Multidirectional age differences in anger and sadness.

Speechreading and Aging

Most people believe that time seems to pass more quickly as they age. Building on assumptions of socioemotional selectivity theory, we investigated whether awareness that one's future lifetime is limited is associated with one's experience of time during everyday activities across adulthood in 3 studies. In the first 2 studies (Study 1: N = 608; Study 2: N = 398), participants completed a web-based version of the day reconstruction method. In Study 3 (N = 392) participants took part in a newly developed tomorrow construction method, a web-based experimental method for assessing everyday life plans. Results confirmed that older adults' subjective interpretation of everyday episodes is that these episodes pass more quickly compared with younger adults. The subjective acceleration of time experience in old age was more pronounced during productive activities than during regenerative-consumptive activities. The age differences were partly related to limited time remaining in life. In addition, subjective acceleration of time experience was associated with positive evaluations of everyday activities. Findings suggest that subjective acceleration of time in older adults' daily lives reflects an adaptation to limitations in time remaining in life. (PsycINFO Database Record

The Socioemotional Selectivity Theory (SST) posits that older and younger adults have different life goals due to differences in perceived remaining lifetime. Younger adults focus more on future-oriented knowledge exploration and forming new friendships, while older adults prioritize present-focused emotional regulation and maintaining close relationships. While previous research has found these age differences manifest in autobiographical textual expressions, their presence in verbal communication remains unexplored. We recruited 36 older adults and 36 younger adults to form 12 younger adults-younger adults dyads, 12 older adults-older adults dyads, and 12 younger adults-older adults dyads engaging in three conversational scenarios. Analysis of communication transcripts using Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count revealed that in intragenerational communication, older adults used more present-focused and family-related words, and fewer future-focused, negative emotion, and knowledge acquisition words compared to younger adults, aligning with SST predictions. However, in intergenerational communication, younger and older adults showed similar patterns in future-focused, cognitive, and family-related language use. This suggests that participants adjusted their goal orientations to accommodate each other, mitigating the age differences proposed by SST and partially supporting the Interpersonal Cognitive Consistency Model. These findings indicate that while SST explains semantic expressions in intragenerational communication, group dynamics toward verbal consistency play a more vital role in intergenerational communication. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2025 APA, all rights reserved).

Updating prior information with new information in accordance with Bayesian principles is a difficult task. Younger adult decision makers deviate from Bayes’ theorem by either overweighting prior information (i.e., using a conservatism heuristic) or overweighting new information (i.e., using a representativeness heuristic) on decision tasks without feedback. Similar to younger adults, older adults make decisions that require belief updating. Given agerelated decrements in cognitive control, older adults may be at a disadvantage compared with younger adults when updating beliefs. Prior research shows no age differences when making decisions under risk, however older adults perform worse than younger adults when making decisions under ambiguity. Currently it is unknown how older adults use heuristics when updating beliefs about risk and ambiguous information compared with younger adults. The primary aim of this dissertation was to examine age-related differences in the use of heuristics during belief updating, as well as the cognitive processes and neural correlates that underpin behaviour. In three experiments, younger and older adults completed a belief updating task with and without feedback using an urn-ball paradigm. The main results showed that both younger and older adults committed the representativeness error more than the conservatism error, with no age differences observed when updating beliefs without feedback but with younger adults updating beliefs more accurately than older adults with feedback. Further, age differences in the neural correlates that underlie belief updating showed evidence that older adults recruit additional resources in frontal regions of the brain to facilitate performance compared with younger adults. Event-related potentials showed evidence of cognitive control in response to conflicting information in both age groups, but a diminished neural response to feedback in older compared with younger adults. Additionally, while younger adults were not influenced by ambiguous information, older adults avoided committing the representativeness error only when new information was ambiguous. Last, individual differences in numeracy and cognitive reflection, but not thinking disposition, modulated belief updating performance. Together, the results show that younger and older adults can learn to update beliefs with feedback but with younger adults learning to a greater degree than older adults, especially when information is ambiguous.

