More Than Diplomacy: Ideological Significance of Menderes’s 1959 Visit to Francoist Spain

This study analyzes the Turkish foreign policy of the Adnan Menderes era, especially the Cyprus and Syria crises of the 1950s and 1960s. At the same time, this study reveals Adnan Menderes's foreign policy principles and the management strategies he pursued in the face of crises. With the transition to multi-party politics, Turkey entered a period of significant change in domestic and foreign policy. In this context, it strengthened its integration with the West with its NATO membership and developed various policies to address regional security concerns under Cold War conditions. Menderes's leadership came to the forefront in important foreign policy issues such as the Cyprus issue and the related September 6-7 events and the Syrian crisis. This study titled "Foreign Policy Crises of the Adnan Menderes Era and an Evaluation from the Perspective of Crisis Management; The Case of Syria and Cyprus Crisis" comprehensively examines the process of change in Turkish foreign policy by analyzing the strategies followed by Menderes and the leadership approach he displayed in the face of these crises.

At the 42nd New York Film Festival in 2004, an enthusiastic audience viewed a selection of propaganda films rarely seen in the USA. The exhibit, ‘Selling Democracy—Welcome Mr. Marshall. Films of th...

The historiography on international labor politics in the Cold War era, and particularly on the AFL-CIO’s global projection, seems to be advancing in leaps and bounds. It started out at the height of America’s domestic conflict about Vietnam and empire with polarized, antagonistic accounts, which lambasted the AFL’s submission to the US government’s imperial designs1 or praised its independent international campaign for free trade unionism.2 After a lull of almost 15 years, it reemerged in the late 1980s when a new crop of scholars, mostly based in Europe, addressed new issues, and some of the old ones, from a different perspective. They produced archive-based works focused not only on the nature and intent of American labor unions’ foreign policy but also on its impact and effectiveness.3 These historians framed their main questions within the contemporary debates about the political economy of Western Europe’s reconstruction and its intricate relationships with US hegemony.4

ABSTRACTThis article explores the backstory of a 1953 screenplay on the life of the Buddha conceived by the CIA as a psychological warfare strategy to draw Asian Buddhists away from the Communist orbit and into the Free World. Developed in collaboration with Ceylonese Buddhist scholar G. P. Malalasekera,Tathagata: The Wayfarer(hereafter,Wayfarer) is best read through the lens of the U.S. Campaign of Truth propaganda effort launched by Truman in 1950. I draw on declassified government documents and archives to highlight the screenplay's trajectory as a covert attempt by the U.S. government to work with Asian Buddhists to further U.S. foreign policy needs in Asia and to demonstrate a truth rarely recognized by scholars of religion and American culture: For the early Cold War American state, Buddhism was an object of foreign policy.

The article analyzes the principles of the comparative foreign policy of the state. The foreign policy strategies of states depend on such characteristics as size, geographical location, history, culture, form of government, etc. The author examines whether all major states behave the same way when forming and conducting foreign policy. Do all small states behave in the same way in foreign policy? Do the foreign policies of maritime states differ from the foreign policy strategies of landlocked states? These and all related issues of foreign policy development and implementation constitute the essence of the comparative foreign policy. When thinking about foreign policy, it is useful to consider it as a direction of diplomatic actions, which can be analyzed as proactive or reactive. In the history of international relations and global politics, many techniques and methods have been developed that are based on systematic studies of current events. The best foreign policy concepts have been used in the practice of states for many decades. Modern political analysis uses concepts rooted in ancient political practice. From their history, the author of the article identifies nine concepts, on the basis of which he conducts a comparative analysis of the principles of foreign policy strategies of states. Using three levels of analysis, the author concentrates on a detailed examination of a specific crosssection from the life of the state. Like biologists who adjust the resolution of a microscope, an international analyst can switch the focus from level to level in order to understand the phenomenon of foreign policy events. The author also notes that the type of research conducted depends on its purpose. The goals can be organized according to the range of types of research: instrumental, descriptive, analytical, etc. The author also gives examples of classical thinkers about foreign policy. Key words: foreign policy, international relations, political analysis.

