Music and the making of Portugal and Spain: nationalism and identity politics in the Iberian Peninsula

Review of: Music and the Making of Portugal and Spain: Nationalism and Identity Politics in the Iberian Peninsula, Matthew Machin-Autenrieth, Salwa El-Shawan Castelo-Branco and Samuel Llano (eds) Urbana, Chicago, and Springfield, IL: University of Illinois Press, 304 pp., ISBN 978-0-25204-532-5, h/bk, $125 ISBN 978-0-25208-744-8, p/bk, $32 ISBN 978-0-25205-485-3, e-book, $19.95

This chapter combines quantitative and qualitative analysis to examine the Belfast labour movement and national and religious division. It questions previous analysis—which has over-emphasised the ‘failure’ of labour in policy and electoral terms—on the politics of identity, nationality and sectarianism in the city. The first section is concerned with discussion of the politics of identity, nationality and sectarianism. It assesses the inter-war Belfast labour movement and the politics of nationality. The second section examines the relationship between the Belfast labour movement and sectarianism. It examines how national, political and sectarian violence and conflict affected local labour. The third section addresses how Belfast labour addressed sectarian rhetoric and language.

Democracy and Nation Formation: National Identity Change and Dual Identity in Taiwan, 1991-2011 Shiau-Chi Shen As has been the case in many newly democratized countries, the transition to democracy in Taiwan entailed nationalist competition and the aggravation of ethnic conflict. Much research has shown that national identities among the general populace have experienced radical change. The Chinese national identity no longer occupies a dominant position, while the Taiwanese national identity is rapidly rising. The popular view is that democratization provides a political space for this nascent Taiwanese identity to challenge, and eventually replace, orthodox Chinese identity. This view, however, overlooks the very important phenomenon that, especially in the stage following the democratic transition, most people held dual national identity, i.e. both Taiwanese and Chinese national identities. This phenomenon presents a puzzle to the study of national identity in Taiwan, and in general as well. Why, in the fierce confrontation between two national identities in national politics, would most people prefer to see Taiwanese and Chinese national identities as compatible and show their allegiance to both? This dissertation challenges the assumption in previous research that the nature of national identity is exclusive—that it represents an either-or choice or attitude. This assumption has led to the incorrect view that the decline of Chinese national identity and the rise of Taiwanese national identity are two sides of the same coin. Contrary to this conventional view, this study shows that the trajectory of the two identities are actually different processes which have occurred during different historical stages and in different international environments, and that they are the results of different political forces. Taiwanese national identity started to rise in the early 1990’s. Chinese national identity, however, began to decline only after 2000. The past two decades thus witnessed a great proportion of people with dual identity. This study focuses on the factors of state and politics, rather than history and ethnicity, to explain the rise of Taiwanese national identity, and also the phenomenon of dual identity. It is contended that the ethnic base of Taiwanese national identity, with its particular history and language, which has been much emphasized by many political and cultural elites, as well as scholars, constitutes only one route of nation formation. The other more important route is through political participation in the democratic regime. While democratic institutions and practices redefine the de jure territory of the state (the Republic of China), democratic citizenship provides a new base for collective self-understanding. Through participation in democratic political processes, identification with the Taiwan-wide political community is cultivated among the populace. The Taiwanese national identity engendered through this route does not challenge the ethnicity upon which the Chinese national identity is based. It thus is able to co-exist with Chinese national identity. The decline of Chinese national identity is hence not the result of the rise of Taiwanese identity, but of the rise of China. It is argued that the dominance of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in the international community along with its staunch One China Principle has removed the important component of the Republic of China (ROC) from the Chinese national identity in Taiwan. Chinese unification now means the elimination of the ROC and to be ruled by the PRC. People who have identified with the ROC no longer opt for a unified great China and hence forgo their Chinese national identity. Based on the study of the phenomenon of dual identity in Taiwan, this dissertation proposes two important theoretical findings. First, contrary to the popular view among the students of nationalism and nationalist politics, it argues that democratization mitigates rather than exacerbates identity politics. Secondly, dual identity is difficult to sustain if the larger nation pursues a state that denies political autonomy to the small nation.