Updating prior information with new information in accordance with Bayesian principles is a difficult task. Younger adult decision makers deviate from Bayes’ theorem by either overweighting prior information (i.e., using a conservatism heuristic) or overweighting new information (i.e., using a representativeness heuristic) on decision tasks without feedback. Similar to younger adults, older adults make decisions that require belief updating. Given agerelated decrements in cognitive control, older adults may be at a disadvantage compared with younger adults when updating beliefs. Prior research shows no age differences when making decisions under risk, however older adults perform worse than younger adults when making decisions under ambiguity. Currently it is unknown how older adults use heuristics when updating beliefs about risk and ambiguous information compared with younger adults. The primary aim of this dissertation was to examine age-related differences in the use of heuristics during belief updating, as well as the cognitive processes and neural correlates that underpin behaviour. In three experiments, younger and older adults completed a belief updating task with and without feedback using an urn-ball paradigm. The main results showed that both younger and older adults committed the representativeness error more than the conservatism error, with no age differences observed when updating beliefs without feedback but with younger adults updating beliefs more accurately than older adults with feedback. Further, age differences in the neural correlates that underlie belief updating showed evidence that older adults recruit additional resources in frontal regions of the brain to facilitate performance compared with younger adults. Event-related potentials showed evidence of cognitive control in response to conflicting information in both age groups, but a diminished neural response to feedback in older compared with younger adults. Additionally, while younger adults were not influenced by ambiguous information, older adults avoided committing the representativeness error only when new information was ambiguous. Last, individual differences in numeracy and cognitive reflection, but not thinking disposition, modulated belief updating performance. Together, the results show that younger and older adults can learn to update beliefs with feedback but with younger adults learning to a greater degree than older adults, especially when information is ambiguous.

Although past theoretical work has proposed age-related gains in emotion regulation, the empirical evidence is not entirely consistent. In two laboratory studies, we investigated age differences in regulating negative emotions through attentional deployment by instructing participants to direct their attention either toward negative (up-regulation) or neutral (down-regulation) pictorial content. The regulation process (visual attention) was measured via eye-tracking and the regulation outcome (emotional experience) was assessed via self-report. We tested emotional arousal and attentional functioning as factors that may affect age differences in attentional deployment. The main analyses revealed that, first, during down-regulation trials, older adults were less likely to direct their attention toward neutral stimulus content than younger adults, but did not experience greater unpleasantness than younger adults. This indicates that older adults may use attentional deployment more efficiently to decrease negative emotions than younger adults. Second, emotional arousal did not affect age differences in emotion regulation process and outcome. Third, we obtained preliminary evidence that for older but not for younger adults, low cognitive control may impair the implementation of attentional deployment. Additional findings suggested that neither younger nor older adults were able to increase unpleasantness by attending toward negative stimulus content. Together, these findings suggest multidirectional age differences in attentional deployment process and outcome and underline the importance of considering age-related vulnerabilities in predicting changes in emotion regulations across the life span. (PsycINFO Database Record