The article examines theoretical approaches to the definition of “strategic partnership” as a key instrument of the State's foreign policy. Classification approaches to strategic partnership were generalized by the number of participants, level of subjects, degree of achievement of goals, and spheres of public life. The analysis was carried out on the legal framework of Ukraine, which defines its key foreign policy priorities and mechanisms of cooperation with international partners. Strategic partnership was considered as a mechanism for combining states’ efforts to achieve common goals and counter global challenges. The peculiarities of Ukraine's strategic partnership were studied in the context of its foreign policy activities. It was determined that strategic partnership in the modern sense is a multifaceted phenomenon that covers various aspects of interaction between states. In the scientific literature, there is no single approach to defining this concept; scholars consider strategic partnership as a form of cooperation based on common long-term interests and involving policy coordination in certain areas, and also focus on mutual trust and common values that form the basis of partnerships. In a broad sense, a strategic partnership can include political, economic, military, technological, and cultural cooperation. The article highlights the impact of globalization on the transformation of interstate relations, which requires coordination of actions in the political, economic, social, and cultural spheres. For Ukraine, globalization opens up opportunities to strengthen its position in the international arena through participation in international organizations and initiatives. It was established that Ukraine's key partners are the United States, the United Kingdom, and the EU countries, which play a leading role in supporting the state in times of war. Special emphasis was placed on Ukraine's cooperation with NATO aimed at integration into the Alliance's collective security system. The evolution of legal documents, such as the Law of Ukraine “On the Principles of Domestic and Foreign Policy” and the National Security Strategy of Ukraine, reflects the state's aspirations for European and Euro-Atlantic integration. The signing of the Association Agreement with the EU was a key stage in this process. The analysis concluded that strategic partnership is a fundamental mechanism for strengthening Ukraine's international position, ensuring national security, economic growth, and integration into the collective security system.

This chapter assesses how modernization worked its way into Cold War politics and how it influenced public discourse and foreign policy in the United States during the second half of the 1950s. Between 1957 and 1958, several events prompted the United States to shift toward a more active foreign aid policy. These events brought a consensus that a more vigorous approach to promoting economic growth and development as a way to contain communist influence was needed. The question of improved coordination of development assistance among the Atlantic nations was also a factor. Most of Western Europe shared America's concern about Soviet penetration, and several members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) insisted on activating economic collaboration according to article 2 of the North Atlantic Treaty, using it to provide aid cooperatively. The chapter then considers how, with the presidency of John F. Kennedy, modernization became the representative Western ideology for waging the Cold War, even as other coexisting traditions of imperial origin offered rival methods of using development aid as a tool of foreign policy to face radicalization in the decolonizing world.

The end of the Cold War at the beginning of the 1990s and the US-China agreement on WTO entry at the end of the 1990s have provided dramatic challenges to China’s foreign policy formulation. The disappearance of US-Soviet superpower rivalry meant that China had to reconfigure its international position without the room for maneuver that had been offered by the Cold War. It also brought the latent antagonisms in the relationship with the USA to the forefront. Combined with the West’s reaction to the military quelling of the student-led demonstrators in 1989, it has brought an uncertainty to the relationship that has continued to this day and will continue to influence relations into the next century. China’s pending entry into the WTO builds on the extraordinary economic integration into the world economy that has taken place since the reforms began and shows China’s leaders’ commitment to being an active member of the world economic community. At the same time, it presents new challenges for the leadership in terms of just how much foreign presence China is willing to tolerate and how destabilizing the foreign presence will be to native industry. This chapter considers first China’s perceptions of global integration and how this may hamper success. Second, the chapter looks at the changing nature of the relationship with the USA and Russia. Third, it reviews China’s position within the region before concluding by looking at the economic dimension of China’s foreign relations.

