Mirandese in the linguistic Iberian continuum: Phonological data

East-Central Europe can be easily distinguished, despite diff erent views on the subject, as a geographical space. It cannot be said, however, that it constitutes a distinct and coherent political, economic, social, and cultural space. Changes taking place in contemporary Europe, in particular those associated with the integration processes, mark a new, specifi c dividing line, different from that during the Cold War. It runs across the geographical, and, consequently, social, political, economic and cultural space of East-Central Europe. Th e research objective is therefore to identify and analyze the “fracture” of social space in this part of Europe. For research purposes it is assumed that social space, denoting the whole of social behaviors and ties as well as material products of human activity, is a complex, multifaceted construction. Especially signifi cant seems to be the problem of the political empowerments of society and its limitations, the problem of the socio-economic situation, and the problem of cultural identity. It is also assumed that the EU’s political strategy currently being pursued, consisting in relinquishing the prospect of EU enlargement towards the east to include selected countries of the so-called post-Soviet area, contributes to strengthening “the fracture” of East-Central Europe. Th is is apparently the result of the European Union’s implementation of “A Europe of Projects” strategy, which is the measures undertaken under the European Neighbourhood Policy, Eastern Partnership, or Back Sea Synergy.

The article attempts to analyze the concept of “social space” from the standpoint of geography. Geographers understand space mainly as a “tabula rasa” on which human society functions and develops. However, the requirements of today require a deeper understanding of the essence of human, the study of internal motives of human activity. The category “social space” is used for this purpose. The aim of the study is to systematize scientific interpretations of the concept of “social space”, to determine its properties and characteristics in Ukrainian and foreign scientific literature. The main task is to determine the role of communications in the formation and functioning of social space. Geographers understand social space primarily as a part of geographical space; nonlinear and multidimensional space of society development, social events, social systems and their components; this is an anthroposphere which is supplemented by a “virtual” component of the inner world of human. Society creates a social space by its own way of life. It manifests itself through the triad: spatial practices - representations of space - spaces of representation. The whole concept of the production of social space is filled with communications and networks through which these communications take place. Humanity and its social space is a product of the communications that exist in it. Communication networks are the basis of the production and functioning of social space. To denote the processes of subjective transformation of social space and time, the following terms are used: time-space compression, space-time convergence, time-space distanciation, time-space expansion, friction of distance, distance decay. One of the main “tools” of space compression is the transportation network, and in recent decades, information and communication networks. The question of the relationship between the concepts of “social space” and “geographical space” is relevant for geography. Geographical space contains elements of the social. At the same time, the majority of social processes have their own spatial expression. It is impossible to draw clear boundaries between geographical and social spaces. Their common construct “socio-geographical space” is increasingly used.

In the revolutionary year 1905, Odessa became an area of violence in the tension of social, religious and cultural upheaval. In this year there were strikes, escalations of revolutional mood, a fire in the port after the arrival of the battleship «Knjaz´ Potemkin-Tavričeskij» («Potemkin») in the night of June 14-15. Arrival of the rebellious battleship was a significant event not only for the city of Odessa and the Russian revolution, but also for the history of the fate of Jews of the early 20th century. This was the first armed insurrection in the course of the revolution, which moved Odessa and its social, geographical and semiotic city spaces. The «Potemkin days» entered the history of the city of Odessa mainly through the periodicals of that time but also through the Russian-Jewish literature such as Lazar Karmen’s story «Potemkin Days» (1907), Korney Chukovsky’s essay «1905, June» (1958) and Vladimir Jabotinsky’s novel «The Five» (1936). These works depict not only the resulting collective violence but also its semiotic and social spaces in the city. Up until now, this field has not been investigated in any historical, cultural or literary research. The focus of this paper is to analyse geographical, social and symbolic city spaces in Odessa with the help of the space theories by Jury Lotman and Michel de Certeau. Both scholars work with the definitions of the city, the place and the space, which are significant for the selected literate works about Odessa in 1905. The analysis will show not only the ambivalence, mobility and variability of city spaces, but also the narrators expectations and thus the fate of Jews in Odessa and the perspectives in the historical processes for them — assimilation or emigration.

Over the past decade a number of scholars have examined the rise of the mass production and distribution of goods, and the concurrent emergence of a nineteenth- and twentieth-century consumer society or ‘culture of consumption’. This body of work has featured the department store prominently in several roles: as a venue for the distribution of consumer goods; as a material fantasyland in which women were encouraged to play out their dreams of conspicuous consumption; and as a place of white-collar employment for working-class clerks. Whatever their focus, these accounts generally view all department stores as homogeneous middle-class institutions, located in a similarly consistent ‘downtown’ in any (and all) large American and European cities. There are serious flaws in such a portrayal. Very real distinctions between department stores in a given city and the social implications of these differences in terms of social status and class are not addressed. Further, the contribution of the built environment and urban topography to the shaping of these status and class distinctions and, ultimately, women's shopping experience, is likewise overlooked. This article examines a set of surveys and marketing reports prepared in 1932 for the Higbee Company of Cleveland, Ohio, in order to situate more precisely one department store within its urban context. These sources document the relationship of the Higbee Company to the city's other department stores and in so doing reveal some of the ways in which stratification between and among classes was interpreted in terms of geographical and social space. Examination of the hierarchy of stores that existed in what was at the time the nation's sixth largest city provides a corrective to the image of the department store as a homogeneous democratic phenomenon, and thus provides an invaluable basis for a reinterpretation of the department store as an urban institution in early twentieth- century America.