Introduction: The use of shared automated vehicles (SAVs) should lead to several societal and individual benefits, including reduced greenhouse gas emissions, reduced traffic, and improved mobility for persons who cannot safely drive themselves. We define SAVs as on-demand, fully automated vehicles in which passengers are paired with other riders traveling along a similar route. Previous research has shown that younger adults are more likely to report using conventional ridesharing services and are more accepting of new technologies including automated vehicles (AVs). However, older adults, particularly those who may be close to retiring from driving, stand to greatly benefit from SAV services. In order for SAVs to deliver on their aforementioned benefits, they must be viewed favorably and utilized. We sought to investigate how short educational and/or experiential videos might impact younger, middle-aged, and older adult respondents’ anticipated acceptance and attitudes toward SAVs. Knowing what types of introductory experiences improve different age groups’ perceptions of SAVs will be beneficial for tailoring campaigns aiming to promote SAV usage. Methods: We deployed an online survey using the platform Prolific for middle-aged and older respondents, and our departmental participant pool for younger adults, collecting 585 total responses that resulted in 448 valid responses. Respondents answered questions regarding their demographic attributes, their ridesharing history, preconceptions of technology, as well as their anticipated acceptance attitudes towards SAVs as measured by the dimensions of the Automated Vehicle User Perception Survey (AVUPS). After this, respondents were randomly assigned to an intervention condition where they either watched 1) an educational video about how SAVs work and their potential benefits, 2) an experiential video showing a AV navigating traffic, 3) both the experiential and educational videos, or 4) a control video explaining how ridesharing works. Anticipated acceptance attitudes towards SAVs were measured again after this intervention and difference scores calculated to investigate the effect of the intervention conditions. Prolific respondents were paid at a rate of $9.50/hour and younger adults received course credit. Results: Controlling for preconceptions of technology and ridesharing experience, a MANOVA was run on the difference scores of the dimensions of the AVUPS (intention to use, trust/reliability, perceived usefulness (PU), perceived ease of use (PEOU), safety, control/driving-efficacy, cost, authority, media, and social influence). Both older and middle-aged adults expressed significantly greater increases in PEOU and PU of SAVs than younger adults. We also observed an interaction between age and condition for both PU and PEOU. For PU, older adults’ difference scores were found to be significantly greater than younger adults’ for the control video condition. With PEOU, older adults’ difference scores were significantly greater than both younger adults’ for the control video condition, and middle-aged adults had greater difference scores for the educational-only video condition than younger or older adults. Discussion: The increases in PU observed for older adults in the control condition suggests that educating them on how to use currently available ridesharing services might transfer to and/or highlight the benefits that automated ridesharing might provide. The PEOU interactions also suggest that middle-aged adults might respond more positively than younger or older adults to an educational introduction to SAVs. Conclusion: The positive findings pertaining to PU and PEOU show that exposure to information related to SAVs has a positive impact on these attitudes. PU’s and PEOU’s positive relationship to behavioral intentions (BI) in the Technology Acceptance Model, coupled with the findings from this study, bode well for higher fidelity interventions seeking to inform and/or give individuals experience with SAVs. Providing information on how currently available ridesharing services work helped our older adult respondents recognize the potential usefulness of SAVs. Knowing that different age groups may respond better to educational versus experiential interventions, for example middle-aged adults in this study responding more positively to the educational video condition than younger or older adults, may be useful for targeted promotional campaigns.

Age and gender differences in negative affect—Is there a role for emotion regulation?

Effective processing of multisensory stimuli relies on both the peripheral sensory organs and central processing in subcortical and cortical structures. As we age, there are significant changes in all sensory systems and a variety of cognitive functions. Visual acuity tends to decrease and hearing thresholds generally increase (Kalina 1997; Liu and Yan 2007), whereas performance levels on tasks of motor speed, executive function, and memory typically decline (Rapp and Heindel 1994; Birren and Fisher 1995; Rhodes 2004). There are also widespread changes in the aging brain, including reductions in gray and white matter volume (Good et al. 2001; Salat et al. 2009), alterations in neurotransmitter systems (Muir 1997; Backman et al. 2006), regional hypoperfusion (Martin et al. 1991; Bertsch et al. 2009), and altered patterns of functional activity during cognitive tasks (Cabeza et al. 2004; Grady 2008). Given the extent of age-related alterations in sensation, perception, and cognition, as well as in the anatomy and physiology of the brain, it is not surprising that multisensory integration also changes with age.Several early studies provided mixed results on the differences between multisensory processing in older and younger adults (Stine et al. 1990; Helfer 1998; Strupp et al. 1999; Cienkowski and Carney 2002; Sommers et al. 2005). For example, Stine and colleagues (1990) reported that although younger adults’ memory for news events was better after audiovisual presentation than after auditory information alone, older adults did not show improvement during the multisensory conditions. In contrast, Cienkowski and Carney (2002) demonstrated that audiovisual integration on the McGurk illusion was similar for older and younger adults, and that in some conditions, older adults were even more likely to report the fusion of visual and auditory information than their young counterparts. Similarly, in a study examining the contribution of somatosensory input to participants’ perception of visuospatial orientation, Strupp et al. (1999) reported an age-related increase in the integration of somatosensory information into the multisensory representation of body orientation.Despite providing a good indication that multisensory processing is somehow altered in aging, the results of these studies are somewhat difficult to interpret due to their use of complex cognitive tasks and illusions, and to the variability in analysis methods. Several newer studies that have attempted to address these factors more clearly demonstrate that multisensory integration is enhanced in older adults (Laurienti et al. 2006; Peiffer et al. 2007; Diederich et al. 2008).On a two-choice audiovisual discrimination task, Laurienti and colleagues (2006) showed that response time (RT) benefits for multisensory versus unisensory targets were larger for older adults than for younger adults (Figure 20.1). That is, older adults’ responses during audiovisual conditions were speeded more than younger adults’, when compared with their respective responses during unisensory conditions. Multisensory gains in older adults remained significantly larger than those observed in younger adults, even after controlling for the presence of two targets in the multisensory condition (redundant target effect; Miller 1982, 1986; Laurienti et al. 2006).Using similar analysis methods, Peiffer et al. (2007) also reported increased multisensory gains in older adults. On a simple RT task, where average unisensory RTs were equivalent in younger and older adults, older adults actually responded faster than younger adults on multisensory trials because of their enhanced multisensory integration (Peiffer et al. 2007). Diederich and colleagues (2008) have also shown that older adults exhibit greater speeding of responses to multisensory targets than younger adults on a saccadic RT task. The analysis methods used in this experiment indicate a slowing of peripheral sensory processing, as well as a wider time window over which integration of auditory and visual stimuli can occur (Diederich et al. 2008).These experiments highlight several possible explanations that could help answer a critical question about multisensory processing in aging: Why do older adults exhibit greater integration of multisensory stimuli than younger adults? Potential sources of enhanced integration in older adults include age-related cognitive slowing not specific to multisensory processing, inverse effectiveness associated with sensory deficits, alterations in the temporal parameters of integration, and inefficient top–down modulation of sensory processing. In the following sections we will investigate each of these possible explanations in greater detail and offer some alternative hypotheses for the basis of enhanced multisensory integration in older adults.