Censorship is highly topical. In the context of global crises, eroding democracies and strengthening autocracies and dictatorships, it even seems to be gaining in relevance. A scholarly review of the phenomenon and its study is urgently needed. This handbook is the first to present the state of censorship research from an interdisciplinary, transhistorical, and global perspective. After conceptual-theoretical foundations, central actors and fields of action of censorship are dealt with: Politics, religion, economics, art, media, and law. This is followed by an overview of the history of censorship from antiquity to the 21st century. In contributions on various world regions (Africa, Asia, Australia, North, Central and South America, Western and Eastern Europe), the global dimensions of censorship are unfolded. Finally, current controversies and polemics of censorship, censorship narratives and debates (e.g. on 'cancel culture' and 'identity politics') are addressed. The handbook is aimed at the specialist audience interested in censorship in cultural studies, literature and media studies, history and law, as well as advanced students. With contributions by Sigrun Abels | Norbert Bachleitner | Jessica Bauer | Lars Distelhorst | Jennifer Ehrhardt | Sascha Feuchert | Johannes Frimmel | Florian Gassner | Juri Häbler | Christine Haug | Thomas Keiderling | Wolfgang Stephan Kissel | Hans J. Lind | Manfred Loimeier | Siegfried Lokatis | Matthias N. Lorenz | Christian Meierhofer |Claus Oberhauser | Stephan Packard | Jörg Requate | Dirk Rohmann | Nikola Roßbach | Roland Seim | Daniel Syrovy | Jan-Henrik Witthaus | Hubert Wolf | Wolfgang Wüst

The Islamization of Spain in William Rowley and Mary Pix: The Politics of Nation and Gender Pilar Cuder-Dominguez ThesustainedMuslimpresence in Spainbetween 711 and 1492 provides a fascinatingexample ofintercultural dynamics thathas never ceased to engage the imagination ofmany authors. One episode in particular, the Islamic invasion and conquest of 711, was in its very swiftness so hard to explain that it has puzzled everyone for centuries. Historians nowadaysexplain itawaymore asthe resultoftheweaknessofthe Gothic ChristiankingdomthandiestrengthoftheinvadingNorthAfricans.Mostly this weakness appears to have been connected to die ancient elective system of succession, which was challenged by certain parties.1 Garcia de Cortázar and González Vega have described how after the death of King Witiza in 710 his sons did not accept the election of a new king in the person of Roderick, earl of Betica.2 The "Witizan" faction started negotiations widi the North African Muslims for their help against Roderick through a Christian mediator, Julian, governor of the North African town ofCeuta, and in July 71 1 the Muslim leader Tariq, landing withhistroopsnearGibraltar,defeated andkilledRoderickinGuadalete.3 Four months later, the NorthAfricans had occupied Toledo, the capital, in central Spain, and then continued to advance northward. By 725 they had reached the French town of Carcasonne.4 They encountered little organized resistanceuntil closeto theendofthecentury,atRoncesvalles.5 Thus the history ofthe Muslim invasion ofSpain started with fragmentation , division, and civil war,while the slow recovery oflands from Islam for the tiny Christian pockets ofresistance demanded the painful efforts of many generations until at last victory was achieved with Ferdinand and Isabella'sconquestofGranada in 1492.Between the mythic 321 322ComparativeDrama separation and loss of the kingdom and the myth-building reunion of the Reconquista stood eight centuries of frontier friction and cultural symbiosis. During the Middle Ages the Iberian Peninsula was a privileged place where three great cultures came together. Muslims,Jews, and Christians shared a cultural continuum torn bysporadic though intense strife.Notsurprisingly,this longperiodhas proved tobe an endless source ofrich inspiration for writers ofall backgrounds to the present time.6 The purpose ofthis article is to address the politics ofthe representation of the Islamic irruption on the Iberian Peninsula in the plays of two Stuartplaywrights,William Rowleyand MaryPix. Rowley'sAll'sLost by Lust, first performed in 1622, tells the events ofTariq's invasion and Roderick's defeat in a vague but still recognizable form. His deployment ofthe Islamic characters in his play is shaped on an anti-Spanish intent because die presence and actions ofthe Moors help to convey the inadequacy and decadence of the Spanish Christians. In 1705, Mary Pix adapted this play in her own The ConquestofSpain, though her emphasis was on the figure ofthe ravished woman as the focus ofintercultural andpatriarchal conflict. Her revisions ofRowley's playde-emphasize the participation of the Moors and introduces a doubling technique that, stressing the commonalities between Moors and Christians in their victimization ofwomen, thus subordinates racial concerns to her preoccupation with patriarchy. I. The Islamic Invasion in the Early Spanish Historical Ballads Notwithstanding the efforts of historians, the events surrounding the Islamic conquest ofSpain remain steeped in legend. Pedro Chalmeta has hypothesized that Julian tried to conceal his role in the "loss ofSpain to Islam"bycirculatingthe rumorthatKingRoderickhad seducedhisbeautiful daughter Florinda, who had been sent to the king's capital, Toledo. Byvirtue ofthis tale, Julian ceasedto be a traitor andbecame the avenger ofhis honor, while his North African allies merely assisted in putting to rights the wrong committed by a corrupt king. According to Chalmeta's thesis, this storywas given credence bythe Islamic chroniclers, and eventually it was to be reproduced in the anonymous ballads composed in Christian Spain.7 Pilar Cuder-Dominguez323 This is a likely explanation for the origin of the many Spanish ballads dealing with die loss ofSpain to the Moors. The versions that have reached us date from fifteenth-century manuscripts, and they cover the particularsoftheyear711.8Some—forexample,"Romance delos amores del rey don Rodrigo y de la Cava"—focus on the love relationship between thekingandJulian's daughter,identified in the poems as"La Cava," a name deriving from die Arabic cahba meaning "prostitute." Here the poem assigns Roderickthe blame forhaving seduced her"más por fuerza que por...

