NATO, Russia and the failure of “partnership” before 2022

Relevance. The intervention of the peacekeeping forces of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) into Kazakhstan is the first case of using the peacekeeping forces of the CSTO to ensure the sovereignty of a Member State of the Treaty, to prevent security threats and stabilize situation. This operation demonstrated the readiness of the states to provide assistance within the framework of the Collective Security Treaty on the basis of mutual agreement and at the request of the injured state. The purpose of this study is to examine the CSTO peacekeeping forces participation in the conflict resolution in Kazakhstan. The objectives of the study are to consider the main aspects of the history of CSTO establishment; to study the triggers of the conflict in Kazakhstan; to analyze the activities of the organization in relation to the conflict under con-sideration; to substantiate the need for the actions taken by the Organization; to study the role of the CSTO in the resolution of this conflict. Methodology. To carry out this study, general scientific and private-law methods (technical-legal method) as well as the historical-legal method were used. Results. The Collective Security Treaty Organization is a regional international organization that ensures peace and security. It can be argued with a high degree of probability that the CSTO is ready to repel attempts to violate the sovereignty of its member states. Conclusions. It is necessary to further improve the legal framework of the CSTO in order to counter new threats and challenges of the present. The consent of the Member States in assistance and support will ensure normal de-velopment of each Member State and exclude the possibility of outside interference in their internal affairs. In general, this is exactly the organization that can ensure security in the region.

Abstract: The establishment of irrevocable democracy, the rule of law, free market economic relations, and the protection of fundamental human rights have not yet assumed key significance in the South Caucasus countries. Consequently, all pressing problems of the region continue to intensify, keeping the region politically and economically unstable. Given contending geopolitical and geoeconomic interests, the region may develop into a center of clashes jeopardizing the currently manageable political instability. The focus of this article is to highlight the main threats to regional security and stability. Key words: Nagorno-Karabakh, NATO, South Caucasus Opposing Foreign Policy Vectors Division lines separating Armenia from the region became particularly pronounced in 1999, when the other Caucasus republics, Azerbaijan, and Georgia, walked out of the Russian-led Collective Security Treaty (CST), declaring their intentions to instead integrate with Euro-Atlantic security structures. In 2003, the CST was reorganized into the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), formed as a counter to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the eastward expansion of European influence. Armenia is the only country in the South Caucasus whose foreign policy serves the goals of the CSTO, and Armenian authorities see it as the only international framework ensuring the country's national security. On the other hand, Georgia and Azerbaijan are striving to minimize threats to their security by seeking the development of relations with NATO. Armenia's only relations with NATO, through its Individual Partnership Action Plan (IPAP), have been a part of Moscow's attempt to initiate cooperation between NATO and the CSTO. Armenian authorities state that the country's defense system stems from the assumption of NATO-CSTO dialogue. It is obvious that Armenia also hopes for the implementation of a June 18, 2004, decision of the CSTO's Collective Security Council, the core of which is a structural transformation of a one-level individual partnership, effective under the frameworks of the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council (EAPC) and the Partnership for Peace program (PfP) into the format of a two-level individual-collective partnership with NATO. This is because every CSTO member country is also a member of the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council (CEAP), whereas Armenia is the only CSTO member developing an IPAP with NATO. There is little doubt that regional stability will be possible in the South Caucasus when the three states of the region belong to the same international security system. The harmonization, synchronization, and coordination of the foreign policy priorities of the three states can prevent the South Caucasus from developing into a hotbed of geopolitical clashes. This means that Armenia should revise its foreign policy. Armenia's IPAR however, is not sufficient, and the country should declare its intention to join NATO. While doing this, Armenia should continue to develop its place in and relationships with international and regional organizations, which in the future may take on key security functions. Under these conditions, Armenia's membership in GUAM (Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan, and Moldova) would indicate Yerevan's desire to take up a realistic foreign policy. If Armenia continues to remain isolated from the regional integration processes, the divergences in the interests of the three states will continue to deepen, and the line that separates confronting geopolitical blocs and security systems will run along Armenia's borders. Unfortunately, the authoritarian regime presently in power in Armenia has reduced its foreign policy to tighten its grip. As a result, Armenia has become the main conduit of Russian policy in the region, thus restricting its foreign policy to the bounds of the Kremlin's interests. The recent redeployment of Russian military forces and hardware from Georgia to Armenia reflects Armenia's continuing economic and political isolation, and is evidence of the growing polarization in the region. …