Age differences in emotional experience over the adult life span were explored, focusing on the frequency, intensity, complexity, and consistency of emotional experience in everyday life. One hundred eighty-four people, age 18 to 94 years, participated in an experience-sampling procedure in which emotions were recorded across a 1-week period. Age was unrelated to frequency of positive emotional experience. A curvilinear relationship best characterized negative emotional experience. Negative emotions declined in frequency until approximately age 60, at which point the decline ceased. Individual factor analyses computed for each participant revealed that age was associated with more differentiated emotional experience. In addition, periods of highly positive emotional experience were more likely to endure among older people and periods of highly negative emotional experience were less stable. Findings are interpreted within the theoretical framework of socioemotional selectivity theory.

Research on age differences in emotional responses to daily stress has produced inconsistent findings. Guided by recent theoretical advances in aging theory (S. T. Charles, 2010, Strength and vulnerability integration: A model of emotional well-being across adulthood, Psychological Bulletin, Vol. 136, pp. 1068-1091) that emphasize the importance of context for predicting when and how age is related to affective well-being, the current study examined age differences in emotional responses to everyday stressors. The present study examined how three contextual features (e.g., timing of exposure, stressor severity, global perceived stress [GPS]) moderate age differences in emotional experience in an ecological momentary assessment study of adults (N = 190) aged 18-81 years. Results indicated that older adults' negative affect (NA) was less affected by exposure to recent stressors than younger adults, but that there were no age differences in the effects of stressor exposure 3-6 hr afterward. Higher levels of GPS predicted amplified NA responses to daily stress, and controlling for GPS eliminated age differences in NA responses to stressors. No age differences in NA responses as a function of stressor severity were observed. In contrast, older age was associated with less of a decrease in PA when exposed to recent stressors or with more severe recent stressors. There were no age differences in the effect of previous stressor exposure or severity on PA, or any interactions between momentary or previous stress and GPS on PA. Together, these results support the notion that chronic stress plays a central role in emotional experience in daily life. We discuss the implications of these results for emotion theories of aging.