本文將探討法蘭娜瑞•歐康諾(Flannery O'Connor)的短篇小說〈凡興者必合〉(”Everything That Rises Must Converge”)裡美國五○年代的南方城市，如何成爲轉載傳統社會與政治意識的空間，以及人們如何利用記憶來賦予城市空間新的轉機。歐康諾運用小說中主要的公車場景呈現出在時代轉換中，舊有社會的傳統白人優越意識如何殘存在人們的身份認同之中，以及生活在時代意識轉換下的人們如何面對黑白隔離政策解除後所帶來的黑白衝突與挑戰。〈凡興者必合〉中的空間場景是複雜的種族、性別、母子、歷史、新舊文化觀點的衝突空間。剛剛解除黑白乘客座位空間區隔的公車，對搭乘公車的乘客而言，是環境認知上內在與外在的衝突空間。經由對空間中各種言行、舉止、思維與想像的探討，可以發現歐康諾對此一複雜交錯的公共空間中各種權力關係與運作的認知，以及她對傳統南方蓄奴文化與種族歧視所導致的黑白身份與認同問題的關注。本文將援用並重探列斐弗爾(Henri Lefebvre)有關空間乃社會空間、社會空間的再／生產、以及認知體系運作的幾個議題，來探討小說文本中屬於五、六○年代美國南方黑白市民間內在的認知差距與他們在公共空間中受環境影響而產生的行爲，與這行爲所可能帶來的對空間政治議題的重新認知與建構的可能性。

I n recent years, culture and creative industry issue have hot topics; the existing research is still immature. The formation mechanism of culture and creative industry is particularly important. In this paper, for the study of culture and creative industry cluster, this based on the literature analysis. The basic concepts involved the culture and creative industry to define, and reveal the characteristics and composition of culture and creative industry cluster. Research on t he Formation and Evolution of Spatial Layout of Culture Creative Industry Clu ster The concept of cluster involves three space: economic space, geographical space, social space. Which is the basis of geographical space, economic space is a source of social space is the key. Geographical Space is a tangible physical relationship, which consists of point, line, surface, body, etc. between geometry; Economic Space is invisible, is an abstract mathematical concept of space extending in the field of economics, It refers to a variety of economic relations between the elements of the economy. It is the location of economic phenomena and economic activity in certain geographical scope to the distribution, shape, size and form of the interaction is characterized by the existence and objective entity. Social space is invisible, can affect the relationship between social groups in which people strength spatial arrangement or distribution, social groups are perceived and utilized space, it's just a term population study. Geographical proximity is an important condition for development. Spatial agglomeration is the most prominent industrial clusters appearance characteristics. Near Space agglomeration constitute industrial is a worldwide economic phenomenon. US high-tech companies such as Silicon Valley, is the gathering place, California is the entertainment industry gathering place, Madison Avenue in New York is the US advertising industry gathering place and so on. Similarly, the link between culture and creative space industry is also based on abstract economic space in geospatial figurative. From the foregoing time dimension of cultural and creative industries formation and evolution were analyzed to describe this section focuses on its geographical space dimension. Research on t he Formation and Evolution of Time Gradient of Culture Creative Industry Clu ster From the perspective of industrial economics, the focus of enterprises is the starting point for formation. Business focus is simply the number of firms gather. When companies within the around the industrial chain to implement specialization, showing a strong effect and the formation of strong intrinsic association, feature integrated high agglomeration chain time, this gathering that has the characteristics of industrial clusters in the true sense. Thus, the formation and evolution of cultural and creative industry with environmental change is a gradual and continuous process. Therefore, it is necessary from the perspective of the time gradient dynamic analysis of the cultural and creative industry formation and evolution process.

Onward migration: An introduction

This article analyses the process of globalization from the perspective of a 'political economy of space' where the interactions of the processes of capitalist accumulation within contexts of geographic and social space has profound shaping effects upon the nature of politics, economics and society more generally. The argument will show that contemporary globalization has two dimensions: outward into geographic space, and inward into culture and society. The focus then moves to culture and information technology within the space economy of late capitalism and argues that a crisis of finite geographic space has led to the deepening of the commodificationary processes of capitalist accumulation into the 'identity-spaces' of culture and society. For hugely popular 'cyber-gurus' such as Howard Rheingold and Myron W . Krueger, the development of information technologies such as the Internet-derived 'virtual communities' are spaces where new forms of democracy and 'being' can emerge. This article argues that 'cyberspace' and 'virtual communities' are deeply dystopic and alienated spaces, and cyber-Utopian dreams of other, possible worlds made virtual through information technology are at best naive, when it is realised that the information revolution that evolved from the processes of a particular type of globalization, has conceived and developed technologies with primarily profit, productivity, surveillance labour-saving and escapism in mind.