This paper classifies the condition of subalternism as a major productive location for nationalism and identity politics in the post-colonial world. It is predicated on the subaltern theory which underscores the perspective of the ‘‘other’’ as having no voice because of class, gender, and religion. It draws attention to the question of subaltern speakability in the construction of the drama of the Niger Delta by focusing on Ola Rotimi’s Akassa Youmi, a drama of the region which has come to be appreciated as drama of nationalism and identity politics. Special attention is drawn to the fact that the play is founded concretely on minority, oppressed and marginalised voices in the postcolonial universe of the Niger Delta. Thus the creation of this drama is galvanized by the dramatists desire to give voice to the marginalised and oppressed people of Nembe. The study further holds the subaltern premise that subordinated people do not experience their circumstances passively but negotiate their position in society thus becoming agents in the making of their own history.

Identity is widely acknowledged to be a felt experience, yet questions of atmosphere, mood and public sentiments are rarely made central to understanding the global politics of nationalism. This book asks what difference it makes when we address national identity as principally an affective force? National Affects traces how ideas about ‘us and them’ take form in ordinary spaces, in ways that are both deeply felt and hardly noticeable, in studies of global events that range from the London 2012 Olympic Games to responses to acts of terror, the European refugee crisis and ‘Brexit’. In this timely intervention, Angharad Closs Stephens addresses the affective dimensions of being together to open new angles in the study of nationalism and global politics. She asks how the nation is felt in everyday life, as well as differently experienced, and investigates different forms of enacting being together to generate new insights in the study of national identity. National Affects draws on academic theories in the study of Politics, International Relations and Human Geography, as well as stories, performance works and novels, to establish a new tone of critical enquiry. Informed by longstanding critical interrogations of the politics of ‘us and them’, this book argues that these ideas are not as stable as they are often made to seem. Drawing on a combination of artistic and academic interventions, this book offers a refreshing approach to conceptualising the politics of nationalism, identity and citizenship. In its focus on everyday atmospheres, it identifies new registers for intervening politically. Overall, National Affects outlines other ways of imagining and practising being political together, beyond the exclusionary politics of nationalism.

