incitement, Law and Philosophy 34, no.33 (Jul 2014): 299–324.https://doi.org/10.1007/s10982-014-9214-9Susan Brison Hate Speech, (Feb 2013).https://doi.org/10.1002/9781444367072.wbiee771Robert S. Taylor Hate Speech, the Priority of Liberty, and the Temptations of Nonideal Theory, Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 15, no.33 (May 2011): 353–368.https://doi.org/10.1007/s10677-011-9287-6Alon Harel Hate Speech and Comprehensive Forms of Life, (Apr 2012): 306–326.https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781139042871.020LaChrystal D. Ricke Funny or Harmful?: Derogatory Speech on Fox’s Family Guy, Communication Studies 63, no.22 (Apr 2012): 119–135.https://doi.org/10.1080/10510974.2011.638412Svein Erik Tuastad Ytringsfridom og hat, Nytt Norsk Tidsskrift 29, no.11 (Mar 2012): 116–117.https://doi.org/10.18261/ISSN1504-3053-2012-01-19Jonathan Seglow Recognition and Religious Diversity: The Case of Legal Exemptions, (Jan 2012): 127–146.https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137262929_7Helga Varden A Kantian Conception of Free Speech, (May 2010): 39–55.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-90-481-8999-1_4Mary Kate McGowan Oppressive Speech, Australasian Journal of Philosophy 87, no.33 (Jul 2009): 389–407.https://doi.org/10.1080/00048400802370334Suzanne Dovi In Praise of Exclusion, The Journal of Politics 71, no.33 (Jul 2015): 1172–1186.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022381609090951Luigi Pellizzoni The myth of the best argument: power, deliberation and reason 1, The British Journal of Sociology 52, no.11 (Dec 2003): 59–86.https://doi.org/10.1080/00071310020023037Wojciech Sadurski Discrimination and Illocutionary Acts, (Jan 1999): 119–133.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-010-9342-2_5Anna Elisabetta Galeotti Neutrality and recognition, Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 1, no.33 (Sep 1998): 37–53.https://doi.org/10.1080/13698239808403247Laurence Goldstein Is the Dissemination of Pornography Harmful to Women?, (Jan 1996): 152–169.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-61442-2_9HENRY S. RICHARDSON Beyond Good and Right: Toward a Constructive Ethical Pragmatism, Philosophy <html_ent glyph="@amp;" ascii="&"/> Public Affairs 24, no.22 (Apr 1995): 108–141.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1088-4963.1995.tb00025.xRobert V. Labaree The regulation of hate speech on college campuses and the Library Bill of Rights, The Journal of Academic Librarianship 19, no.66 (Jan 1994): 372–377.https://doi.org/10.1016/0099-1333(94)90029-9

All teachers are perpetually engaged in a struggle for recognition of who they are, what they are, and what they are worth. We know that this affects their professional identities, but not enough about what the effects are. This narrative inquiry explores how a struggle for recognition in a rapidly changing post-apartheid school system affected the professional identities of three South African mathematics teachers. Examined through a set of theoretical lenses consisting of Honneth's levels of recognition; Kelchtermans' components of the retrospective dimension of a professional self; and, Huttunen and Heikkinen's circles of recognition, their stories reveal an ability to cope with a lack of recognition by counterbalancing its negative effects with the positive effects of recognition sourced from experiences elsewhere. Surprisingly, their stories have more in common than their sociocultural differences seem to suggest.

In the new century, China sets itself ambitious goals, the implementation of which depends to a large extent on the development of the country&amp;apos;s scientific and technical base, in connection with which in recent years, Beijing has significantly increased investments in its own science, against the background of this, the financing of science communication has also increased. Science communication is an important component of the scientific and technological development of society, which is, in a broad sense, processes and mechanisms for the dissemination of advanced ideas and achievements of progress both within the academic community and outside it through various forms, institutions and communication channels. Currently, mainly in the Western world, the theory and practice of science communication is actively developing. In contrast to the traditional understanding of this term, in China the terms kepu and kexue chuanbo (popularisation and dissemination of science) are used, which better correspond to Chinese realities. They mean the transfer of knowledge, not a way of thinking, it is more about the dissemination of science among young people, people in rural and poor regions, than about the exchange of ideas and ways of thinking - a kind of science communication with Chinese characteristics. The article notes that despite a number of obvious difficulties at the implementation stage, partly related to the peculiarities of the Chinese culture and general bureaucratic problems, the popularisation of science is systemic and multi-level, involves a large number of channels and institutions for the transfer of knowledge and scientific information, and has a solid legal basis, which contributes to the solution of the tasks assigned to it and reaching a new level. At the same time, despite the rapid development of Chinese scientific thought, one should not overestimate its influence on world science.