The paper focuses on the impact of the 2022-2023 international crisis on the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and prospects for its development. For this purpose, the analysis of the institutional development of the CSTO is carried out; the impact of the crisis on existing chronic problems within the CSTO and on the emergence of new contradictions is considered; possible scenarios for further transformation of the CSTO are formulated. The study is based mainly on a source base, which includes official documents, materials and statements of the CSTO and its member states, and news materials from various information resources. To conduct the study, foreign policy behavior methods and scenario analysis and were used. In 2022-2023 in the context of an unprecedented international crisis, the CSTO member states were able to continue interaction in four main areas, including administrative activities, rule-making, organization of joint exercises and personnel training, and foreign policy cooperation. At the same time, the Ukrainian crisis became one of the factors that contributed to the aggravation of problems within the CSTO. The inability of the CSTO to ensure real coordination of the foreign policy of the member states became obvious: the allies, with the exception of Belarus, did not express solidarity with Russia on the situation in Ukraine. Azerbaijan’s military operations in Nagorno-Karabakh once again pointed to the lack of consensus in the CSTO on issues of ensuring the security of Armenia and Yerevan’s deep dissatisfaction with the activities of the Organization. There are still contradictions between Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan. The Afghan problem is a serious external threat, to which the CSTO countries have yet to develop an effective collective response. Based on such parameters as the composition of the Organization and the degree of foreign policy coordination implemented by the allies, four scenarios for the evolution of the CSTO were identified. Of these, the most likely scenario is the “inertia” scenario, which is characterized by maintaining the composition of the CSTO and a further decrease in the degree of foreign policy coordination. In this scenario, Armenia retains formal membership in the Organization, effectively freezing participation in its activities. Foreign policy coordination is increasingly reduced to general statements. The organization continues to move along the established trajectory, but movement due to inertia, as we know, cannot help but slow down. In general, during the crisis of 2022-2023 the CSTO’s line of maintaining neutrality regarding the Ukrainian crisis, searching for minimal points of contact in the interests of the member states and progressively promoting cooperation in traditional areas are the optimal tactics. However, an obvious problem is the lack of a long-term development strategy for the organization. Intensifying cooperation in this area should become the main task for Russian policy towards the CSTO.

This article presented to the attention of readers is dedicated to the analysis of history, present condition and development prospects of inter-state relations on national and regional security between former Soviet republics, now new sovereign Eurasian states, as well as to the examination of organization forms of such relations. Having formulated basic principles of cooperation on these issues and underlying the need of collective and coordinated activities against threats to their security and stability in new geopolitical realities stipulated by the collapse of the USSR nine post-Soviet states concluded the Collective Security Treaty which came into force in 1994. Five years later, in April 1999, presidents of six these countries, namely Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia and Tajikistan, signed the protocol on prolongation of the Collective Security Treaty for the next five years while Azerbaijan, Georgia and Uzbekistan refused to extend their membership in the Treaty and left it. It happened since due to a number of various domestic and external reasons the formation of national statehood of new sovereign states began to differ substantially from each other as to their strategic goals, aspirations and orientations which subsequently caused serious changes in their approaches to building relations with their foreign partners in bilateral and multilateral forms. In this connection in May 2002 those countries that retained their membership in the Collective Security Treaty decided to reorganize it into a new alliance with a higher degree of integration of its members in order to increase its role in promoting national and regional security – the Collective Security Treaty Organization. The present article examines basic events connected with the Collective Security Treaty Organization formation over the next 20 years, evolution of its goals and tasks, as well as requirements of making concrete directions of its activities more precise because of fundamental changes in the international environment. In the course of the undertaken analysis most important achievements of the Collective Security Treaty Organization during these years were singled out as well as concrete shortcomings in its activities were noted. Also, alternative variants of further development of this international security organization including those that may exceed the post-Soviet space were mentioned.

The Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) was founded in 1992 for military-economic cooperation of member countries and mainly reflects the intention of Russia to maintain its zone of influence on the territory of the former USSR. In continuation of this policy, an agreement was concluded on the foundation of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), which began its operation in 2015 and provides a certain freedom of movement of goods (services), capital and labor. These organizations provide effective interaction between the CSTO member states and the EAEU including common space between the countries and their development in a single trajectory, which allows to obtain a synergistic effect on the international arena. Thus, it is necessary to monitor the level of military-economic cooperation between the CSTO and EAEU member states. The purpose of this article was to study the challenges and threats to the Russia of military-economic cooperation of the CSTO and EAEU member states with third countries. To achieve this goal, military-economic cooperation of Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Belarus, Armenia with third countries was examined and proposals were made for replacing purchases on the arms market with Russian counterparts. Some CSTO and EAEU countries seek to diversify their purchases in the arms market, providing a program of independent military development with the development of military-industrial cooperation with third countries. This situation forces Russia to ensure the development of plans for the import substitution of military products with Russian counterparts on the market of the CSTO and the EAEU. To test this hypothesis, we reviewed and analyzed publicly available statistics and documents, including data from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute. In the course of data analysis, it was proved that Belarus, Kazakhstan and partially Armenia diversify their purchases of military equipment and weapons by actively developing military-economic cooperation with third countries, including China.

The article highlights one of the essential factors determining the capacity of regional and international organizations, as well as their success in achieving their goals, that is close cooperation between members of the organizations and with external organizations. The necessity to reach common views on strengthening of peace, security and stability predetermined the active position of the government of the Russian Federation in the development of foreign policy cooperation of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO). The author gives the definition of foreign policy cooperation of the CSTO, notes its basic mechanisms and the necessity of their formation, states the order of the formation of the foreign policy mechanisms that were identified by the basic acts of the CSTO, and identifies the role of the Russian leadership in their creation and development. The study gives the characteristic of the work of the State apparatus of the Russian Federation, implemented in the framework of the development of foreign cooperation of the CSTO, and notes the main challenges during the creation and development of mechanisms of foreign policy activity of the CSTO. The article evaluates the efficiency of the generated foreign policy mechanisms on the example of localization of the antigovernment protests that took place in Kyrgyzstan in 2010. The study notes the influence of the foreign policy positions of the CSTO member States on the effectiveness of cooperation in the format of the Organization. The author formulates the conclusions in which he states the role and place of foreign policy cooperation as one of the directions of interaction between the member countries of the CSTO, the necessity for the State apparatus of the Russian Federation to work on its development, and also indicates a possible way to overcome the limitations imposed by third-party organizations for the development of cooperation within the framework of security.

In the conditions existing on the territory of post-Soviet realities, solution of the task of ensuring independence, territorial integrity and sovereignty is impossible without the adequate security component. The Collective Security Treaty was signed on May 15, 1992 within the frame of the CIS to join the armed forces of the State parties, which were integral parts of the military potential of the Soviet Union. Having inherited the major part of military units and military infrastructure of the former Soviet Union, Russia had a significant impact on the development of military cooperation of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO). The author gives the definition of military cooperation of the CSTO, highlights its main components and the necessity of their development, the order of the development of the main directions in military cooperation, the role of the Russian leadership in their formation. The study characterizes the work of the State apparatus of the Russian Federation carried out for the development of military cooperation of the CSTO, notes the main difficulties arising in the process of formation and development of the main directions of military cooperation. The study indicates the influence of the foreign policies of the CSTO member-states on the intensity of military cooperation. The conclusion highlights the role and place of military cooperation as one of the directions in interaction between the CSTO member-countries, the work of the State apparatus of the Russian Federation on its development, and outlines the main directions of further development.

The pursuit of integration in post-Soviet Eurasia (PSE) concerns institutions, but it is also about ideas: the vision that the region at some level remains some sort of political community. While the dream of unity remains an active project, the object remains as elusive as ever. Initiative is piled upon declaration, yet there appears to be little substantive progress. The lack of large-scale achievement in integration, however, belies some small advances at the level of cooperation, especially at the subregional level. The ambition to recreate some sort of pan-Eurasian body covering the greater part of the former Soviet Union is clearly for the present a hopeless dream. The Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) lacks an internal dynamic for development, and while its routine gatherings of heads of state and other officials continues to provide a forum for negotiation and a sphere to solve certain practical problems, the CIS has not developed into anything like an analogue of the European Union (EU). However, the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO; in Russian Organizatsiya dogovora o kollektivnoi bezopasnosti, ODKB) does show certain cohesive qualities, and although it is a relatively small organisation with a restricted mandate, its continued development suggests that the cooperative drive in PSE is not altogether exhausted. It represents a small and partial step, but perhaps more importantly indicates the way that genuine integration projects can be achieved. Indeed, soon after his inauguration on 7 May 2008 Dmitry Medvedev stated that strengthening Russia’s ties with other former Soviet republics would be the priority for his presidency, and his first foreign visit as president was to Kazakhstan (Moscow Times, 23 May 2008). This was in contrast with Vladimir Putin, who began his presidency by stressing the importance of ties with the EU. However, war in the Caucasus within months of Medvedev’s inauguration demonstrated just how complex the combination of internal pressures and external influence had become. Conflicting internal imperatives and outside interests rendered the former Soviet space the focus of a new era of confrontation.