The article elaborates the politics of nationalism and socialism among the Pakhtuns, particularly in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Analyse the Pakhtun left political organizations and Movements as well as the Pakhtunistan issues, and Hashnagar pesaeants uprising. The paper led us to the banning of all left political organization including Communist Party of Pakistan, Khudai Khedmatgar and other regional nationalist and socialist organization during Cold War. The Cold War re-shaped the political dynamics in Pakistan particularly in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Baluchistan. Both were the Front line Provinces in the great game between the United States and the Soviet Union. When Pakistan joined the United State-led West-bloc, the SEATO and SENTO pact was signed against the Communism. Therefore, the Pakistan state took action against the left political organization in Pakistan, due to the Pakhtun socialists activated in a new mask of socialism and strongly opposed the ruling elite of Pakistan. While the nationalist cleared their stance to work for a progressive Pakistan. Both were organized and engaged with Pakistani leftists against the Pakistani ruling elite and finally they organized anti one unit front known as United Front and merged their organization and formed a national level left party, the National Awami Party. The National Awami Party was a geniune left political party all the left banned organization including nationalist and socialist joined it with the manofestation of socialism in Pakistan. However, the ideological split in the International communist movement influence the politics of National Awami Party and its leadership in Pakistan. Meanwhile the National Awami Party split into two factions Pro-Mascow and Pro-China, among the Pakhtuns the pro-China faction were eliminated by the pro-Moscow Wali Khan group from his Party. Consequently, the pro-China faction formed a new left political organization called the Mazdoor Kisan Party in 1967. However, during the 1970 election the Maoist pro China Mazdoor Kisan Party did not participated in general election and mobilized the Hashnagar peasant uprising against the landlords but many lanlords were the candidate of different poltical parties. This article analysis the unification and split in the left political wing in Pakistan and particularly in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and overview the historical developments and events which shaped and re-shaped the nationalist and socialist tendencies among the Pakhtuns.