In the digital environment, virtual and real life are often inextricably intertwined. Nowadays, citizens can participate almost equally in the creation of media content, and the easiest way to participate is through reader comments (Ksiazek &amp; Springer, 2020). Although it was believed that the Internet, with its democratic inclusivity, would be an expression of the ideal public sphere (Habermas, 1996; Dahlberg, 2007), the content of online forums is often full of incivility (Papacharissi, 2004). Hate speech on news sites can contribute to a hostile online environment and escalate into real-life violence and Croatia ranks third in the European Union in terms of femicides (mup.gov.hr, 2023). Online, women are often confronted with gender-based hate speech that attacks them based on stereotypes, perpetuates harmful ideologies and reinforces discriminatory attitudes. Previous research (Kunić, 2022) in the Croatian media has shown that women who have been victims of violence are often victims of unacceptable speech in reader comments. The aim of this research is to determine the presence of misogynistic statements and hate speech against female victims of violence in reader comments on Croatian news sites. In this paper, a sentiment analysis and a content analysis of more than 1100 reader comments posted on the two mostread news sites 24sata.hr and Index.hr in the period from September 2023 to October 2023. The corpus for the research consists of comments collected on 13 articles published on a topic that attracted a lot of media attention during this period, the case of former Croatian handball national team player Denis Buntić, who was accused of domestic violence against his wife, who is obviously a vulnerable party. The sentiment analysis of reader comments will examine emotions and feelings towards vulnerable victim of violence, from negative to neutral to positive. Content analysis will examine the presence of incivility towards women victim including qualifications such as hate speech, vulgar language, swearing and offensive language (Kunić, 2024). Rude comments include those that insult the victim because of their sexuality, appearance, education or mental health. Particular attention will be paid to comments that justify violence against women based on the perpetrator’s sporting success or ironically comment on violence through sports jargon. It is expected that this research will provide insight into the misogynistic rhetoric and negative emotions of citizens towards victims of abuse on Croatian news sites when it comes to topics of domestic violence. In the final part, we will suggest building an ethical framework and guidance in such cases of aggression and violence (Butler, 2009) against the vulnerable, based on the ethics of vulnerability (Gilson, 2014) and moral sentimentalism (Slote, 2010). Keywords: hate speech, emotions, sentiment analysis, vulnerability, ethics, moral sentimentalism

Social media has become a tool of online communication used for discussions, information sharing, and the creation of online content on social networks. Hate speech is one of the detrimental or harmful information spread on social media. Discrimination against individuals results from hate speech. Human rights are also violated by it. As a result, several studies have been attempting to identify hate speech. However, while the majority of studies focus on identifying hate speech in textual data, it is also distributed through films. Amharic is also one of the under-resourced languages that benefits from hate speech detection, so this is another positive. This work seeks to apply a multi-modal, which is a mix of the acoustic and textual elements using a deep learning technique, to address the issue of Amharic hate speech on social media In the beginning, we gathered 1,459 extracted audios from YouTube videos, ranging in length from 30 seconds to 140 minutes. A five-minute audio speech employing silent segmentation techniques follows this. From these, we have a collection of 6497 audios from one to five minutes after the audio segmenting and filtering. Each Audio is annotated by a domain expert for the purpose of performing tests. Then, for our research, we use the Google Speech-to-Text API to transcribe audio speech into text scripts. The features were then extracted, with textual features extracted using word2vec and acoustic features extracted using Mel-Frequency Cepstral Coefficient (MFCC). As a result, this study makes use of four deep learning algorithms: LSTM, BILSTM, GRU, and BIGRU. The results of the multi-modal experiment demonstrate that the multi-modal model with BILSTM outperforms the other experiment for detecting Amharic hate speech with an accuracy of 88.15%. Furthermore, we are working to extend the Amharic hate speech detection taking the video in to account addition to the text and audio.