Ambivalence and misconceptions surround the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO). Relying upon the literature on multilateralism, state–IGO relations, regionalism and security governance, this study examines: which goals Russia is pursuing in its CSTO policy; how Russia engages with its individual members within the organisation; how Russia uses it in five foreign policy situations and with which results. It shows that Russia’s CSTO policy is more mixed and complex than is usually assumed. Russia uses the CSTO in pursuit of unilateral ambitions but it is also searching for partners. Russia’s policy has resulted in the formation of instrumental multilateralism within the CSTO.

The Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), as an international regional organization, unites states that have common principles for ensuring collective security in the post-Soviet space. In addition to military, political, anti-terrorist, anti-drug, migration aspects, the Organizations practical activities provide for the implementation of peacekeeping missions in the region, as well as beyond. Over the past decade, the CSTO has been systematically raising the level of its readiness to respond to various types of threats, interacting with both states and other international organizations in this area. The purpose of this article is to assess the current state of the CSTO peacekeeping activity, to identify its strengths and weaknesses, and possible ways to increase the effectiveness of peacekeeping. The scientific novelty of the research lays in the consideration, on the basis of a retrospective analysis, of the actual state of the political, military, information components of the Organizations peacekeeping, which at the present time, obviously, have not yet reached their maximum efficiency. The author examines the reasons for the creation of the CSTO, the historical stages of the Organizations interaction with the UN, the practical aspects of their cooperation. Special attention is paid to the existing relationship between the member states within the Organization itself, to the political problems of the perception of the CSTO by other subjects of international law as an equal partner. It notes its complete political ignorance on the part of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in the presence of bilateral contacts with most member states. In conclusion, the author comes to the conclusion that the Organization is currently experiencing an identity crisis and does not show sufficient efficiency in the context of the implementation of close allied relations in the system of ensuring regional security.

In recent years, relations between Armenia and the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) have deteriorated due to its refusal to provide military assistance to Yerevan during the recent clashes with Azerbaijan. The growing disagreements between Yerevan, on the one hand, and the CSTO and Moscow, on the other, have led to the fact that recently Armenia has not participated in the functioning of the organization and has repeatedly stated that it is ready to leave it. The article aims to determine the consequences of Armenia’s possible withdrawal from the CSTO for the anti-terrorist potential of this organization. The article provides an analysis of Armenia's historical role in the collective security system, as well as Yerevan’s actions to freeze its membership in the CSTO, outlines the priorities and goals of other influential members of the international community (Russia, the United States, and the EU) in relation to the South Caucasus, and defines the prospects for the organization's work in the current conditions. It is concluded that Armenia’s withdrawal will not have a significant impact on the work of the CSTO, but will weaken the overall regional security system, increasing the terrorist threat not only to other post-Soviet states, but also to Armenia itself. Key words: post-Soviet space, international organization, CSTO, Armenia, Russia, USA, European Union, fight against terrorism.

The article is devoted to the consideration of issues of countering international and regional terrorism through the use of such an institution as a regional international security organization – the Collective Security Treaty Organization. A brief description of modern terrorism and terrorist manifestations in the Central Asian region is given, taking into account the current situation in Afghanistan in the late 20th – early 21st centuries. In historical retrospect, the factors that influenced the growth of terrorist activity are analyzed. The reasons for the creation of a regional international security organization – the Collective Security Treaty Organization, the main provisions of its Charter, especially those related to countering terrorist threats, are investigated. Using the example of the CSTO collective rapid response forces conducting a counter-terrorism operation in Kazakhstan in January 2022, the features of such an interstate type of operational combat event are investigated. Other options for the creation of inter-state antiterrorism units have been studied using the example of the European ATLAS. The main directions of the development of the CSTO in countering terrorism in the region of the Organization’s member states have been identified. The factors that will contribute to improving the effectiveness of the anti-terrorist measures taken to maintain stability in the region, as well as the main determinants of regional terrorism, are identified. The threats of a terrorist nature for the CSTO member states and options for their minimization and elimination through the use of CSTO forces and means are outlined.