Patrick Maume, ’Life that is Exile’: Daniel Corkery and the Search for Irish Ireland. Belfast: Institute of Irish Studies, 1993; 178pp; UK£16.50; hb. Donald Harman Akenson, Conor: A Biography of Conor Cruise O'Brien, Volume I, Narrative. Montreal and Kingston: McGill‐Queen's University Press, 1994; 573pp; Ir£20.00. Paul Bew, Ideology and the Irish Question: Ulster Unionism and Irish Nationalism 1912–1916. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994; xix + 165pp; UK£20; hb. Richard English, Radicals and the Republic: Socialist Republicanism in the Irish Free State, 1925–1937. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994; x + 309pp; UK£35; hb. Seán Farrell Moran, Patrick Pearse and the Politics of Redemption: The Mind of the Easter Rising, 1916. Washington DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1994; 233pp; $42.95; hb. Ian S Lustick, Unsettled States, Disputed Lands: Britain and Ireland, France and Algeria, Israel and the West Bank‐Gaza. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1993; 576pp; UK£31 cloth; US$37.50; hb. Richard Katz and Peter Mair (eds), How Parties Organize: Change and Adaptation in Party Organizations in Western Democracies. London: Sage Publications, 1994; 375pp; UK£14.95; pb. John Kurt Jacobson, Chasing Progress in the Irish Republic: Ideology, Democracy and Dependent Development. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994; UK£35.00, $59.95, hb; UK£14.95, $18.95; pb. Brian Follis, A State Under Siege: The Establishment of Northern Ireland 1920–25. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995; 219pp; UK£30; hb. Eamon Phoenix, Northern Nationalism: Nationalist Politics, Partition and the Catholic Minority in Northern Ireland 1890–1940. Ulster Historical Foundation, 1994; 485pp; UK£15.40. Jürgen Elvert (ed), Nordirland in Geschichte und Gegenwart / Northern Ireland ‐ Past and Present. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1994; 573pp; DM148; hb. Paul Bew and Gordon Gillespie, Northern Ireland: A Chronology of the Troubles 1968–1993. Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1993; 344pp; UK£8.99; pb. J Bowyer Bell, The Irish Troubles: A Generation of Violence 1967–1992. Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1993; 872pp; UK£24.99; hb. Adrian Guelke (ed), New Perspectives on the Northern Ireland Conflict. London: Routledge, 1994; 206pp; UK£35.00; hb. Mark Ryan, War and Peace in Ireland: Britain and the IRA in the New World Order. London and Boulder, Colorado: Pluto, 1994; 173pp; UK£8.95; pb. Brian Barton and Patrick J Roche (eds), The Northern Ireland Question: Perspectives and Policies. Aldershot: Avebury Press, 1994; 216pp; UK£32.50; hb. Steve Bruce, The Edge of the Union: The Ulster Loyalist Political Vision. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994; 176 + viiipp; UK£20; hb. James W McAuley, The Politics of Identity: A Loyalist Community in Belfast. Aldershot: Avebury, 1994; 203 + ixpp; UK£32.50; hb. Janice Holmes and Diane Urquhart (eds), Coming into the Light: The Work, Politics and Religion of Women in Ulster 1840–1940. Belfast: The Institute of Irish Studies, 1994; 213pp; UK£6.50; pb. Alan O'Day (ed), Dimensions of Irish Terrorism. Aldershot: Dartmouth, 1993; 428pp; UK£35; hb. Ronald Weitzer, Policing Under Fire: Ethnic Conflict and Police‐Community Relations in Northern Ireland. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995; 350pp; $19.95; pb. Attracta Ingram, A Political Theory of Rights. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994; 220pp; UK£35.00, hb, UK£17.95, pb. John Loughran (ed), Southern European Studies Guide. London: Bowker‐Saur in association with the Centre for Mediterranean Studies, University of Bristol, 1993; i‐xii + 233pp; UK£39; hb. Dermot Scott, Ireland's Contribution to the European Union. Dublin: Institute of European Affairs, 1994; Occasional Paper, 4; 48pp; IR£7.50; pb. Richard Sinnott, Knowledge of the European Union in Irish Public Opinion: Sources and Implications. Dublin: Institute of European Affairs, 1995; Occasional Paper, 5; 48pp; IR£7.50; pb. Lucy Bryson and Clem McCartney, Clashing Symbols: A Report on the Use of Flags, Anthems and Other National Symbols in Northern Ireland. Belfast: Institute of Irish Studies, 1994; 196pp; UK£6.50; pb. James P Mackey (ed), The Cultures of Europe: The Irish Contribution. Belfast: Institute of Irish Studies, 1994; 196pp; UK£6.50; pb. Alan J Ward, The Irish Constitutional Tradition: Responsible Government and Modern Ireland, 1782–1992. Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 1994; 412pp; IR£35 hb. Margaret O'Callaghan, British High Politics and a Nationalist Ireland: Criminality Land and the Law under Forster and Balfour. Cork: Cork University Press, 1994; xi + 223pp; IR£16.95; pb. Colm Campbell, Emergency Law in Ireland 1918–1925. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994; 429pp + xxiii; UK£42.95; hb. Seamus Dunn (ed), Managing Divided Cities. Keele: Ryburn Publishing, 1994; 251pp; UK£25; pb. Michael Gallagher (ed), Irish Elections 1922–44: Results and Analysis. Limerick: PSAI Press, 1993; 318pp; IR£25; pb.

This volume explores the politics of identity by analysing the intersections between ethnicity, gender and nationalism in developing societies. These markers of identity are not understood as constituting essences, but as springing from people's core experiences, yearnings and strategic life plans in a context where resources are scarce. As such, identities may be, and are, contested. The intersections are traced across three areas: social and cultural reproduction; ideologies, stereotypes and practices; and nationalist politics and discourse which has tended to remove women from the public arena and construct an ideal of women's domesticity.