Reviewed by: Japan's Peace-building Diplomacy in Asia: Seeking a More Active Political Role Paul Midford (bio) Japan's Peace-building Diplomacy in Asia: Seeking a More Active Political Role. By Lam Peng Er. Routledge, New York, 2009. xi, 171 pages. 75.00. This is a must-read book for anyone seeking a comprehensive understanding of Japan's foreign and security policies. It contains surprises even for experts well versed in Japanese foreign policy. I suspect many other specialists will at best be only dimly aware of Japan's activism in peace and human security promotion in Mindanao, Sri Lanka, and Aceh, or of Japan's continuing support for East Timor and Cambodia, before picking up Lam's book. This work could have at least two additional subtitles. One would be "The Fukuda Doctrine and Japan's Relationship with Southeast Asia." The other would be "The Role of Domestic Politics." In short, Lam brings a bird's-eye view from his perch in Singapore to understanding Japan's relationship with Southeast Asia while using his expertise in Japanese domestic politics to show how this influences foreign policy. Although shedding light on a significant but hitherto obscure aspect of Japanese foreign policy, Lam's book nevertheless engages the main academic debate in the field today, namely, whether Japan is "normalizing" into a great power that uses military force as an instrument to promote national objectives abroad. Looking at this issue from his unique angle, Lam is fully convincing when he argues that Japan has found its niche in international security: non-combat-related peace building. Lam is similarly persuasive in arguing that those promoting the idea of Japan "normalizing" into a military great power have overlooked this development: "In their accounts of the trajectory of Japan's role, purpose and identity in the world, Pyle, Samuels and Green have missed out an important direction in the nation's foreign policy since the end of the Cold War—the quest to end civil wars and begin post-conflict reconstruction" (p. 4). One might add to Lam's list of leading "normalizing" literature Christopher W. Hughes's Japan's Remilitarisation.1 On the other hand, Lam's volume joins a growing literature challenging the normal-nation thesis.2 [End Page 498] Lam is also convincing when he asserts that his study of five cases of Japanese peace building reveals that "claims that Tokyo's peace-building is reactive, ad hoc and essentially driven by Washington" are "off the mark" (p. 6). Indeed, there is little indication that the United States has ever pushed participation by the Self-Defense Forces (SDF) in UN peacekeeping missions, any more than it has seriously promoted UN peacekeeping itself. Finally, Lam insightfully observes that "Tokyo's dispatch of the SDF to East Timor . . . did not attract any disquiet or misgivings from its Asian neighbors as had earlier been the case with Cambodia, when there was the perception that deploying the SDF abroad was merely a prelude to Japan seeking to become a great military power again" (p. 41). The demonstration effect of Tokyo's peaceful and beneficial dispatch of the SDF to Cambodia thus reassured Asian nations, suggesting that peace building can empower Japan to "forge an identity as an active and positive 'peace-loving' country acceptable to its citizens and Asian neighbors" (p. 5). Less convincing is Lam's contention that the Fukuda Doctrine is not an extension of the Yoshida Doctrine as many observers claim but a radical departure from it, because the former calls for Japan to play a political role while the latter, in Lam's eyes, calls for avoiding any external political role. One may question Lam's understanding of the Yoshida Doctrine, but he at least notes the disagreement. More dubious is his insinuation that the two are equivalent if not competing doctrines (p. 19), when in fact the Yoshida Doctrine is a grand strategy, however implicit, while the Fukuda Doctrine, despite its explicit articulation, is a regional diplomatic strategy. The Fukuda Doctrine is silent on most important aspects of Japan's security, such as the U.S.-Japan alliance and potential threats. Most doubtful is Lam's claim that the...

This chapter argues that European governments – East and West – came to see multilateralism as an opportunity to stretch their room for manoeuvre in a Cold War order largely dominated by the superpowers. As small countries strove to become more influential, they used multilateralism as an instrument to both bolster their foreign policies within the bipolar Cold War framework and alter the dynamics within their respective alliances. It responds to the call of New Cold War History to investigate the role of smaller powers on both sides of the Iron Curtain, and it offers a unique analysis of Eastern and Western Europe simultaneously. The chapter overall deals with the smaller powers’ room for manoeuvre in four different multilateral contexts, namely the Warsaw Pact, the European Community/European Political Cooperation, NATO, and the overarching context of the European security conference/the Conference for Security and Cooperation in Europe in the period 1965–1975. It adds to the most recent historiography that challenges the conventional bipolar Cold War paradigm that sees European security as shaped by the superpowers only, as it proves that small powers had an explicit stake and active role in the process of defining what security meant on the European continent.