Honneth's social-democratic turn? Christopher F. Zurn Axel Honneth: A Critical Theory of the Social, Cambridge: Polity Press, 2015; Viii + 257 pp.: ISBN 9780745686806, AUD$30.99 (pbk) Perhaps the most peculiar thing about Zurn's book on Axel Honneth is its cover--the terracotta warriors of China. Neither Zurn, nor Honneth, nor the Frankfurt School, nor critical theory, nor the theory of recognition or 'freedom's right' have the remotest to do with China, warriors, armies, ancient rulers, and terracotta. Nonetheless, Zurn retells Honneth's version of critical theory in minute detail, outlining Honneth's 'struggle for recognition', his diagnosis of social pathologies, recognition and market, as well as social freedom and recognition. With the struggle for recognition, the social-democratic Hegelian Honneth has surely established himself as the main representative of the 'third generation of critical theorists' (p. 1) after Adorno, Horkeimer, Marcuse, and so forth being the first, and Habermas the second. In his brief biography, Zurn notes that Honneth was born in Essen, growing up in the 'bourgeois milieu' of Horst Honneth, his father a 'medical doctor' (p. 2) even though medical doctors are hardly bourgeois--perhaps petit-bourgeois. Essen's unchallenged bourgeoisie remains the staunchly reactionary war mongering, Nazi supporting, and Jewish prison labour using--and abusing--Krupp family. But soon the 1949-born Axel Honneth moved from Essen to nearby Bochum and later to Berlin and Frankfurt to become the 'director of the Institute for Social Research' (p. 3)--critical theory's main institution. Zurn writes that critical theory must also have a practical purpose' (p. 5) even though one might be somewhat hard pressed to find such a 'practical purpose' in, for example, Adorno's (1944) seminal masterpiece 'Minima Moralia'. Beyond that, Zurn notes that Honneth 'has consistently tied his recognition theory to issues of political economy' (p. 9), albeit political economy remains rather marginal in Honneth's recognition work and even more marginal in his Freedom's Right. On the latter, Zurn emphasizes that Freedom's Right is a 'monumental book' attempting nothing less than a contemporary re-actualization of Hegel's 1820 ambitious project, the 'Philosophy of Right' (p. 10). Surely, anyone aiming to measure up to Hegel has set himself a most formidable task. Yet this does not seem to have created an awareness that Hegel--unlike Honneth--was not only aware of the current literature on the political economy of his time but also--again unlike Honneth--critically reflected on it. If Hegel himself would have undertaken such a 're-actualisation (Honneth) himself, he might have included at least some of the political economy literature that occurred since 'Philosophy of Right' (1821) in a book on 'freedom's right'. One author that Hegel would most likely have included in such a project could have been that of one of his prime pupils by the name of Karl Marx and perhaps Karl Polanyi, Keynes, Schumpeter, Immauel Wallerstein, Leo Panitch, Kenneth Galbraith, Barbara Ehrenreich, David Harvey, Joseph Stiglitz, and so forth. But despite Zurn's claims, Honneth's work remains weak on this. Nevertheless, it remains true that 'the most influential single thinker for Honneth is undoubtedly Hegel [as Honneth] follows Hegel's lead rather than Kant' (p. 12). But stating that 'Hegel seeks reason and morality in the space of social interactions between persons' (p. 12) may be overstating Hegel as the latter was at least equally, if not more, interested in reason and morality inside institutions; with the state being among his prime institutions and perhaps corporations being minor institutions (Klikauer 2015a). It beggars belief to claim that 'humans actually come to have an understanding of themselves only in and through social interactions with others' (p. 16). As if this was the 'only' (Zurn) way we understand ourselves, perhaps indirectly also indicating that institutions like kindergarten, schools, universities, the army, the police, and even down to your local taxation office have no impact on how we understand ourselves. …

The Kurdish movement in Turkey illustrates a complex struggle for political recognition and decolonization. The article examines this dual strategic orientation, focusing on the peace process initiated in October 2024 between the Turkish state and Kurdish representatives. Through a detailed and symptomatic reading of the two texts by Abdullah Öcalan, February Call and Perspektif , the article aims to demonstrate that the movement both interacts with the state to secure democratic prerequisites for political participation and continues to promote a radical critique of capitalist modernity and nation-state structures. Drawing upon Axel Honneth’s recognition theory and Étienne Balibar’s concept of “equaliberty,” the struggle for recognition is no longer seen just to result in a depoliticization through governmental control, but is rethought as building the capacity to stage an ongoing, performative process that manages the constitutive tension between equality and autonomy within Kurdish decolonial practice. This approach raises questions about how the movement navigates state structures while promoting alternative social institutions and epistemic spaces, including the problematic site of communes as a form of democratic autonomous experimentation.