Prior work has demonstrated age-related increases in emotional well-being and emotional stability. However, little is known about the specific patterns of emotion across daily situations for older adults experiencing mild cognitive impairment (MCI) compared with cognitively normal (CN) older adults and their younger counterparts. Young adults (aged 21-34, n = 70), CN older adults (aged 70-83, n = 89), and older adults with MCI (aged 70-84; n = 60) completed an experience sampling procedure (7×/day for 9 days) reporting their current experience of 7 negative emotions and 7 positive emotions. We computed indices of mean-level, intensity, frequency, inertia, and instability. Compared with young adults, older adults (both CN and with MCI) had lower mean-level and frequency of negative emotion, coupled with higher mean-level and intensity of positive emotion. Older adults with MCI and younger adults had a higher likelihood of negative emotion instability compared with CN older adults. Young adults had higher inertia of positive emotion compared with older adults with MCI. Regarding discrete emotions, older adults with MCI had more intense nervousness, higher boredom inertia, and lower frequency of happiness and excitement compared with CN older adults. Although older adults with MCI and CN older adults show similar emotion profiles at a broad level, they differ in their temporal dynamics and experience of certain emotions. MCI in old age may be accompanied by more negative emotion instability and less positive emotion inertia, as well as differences in specific emotions representative of (lack of) engagement.

Background and ObjectivesAdvanced age is generally associated with improved emotional well-being, but the coronavirus 2019 pandemic unleashed a global stressor that gravely threatened the physical well-being and ostensibly challenged the emotional well-being of older adults disproportionately. The current study investigated differences in emotional experiences and coping strategies between younger and older adults during the pandemic, and whether these differences were accounted for by age differences in appraisal of the pandemic.Research Design and MethodsWe asked younger (n = 181) and older (n = 176) adult participants to report their stress, appraisals of the pandemic, emotions, and the ways in which they were coping with the pandemic.ResultsResults indicated that older adults experienced less stress and less negative affect and used greater problem-focused coping and less avoidant coping in response to the pandemic than younger adults. Furthermore, age differences in affect and coping were partially accounted for by age differences in appraisals of the pandemic.Discussion and ImplicationsDespite their objectively higher risk of illness and death due to the pandemic, older adults experienced less negative affect and used more agentic coping strategies than younger adults.

Although various studies point to the importance of positive emotions for health and well-being across the entire life span, current research on age differences in emotional reactivity mainly focuses on negative emotions. Empirical evidence on positive emotions is scarce and mixed. Part of the inconsistencies may be related to study differences in the stimuli used and the emotional response systems considered. Thus, the present study examined different response systems (i.e., subjective feelings, facial and verbal expressions) and used internal stimuli of high personal relevance to all participants. More specifically, we used a modified relived emotion task in which younger (M = 25.64, SD = 4.05) and older (M = 70.06, SD = 3.94) adults first privately relived emotions associated with a recent positive event in their life, and subsequently thought aloud about this event and its accompanying feelings. We additionally explored whether conscientiousness, as a marker of self-regulatory skills, is associated with interindividual and age-related differences in positive emotions. During the relived emotion task, there were no age differences in positive feelings; however, compared with young adults, older adults reported more positive feelings during the think-aloud phase. Contrary to our prediction, however, older adults verbally and nonverbally expressed fewer positive emotions than their younger counterparts. Moreover, conscientiousness was associated with individual and age-related differences in positive feelings, pointing to the potential explanatory role of self-regulatory skills in the experience of positive emotions. (PsycINFO Database Record

In this study, we hypothesized that there is an age difference in the influence of negative emotion on decision-making and that this age difference is related to emotion regulation strategies. We carried out two studies. In the first, the older and younger adults completed the ultimatum game (UG) while in either an induced negative emotional or a neutral context. In the second, both the older and younger adults completed the UG while in an induced negative emotion while using either emotion reappraisal or expressive suppression to regulate their emotions during the task. The first study showed that, unlike younger adults, the older adults made similar choices in the neutral and negative induction groups. In addition, the older adults predominantly used a reappraisal strategy in both the negative and neutral emotional states, whereas the younger adults predominantly used a suppression strategy in the negative emotional state. In the second study, after the emotion regulation strategies were experimentally manipulated so that both age groups used the same strategy, we found no age difference in decision-making. Our findings indicated that the influence of negative emotion on decision-making differs between older and younger adults and that this age difference was associated with their different emotion regulation processes.