Reviewed by: Of Vagabonds and Fellow Travelers: African Diaspora Literary Culture and the Cultural Cold War by Cedric Tolliver, and: Everything Man: The Form and Function of Paul Robeson by Shana L. Redmond Samantha Pinto Cedric Tolliver. Of Vagabonds and Fellow Travelers: African Diaspora Literary Culture and the Cultural Cold War. Ann Arbor: U of Michigan P, 2019. 244 pp. $24.95. Shana L. Redmond. Everything Man: The Form and Function of Paul Robeson. Durham: Duke UP, 2020. 208 pp. $24.95. When I was an undergraduate at Rutgers in the late 1990s, June Jordan came to give a reading in the Paul Robeson Lounge. She opened her talk by way of a joke—that this man who spoke so many languages, lettered in so many sports, was so incredibly multitalented, could have a lounge named after him. A lounge! Paul Robeson, critically understudied, and the time period he most saliently represents in Black arts and culture—the Cold War era—are finally getting their due in two new monographs: Cedric Tolliver's Of Vagabonds and Fellow Travelers and Shana Redmond's Everything Man. Joining recent work on the Black feminist political history of this time period by scholars such as Keisha Blain, Cheryl Higashida, Mary Helen Washington, and Carole Boyce Davies, as well as the literary studies work of Michelle Stephens, Cherene Sherrard-Johnson, and Eve Dunbar, Tolliver and Redmond map deeply different takes on the legacies of an unsung era of African American cultural and political work. The Cold War era is a time of unprecedented political change and artistic production, sitting as it does amid World War II and burgeoning global decolonization movements. Tolliver and Redmond want to retrace figures in Black literature and culture who didn't toe even liberal lines around Black freedom struggles of the period, rewriting Robeson and others into the legacy of figures like W. E. B. Du Bois, who also recurs throughout Tolliver's text as a key theorist of the significance of culture and class to Black political movements. Tolliver thinks deeply around those who incorporated class and economic struggles as at the center of African American bids for equality with stunning archival work and a nuanced Marxist approach to difference within the African diaspora. He centers "those confrontations in the cultural realm between the US and the Soviet Union that paralleled and reinforced operations in the political, economic, and military spheres" (5) to capture the 'hearts and minds' of a global populace. This populace, particularly in decolonial Africa, was skeptical of the US not least because of its continued racist policies and politics, including legal segregation in the South and economic injustice nationwide. Tolliver's thick (re)description of the history of Black cultural expression in the Cold War political context is both forceful and eloquent in its open insistence on "restor[ing] culture to a primary site of struggle, refusing the capitalist society imperative, intensified during the Cold War, of according culture an autonomous [End Page 343] function removed from the materiality of social reproduction" (16) and claiming some Black artists (and activists) as particularly "disruptive" (17) to this equation and political economy as usual, even as it was difficult to escape what he refers to as its ideological—and often material—enclosures. Tolliver reframes this period of African American literature around the Cold War era in a first chapter that anchors scholarly work on the diaspora by critics like Brent Hayes Edwards in his The Practice of Diaspora into the frame of the Cold War, and engages important thinkers in diaspora literature such as Aimé Césaire through Cold War politics and critiques. From here, Tolliver moves to Anglophone and Francophone Caribbean engagements with US imperial histories in the region. His reading of George Lamming's classic In the Castle of My Skin recasts it as a primer on Cold War development in the shadow of a century of American occupation. The emphasis on US foreign policy in Lamming's and Jacques Stephen Alexis's work here is thought-fully and thoroughly sutured to close readings of their texts that open up African diaspora and Cold War studies of the period's literature. Robeson appears as a...

A country relation with other countries of the world is known as her external relations. The external relations of a country are based on certain principles and policies. They are collectively called foreign policy. Thus foreign policy is the totality of actions of a state in dealing with external environment consisting of national, international and regional actors. In other words, foreign policy is the sum total of a country’s relationship with these actors; while pursuing its received goals and objectives through the process of foreign policy a state translates its goals and interests into specific courses of action. India’s foreign policy is shaped by several factors including its history, culture, geography and economy. Our PM, Jawaharlal Nehru gave a definite shape to the country’s foreign policy. Indian ideology in the international affairs is based on the five principles of India’s foreign Policy under leaders like Nehru and Mahatma Gandhi. These are a belief in friendly relations with all countries of the world. The resolution of conflicts by peaceful means, the sovereign equality of all states, independent of through and action as manifested in the principles of non – alignment and equity in the conduct of international relations. Promotion of democratic values is high on India’s international relations. Another bench mark of India’s official ideology is secular nationalism. India is the home for peoples from various religions and cultures. India promotes secular values and freedom to follow any religion or culture. India’s Foreign Policy after se became independent in 1947. It was in September 1946 that Jawaharlal Nehru formulated the independent policy which has been followed ever since. Successive Prime Ministers have endorsed that policy and parliament has approved it. The essence of the independent foreign policy is non-alignment i.e., India refused to join either the communist bloc or the Western bloc into which most of the nations were grouped during the days of the cold war. She preferred to remain outside the contest. Two other features of this policy have been (1) an emphasis on peaceful negotiation as a means to resolving conflicts, the temper of peace as Nehru put it and (2) a deliberate effort to seek the friendship of all nations including the nations of the communist bloc as well as the western bloc. In formulation of a foreign policy, both domestic and external factors are taken into account. If we look at the way the formulation of foreign policy in democratic and non-democratic countries, they mobilize national power, define their national interests, and peruse effective policies play military strategy in the light of balance of power – which is one of the basic principles of power politics game that acts to control interstate relations. However, the formulation of foreign policy is the result of its leaders’ capacity which gains people’s support in implementing that foreign policy . Key words: External relations, foreign policy, military strategy, pre-independence phase, panchsheel, peaceful co-existence, pious means, mutual respect, territorial integrity, sovereignty, mutual non – aggression