The article discusses some aspects of the relationship between science and society through the prism of such a social phenomenon as the popularization of science. The usual narrative around science popularization today assumes the availability of scientific knowledge and its results for the whole society. However, the academic community quite clearly expresses its concerns about the need and, most importantly, the possibility of conveying scientific knowledge to laypeople in a simplified form. It is this opposition that is playing an increasingly prominent role today, including in the development of state science and technology policy. At the same time, as the author shows, the problem of science popularization turns out to be much more multilayered than it seems at first glance. The popularization of science is only a good indicator of the attitude of the state and society towards science and is a derivative of a more fundamental problem – the relationship between science and the democratic structure of society. Usually, they note several positive trends associated with the popularization of science: helping people to learn about new scientific discoveries and research, which can lead to an increase in interest in science in general; scientific knowledge becomes more accessible to a wide range of people (this contributes to an increase in the general level of education and development of society); science popularization can help to reduce anti-science prejudices and stereotypes as well as to increase the level of scientific literacy and critical thinking in society. However, as the author demonstrates using numerous characteristic examples, this is only one side of the coin. Popularization has another, negative side, which has a no less powerful influence on both society in general and the scientific community in particular. Thus, it is the popularization of science that can lead to the “wildness”of society, to ignoring expert scientific opinion. Due to the need to transfer scientific information in an accessible form, there is a simplification or even distortion of scientific data. This can lead to misunderstandings of science and the spread of myths and false beliefs. Obviously, it is important to find a balance between the availability of scientific information and the preservation of its quality and accuracy. But is it possible to find a balance in such a situation? Or is scientific popularization destined to become part of the entertainment business?

Despite heightened awareness of the detrimental impact of hate speech on social media platforms on affected communities and public discourse, there is little consensus on approaches to mitigate it. While content moderation—either by governments or social media companies—can curb online hostility, such policies may suppress valuable as well as illicit speech and might disperse rather than reduce hate speech. As an alternative strategy, an increasing number of international and nongovernmental organizations (I/NGOs) are employing counterspeech to confront and reduce online hate speech. Despite their growing popularity, there is scant experimental evidence on the effectiveness and design of counterspeech strategies (in the public domain). Modeling our interventions on current I/NGO practice, we randomly assign English-speaking Twitter users who have sent messages containing xenophobic (or racist) hate speech to one of three counterspeech strategies—empathy, warning of consequences, and humor—or a control group. Our intention-to-treat analysis of 1,350 Twitter users shows that empathy-based counterspeech messages can increase the retrospective deletion of xenophobic hate speech by 0.2 SD and reduce the prospective creation of xenophobic hate speech over a 4-wk follow-up period by 0.1 SD. We find, however, no consistent effects for strategies using humor or warning of consequences. Together, these results advance our understanding of the central role of empathy in reducing exclusionary behavior and inform the design of future counterspeech interventions.

The 2010–2011 uprisings in Tunisia exemplify the mutually reinforcing discourses on redistribution—the expansion of socio-economic rights—and recognition, with claims of personal dignity and social esteem. In 2010–2011, these narratives have been framed together and have generated significant mobilizations, something which in successive waves of protests has failed to materialize to the same extent. This chapter looks at how struggles for redistribution are locked into struggles for recognition by examining the politics of informality in marginal areas of the country. In those areas, standard social injustice claims are coupled with frustration over a lack of recognition and, in particular, of alternative visions of the state and state-society relations. The chapter also claims that the post-2011 political system has failed to accommodate injustice in a transformative way, that is, modifying the modes of production and eradicating the origins of the distributive injustice. While the state has been limiting its action to providing some form of affirmative remedies that do not impact upon the underlying conditions these inequalities stem from, social unrests continue to occur.

Aim/Purpose: This study aims to propose an efficient implementation of identifying and detecting offensive and hate comments on social media platforms for Dravidian languages. Background: There has been a notable increase in hate comments on social media platforms in recent years. Hate language and hate speech are expressions of conflicts that arise between different groups, both within and across civilizations. This toxic behavior has a detrimental impact on individuals, resulting in disagreements, arguments, political conflicts, and even mental health issues such as cyberbullying, depression, and anxiety. In recent years, research on offensive detection has expanded beyond English and Hindi languages to include other languages such as Urdu, Spanish, Arabic, and more. An ongoing trend in modern research involves gathering data from prominent social media platforms such as YouTube, Instagram, and Twitter to train models in proposed studies. Methodology: The objective of this work is to identify and detect offensive or hateful comments on social media platforms dedicated explicitly to the Dravidian languages - Tamil, Kannada, and Malayalam. The dataset, HASOC-Offensive Language Identification track in Dravidian Code-Mix FIRE 2021, undergoes several proposed preprocessing procedures on the YouTube comments. Tokens were created to represent the attributes. The pre-trained models utilizing transformers were trained using tokenized data. The efficacy of different binary classifiers has been assessed and analyzed using the embedded vectors derived from the models. The mBert with the classifier model CATBOOST with GSCV achieved F1 scores for Tamil, Malayalam, and Kannada are 0.94, 0.98, and 0.82, respectively. Precision and recall values for Tamil, Malayalam, and Kannada are 0.94, 0.98, and 0.82, and 0.94, 0.98, and 0.83, respectively. Contribution: This research produced an approach to improve the results and F1-score by performing an improved preprocessing method using stemming and stopword removal. The native and English-coded comment data used in this work were not discussed much in the previous works. Findings: The findings of this study indicated that the preprocessing work combined both the native language data and the English-coded language. It describes the improved models and performance of the results in order to detect hate speech. Recommendations for Practitioners: This study is expected to be valuable for social media platforms and other review sites to separate offensive comments from good and bad ones. This is also valuable for content creators and users in improving their ideas and content and also helps in preventing cyber harassment and bullying. Recommendation for Researchers: This study discussed the use of stemming and stopword removal and how it improved the detection of hate comments for both native and codemix comments in social media. Impact on Society: This work helps the users and community to explore the positive side of the internet and content creators to share their ideas without undermining the benefits of online interactions. Future Research: Future research will explore the uniqueness of the linguistics and slang of these three languages. Apart from these languages, future research will be conducted on North-Indian Indian languages like Bengali, Marathi, and Gujarati.