In January 2022, Kazakhstan was faced with an attempt of a violent change of power in the form of mass protests that spread throughout the country and were organized with the basic techniques of color revolutions. The country’s own law enforcement forces were not able to cope with radical citizens, looters-rioters, and terrorists, and in these circumstances the head of state, K.K. Tokayev, decided to request the support of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) allies, who immediately sent the united peacekeeping troops to the republic. The CSTO peacekeeping mission, coordinated by Russia, successfully restored constitutional order in the country and prevented a violent coup d’état. The purpose of this research is to analyze the course of the January events and actions of the CSTO, as well as their impact on Kazakhstan, the region and the organization itself. The paper is based on interviews with experts from the CSTO member states, studies carried out in this area of research, and statements by official authorities. The synthesis of the research results is divided into thematic blocks and supplemented by the author’s conclusions. The paper mentions aspects such as the transition of power, changes in Kazakhstan’s domestic and foreign policies, the effectiveness of the CSTO organization and the expansion of its potential use. Proposals are also provided regarding the strengthening of defense integration and the need to develop a common regional identity. The research is unique in that it brings expert opinions from six CSTO member states, the results of studies carried out by researchers from Russia, Kazakhstan, and abroad, and the theoretical terminology of Western political ideology. The author presents the area of responsibility of the CSTO as a Eurasian security community based not only on collective security, but also on economic interdependence and a sense of community among the nations of its member states.

This article contributes to research on non-Western regionalism by examining the function of security policy coordination in two macro-regional organisations in Eurasia, which include the primary non-Western powers: the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO)—with China and Russia—and the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO)—with Russia. The SCO has wider formal functions, and the CSTO is more hierarchical in practice, but both claim to be regional security providers with a focus on Central Asia. It is puzzling that Member States stress the importance of these organisations, that there have been regular meetings for over 15 years, yet their functionality is low judging by their ability to implement various ambitious projects. This article offers the explanation for this in the focus of SCO and CSTO Member State leaders on the interaction between domestic political, and regional security priorities. As a result, these bodies express the phenomenon of ‘protective integration’. It is a phenomenon that does not offer substantive regional integration or emphasise collective-action problem solving. It is intended to be sovereignty enhancing and to bolster regime security, stability, and legitimacy. It fosters a culture of interaction, normative bonding, and collective political solidarity. This is confirmed in empirical analysis of SCO and CSTO discourse and agreements over counter-terrorism, information security, and foreign policy coordination. However, the bonds of protective integration have weakened as separatism has become a divisive issue since 2014 over Russian action in Ukraine. Moreover, organisational enlargement of the SCO further threatens its cohesion, while it is being displaced by the belt and road initiative in the wider context of Chinese foreign and economic policy priorities. Neither the SCO nor the CSTO are likely to be dissolved, but their purposes are likely to become more diffuse.

This article studies the interconnection of global and regional security systems using the example of the interaction of the United Nations (UN) with the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). According to the author, their activity is underestimated. These organizations appeared in the wake of the emergence of a pool of regional associations of countries that have become involved in security and peacekeeping activities.Both associations have a similar composition of members, were established after the collapse of the USSR, are observers in the UN, are engaged in security as one of their key activities, and have similar functions. The CSTO and the SCO prevented new conflicts from breaking out in the post-Soviet space by acting as stabilizing forces within the borders of their regions and the participating states.This study’s relevance is underscored first, by the special role that regional organizations play in building and operating a global security system; second, by the lack of existing research focused on the interaction of the UN with the CSTO and the SCO; and third, by the need to improve the collective mechanisms for responding to new security threats which become intertwined with existing challenges.The theory of military-political alliances provides the analytical basis of this research. The article uses quantitative and qualitative methods, including analysis of United Nations documents. The interconnection between the UN, SCO and CSTO is analyzed by counting the number of times the keywords “CSTO” and “SCO” appear in UN documents and defining the context of their use over a period of 15 (from 2002 to 2017) and 16 years (from 2001 to 2017) respectively. An extensive database of UN documents was available from the United Nations Bibliographic Information System (UNBISNET). Based on this analysis, an assessment is made of the contribution and interest of the Russian Federation as a leading player in international relations in the process of strengthening the interconnection of global and regional security systems.