In this interpretive study, Amos Perlmutter offers a comparative analysis of three of the 20th century's most significant world orders: Wilsonianism, Soviet Communism and Nazism. Anchored in three hegemonical states - the United States, the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany - these systems, he argues, shared certain characteristics that distinguished them from other attempts to restructure the international political scene. While Communism and Nazism were committed to imperial ideologies, Wilsonianism was inspired by an exceptionalist, peaceful, democratic and free market world order. But all three were able to mobilize industrial, technological and military resources in pursuing their goals. In the process of examining the democratic, Communist and Nazi systems, Perlmutter also provides a framework for understanding US foreign policy over the course of the century, particularly during the Cold War. He underscores the importance of ideology in establishing an international order, arguing that in the wake of the Soviet Union's demise, no system - not even Wilsonianism - can lay claim to the title of new world order.

Editor's Note

The principles of Mexico's foreign policy remained essentially unchanged during the Cold War and into the early post-Cold War period. The most vigorous discussion concerning change-or even rupture-in Mexican foreign policy were prompted by the negotiations for the North American free trade agreement (NAFTA), and Mexico's internal political opening towards the end of the 1990s. This paper will examine Mexican policy towards Cuba and Haiti to assess the extent of change and continuity in Mexican foreign policy in a post-Cold War and post-September nth context.For some time during the 1990s, Mexican governments resisted international trends towards the active promotion of democracy and human rights, although they enthusiastically endorsed goals such as economic liberalization and free trade. In time, however, Mexican governments recognized they could no longer ignore the importance of democracy and human rights, not only because of the influence of the international agenda, but also because of rapid social and political transformations domestically. Thus, as President Vicente Fox took office in 2000, the promotion of democracy and human rights became a key element in Mexico's foreign policy and the discussion about Mexican foreign policy change deepened. As a country that had traditionally defended the principle of non-intervention and the right to self-determination, Mexico was now taking forceful positions in favour of democracy and respect of human rights everywhere in the world. The two cases examined here, Cuba and Haiti, are related to Mexico's attitude towards international politics. The promotion of democracy and human rights was a consideration in Mexican policy towards both Cuba and Haiti, and yet its approach differed significantly in each case. With respect to Cuba, Mexican policy changed significantly from what it had been since 1959 by including an explicit position in favour of the adoption of democracy and the protection of human rights in Cuba. In other words, the Mexican government has taken a stand for political change in Cuba, thereby leaving aside principles such as non-intervention and the right to self-determination. This policy, coupled with Cuba's resistance to change, led to a deterioration in bilateral relations not seen since the Cuban revolution.The Haitian case, on the other hand, illustrates the limits of Mexico's support for democracy and human rights abroad. The Mexican government agreed on the need to encourage democracy and the protection of human rights in Haiti through multilateral mechanisms, but rejected the use of force and refused to join United Nations efforts to stabilize Haiti. Thus, the Cuban case illustrates change in Mexican foreign policy whereas the Haitian case reflects continuity. In both cases, Mexico acted in accordance with a regional agenda that privileged democracy and human rights but, as this paper will argue, only when domestic circumstances benefited from it.REGIONAL SECURITY, DEMOCRACY, AND THE UNITED STATESThe 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks have been taken as the end of the post-Cold War era and the beginning of the antiterror era. Although they did not mean a complete rupture in the international structure and dynamics-international politics is always composed of a series of continuities and changes-the terrorist attacks did give a more specific meaning to the idea of a security threat in US foreign policy.As US foreign policy did not have a clear regional enemy or security threat once the Soviet bloc disintegrated and Nicaragua and El Salvador joined most Latin American countries in embracing democracy, issues such as drug trafficking and organized crime were given an important position in the US foreign policy agenda, and were even considered security threats not only to the United States, but to the region as a whole. This did not occur in a straightforward way, however, with all hemispheric countries agreeing on a new security agenda. …