This paper describes ten years of efforts in introducing the state-of-the-art information and communication technologies (ICT) and development of ICT infrastructure on the national level. The aim of the project was to build Internet in Croatia and to foster its leverage in the broad range of activities of public interest in the society as a whole. The prime target group was academic and research community, as a vehicle for the overall development in the society. Croatian Academic and Research Network (CARNet) had been started as a project in 1991, and, after five years, it was transformed into a government agency. A broad range of activities had been started, from building and maintaining private nation-wide communication and computer network to information services, user support, education, pilot projects and promotion. The academic community has been treated not only as the main customer, but also as an active partner in developing and providing services. CARNet has been fully funded by the state budget for ten years, without any participation of the commercial sector, domestic donations or international financial support. Although CARNet is treated as Croatian success story, recognized inside and outside of the country, the question is whether the initial goals have been realistic and achievements sufficient, considering the low penetration of ICT into the Croatian society. Likewise, budget cuts, continuous struggle for political recognition and authority, as well as fights with national telecommunication monopoly, have created an array of questions to be answered at the beginning of the second decade of this highly ambitious endeavour.

This paper describes 10 years of efforts in introducing the state-of-the-art information and communication technologies (ICT) and development of ICT infrastructure on the national level. The aim of the project was to build Internet in Croatia and to foster its leverage in the broad range of activities of public interest in the society as a whole. The prime target group was academic and research community, as a vehicle for the overall development in the society. Croatian Academic and Research Network (CARNet) had been started as a project in 1991, and, after five years, it was transformed into a government agency. A broad range of activities had been started, from building and maintaining private nation-wide communication and computer network to information services, user support, education, pilot projects and promotion. The academic community has been treated not only as the main customer, but also as an active partner in developing and providing services. CARNet has been fully funded by the state budget for 10 years, without any participation of the commercial sector, domestic donations or international financial support. Although CARNet is treated as Croatian success story, recognized inside and outside of the country, the question is whether the initial goals have been realistic and achievements sufficient, considering the low penetration of ICT into the Croatian society. Likewise, budget cuts, continuous struggle for political recognition and authority, as well as fights with national telecommunication monopoly, have created an array of questions to be answered at the beginning of the second decade of this highly ambitious endeavor.

High school students at State Senior High School of Rancaekek are the young generation who have strategic potential in social change. The lack of digital literacy for high school students can be a threat to the ideals of a Golden Indonesia in 2045. For this reason, digital media literacy training and content creators are needed for Rancaekek state high school students, Bandung Regency. This training is carried out directly using interactive lecture methods and focus group discussions (FGD), as well as hands-on practice in processing social media content. The training has succeeded in increasing students' awareness and knowledge about digital media and content creators. Mainly seen from the increase in awareness and knowledge regarding social media content that needs to be studied and filtered before spreading such as hoaxes, fake news, hate speech and so on which is reflected in the results of the pre-test and post-test. The students showed a significant increase in knowledge and skills about the benefits and impacts of digitization, how to avoid hoax news, the Canva application as an application that can support learning and work, and procedures for creating content on social media. Apart from that, in this activity there was also an introduction to CV and LinkedIn as well as the use of Canva and Google Digital Garage. Recommendations for training activities at SMAN Rancaekek are the need for gradual continuation of digital literacy training for students. In addition, school policies are needed to develop digital media literacy agendas as an important part of the teaching and learning process.