Since the second half of the 19th century polices of reconciliation on the Iberian peninsula have moved along two opposite paths as the Spanish and Portuguese liberal regimes developed in different directions according to their different experiences and achievements. Although the success of the Regeneracao undoubtedly meant political and constitutional stability, it also caused a deep shift in the political dynamics and triggered the emergence of new parties. In Portugal, the design of these new political identities and the birth of an especially prominent radicalism marked the beginning of a new era rife with tensions and difficulties where attempts at reconciliation sought to guarantee the regime’s stability while stifling expectations of revolution. In Spain, despite the new liberal atmosphere, after the failure of O’Donnell’s attempts at reconciliation during his so called “long government”, the political structure remained beset by the same inertias and defects as in the previous decades, discouraging the progressives and driving them towards a pro-revolutionary stance. The threat of a future revolution exposed the limits of an exhausted regime, unable to unite the main political parties within a single political system.

The anthology Challenging Identities invites its contributors to consider notions of individual as well as collective identities with a view to their political implications. The concept of identity deployed here primarily relates to the cultural aspects of identity, and the focus will be on the question of how 'identity' is associated with notions of culture, ethnicity, migration, and globalization in the discourses on contemporary art. Armed with arguments from postcolonial theory and supported by the very real and transformative forces of globalization and migration, discussions about identity politics in the art world have fundamentally transformed the dominant Western conception of the 'international art world' as a club for Westerners only. Globalization means that the major art communities of big cities have plugged into the international urban circuit of the 'global art world'. Of special importance is the 1994 anthology Global Visions: Towards a New Internationalism in the Visual Arts with proceedings from the symposium A New Internationalism.

This article is a revised and expanded version of the author’s keynote address for the inaugural International Conference on Politics and International Studies (ICPIS) 2018, held in Kota Kinabalu, Sabah, Malaysia. The title reflects the official theme of the said scholarly congregation, which deliberates on the contested notions of globalisation and the phenomenon’s related outcomes, including its much touted hegemonic, universal liberal qualities, which have elicited a backlash that has seen the revival of nationalism and identity politics during the last few decades. That globalisation has arrived at a crossroads and the thought of what might lie ahead is what this paper seeks to ponder, through the prism and critique of both recent as well as older works by the likes of Francis Fukuyama, Charles Taylor, Wang Gungwu and Samuel P. Huntington. More specifically, it critically explores the evolution and progress of globalisation from both historical and international relations (IR) perspectives, explicating watershed eras in the long cycle of modern international history that had as much facilitated as hindered the realisation of a universal liberal consensus, or liberal triumph. Although concluding that globalisation has been stopped in its tracks, the article nevertheless, expresses concerns regarding the limitations of Western-oriented IR as a discipline in comprehensively grasping the complexities of post-globalisation dynamics shaped by cultural-ideational specificities, not to mention, the fallacy of overemphasising on “identity politics” as a “master concept” in explaining all that is happening in contemporary world politics. Instead, it contends on the need to review existing analytical frameworks, while exploring new “logics” in the quest to construct new paradigms to help make sense of a post-globalisation, post-liberal, probably post-Western era.

Over the last decade, disabled veterans of the Turkish Army who were injured while fighting against the Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan (PKK; Kurdistan Workers' Party) have become national icons and leading ultranationalist actors. While being valorized as sacrificial heroes in nationalist discourse, they have also confronted socioeconomic marginalization, corporeal otherness, and emasculation anxieties. Against this backdrop, disabled veterans' organizations have become the locus of an ultranationalist campaign against dissident intellectuals. Building on two years of ethnographic research with disabled veterans in Turkey, this article analyzes these processes through the analytical lens of the body. Locating the disabled veteran body at the intersection of state welfare practices, nationalist discourses on heroism and sacrifice, and cultural norms of masculinity and disability, I illustrate how disabled veterans' gendered and classed experiences of disability are hardened into a political identity. Consequently, I show how violence generates new modalities of masculinity and political agency through its corporeal effects.

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