Data deluge characteristic for our times has led to information overload, posing a significant challenge to effectively finding our way through the digital landscape. Addressing this issue requires an in-depth understanding of how we navigate through the abundance of information. Previous research has discovered multiple patterns in how individuals navigate in the geographic, social, and information spaces, yet individual differences in strategies for navigation in the knowledge space has remained largely unexplored. To bridge the gap, we conducted an online experiment where participants played a navigation game on Wikipedia and completed questionnaires about their personal information. Utilizing the hierarchical structure of the English Wikipedia and a graph embedding trained on it, we identified two navigation strategies and found that there are significant individual differences in the choices of them. Older, white and female participants tend to adopt a proximity-driven strategy, while younger participants prefer a hub-driven strategy. Our study connects social navigation to knowledge navigation: individuals’ differing tendencies to use geographical and occupational information about the target person to navigate in the social space can be understood as different choices between the hub-driven and proximity-driven strategies in the knowledge space.

Space is one of the fundamental concepts of human consciousness. Many sciences use the concept of space to describe their own subject areas. For geography, this concept is basic. By analogy with other sciences, geography has formed its own understanding of space – geographical space. In different historical epochs, people have differently represented space. Today, the most widespread are substantive and relational approaches to the interpretation of space. According to the substantive approach, space is a substance, independent of time and matter that acts next to and independently of them. According to the relational approach, space is understood as systems of relations that are formed between objects in the process of their interaction. Among Ukrainian geographers, E. Marunyak, K. Nemets, Y. Oliynyk, A. Stepanenko, O. Smyrnov, O. Topchiyev, O. Shabliy and others elaborated on the concept of geospace and geospatiality. Geographic space is a set of objects that are ordered on the earth's surface, together with the sum of all their connections and interrelations. It is not just the total sum of the geographical positions of all geographical objects, but a new quality that appears as a result of the general interactions of the objects on the earth’s surface. In interpretations of geographical space, the following common features can be distinguished: geospace is one of the aspects of ordering geographical objects; geospace is a collection of relationships between objects; geographical space is characterized by both discreteness and continuity. Meanwhile, in Western scientific literature the concept of geographical space has not become noticeably widespread. Researchers often use the terms “space” and “social space”. Geospace in English-language scientific literature is understood as the outer space near the Earth, including the upper atmosphere, the ionosphere, and the magnetosphere.

This research explores the relationship between geographic and social media network space. The purpose of this paper is twofold: to perform a geo-enhanced network analysis and to create an example social media network using a select location identified in the study area as important in the results of the geo-enhanced network analysis. A straightforward, non-technical example is provided to the readers on how location data and social media network data can be overlaid to visualize potential local firm to firm and firm to customer connections in geographic and social media network space. An example of how to identify these potential connections locally through social media networks using Twitter is demonstrated. By considering the geographic location in network structures, it is possible to convey the role distance plays in discerning prospective local social media marketing partners, and also track the spread of information flow through social media networks.

Stochastic models of discrete individuals and deterministic models of continuous populations may give different answers to questions about infectious diseases. Discrete individual model formulations are sought that extend deterministic models of infection transmission systems so that both model forms contribute cooperatively to model-based decision making. GERMS models are defined as stochastic processes in continuous time with parameters analogous to those in deterministic models. A GERMS model simulator was developed that insured that the rate of events depended only on the current state of model. The confidence intervals of long-term averages of infection level in simulated GERMS models were shown to contain the deterministic model means. GERMS models provide a convenient framework for testing the sensitivity of model-based decisions to a variety of unrealistic assumptions that are characteristic of differential equation models. GERMS especially facilitates making more realistic assumptions about contact patterns in geographic and social space.

What are the pathways through which a new form of collective action, a new collective action frame, or a new social movement spreads? Do such collective phenomena diffuse autonomously, or in response to the institutional practices to which they are directed? Under what conditions does the horizontal diffusion of contention give way to broader configurations of conflict – what Doug McAdam and this author have called “upward scale shift” (Tarrow and McAdam 2005; Tarrow 2005)? These are the questions I will take up in this chapter. Research in the past has focused centrally on the “fact” of diffusion (e.g., does an act of contention diffuse or doesn't it?); it has often traced the pathways of diffusion across geographic and social space; and it has tried to show how, and under what circumstances, diffusion produces new organizations and transmits new collective action frames. These are all important contributions to our understanding of contentious politics. But in each respect, existing research leaves lacunae in our understanding of the dynamics of contention: First, the “fact” of diffusion can be easily confused with the simultaneous or near-simultaneous emergence of contention in structurally similar situations. Second, although diffusion always involves emulation, contention can diffuse across geographic or social space through a combination of mechanisms with different outcomes and valences. Third, as Andrews and Biggs show in their contribution to this volume, when preexisting organizational ecology is taken into account, the diffusion of a new form of contention may have no discernable effect on subsequent organizational expansion (Chapter 10).

There is a growing body of evidence, involving both international comparisons and national studies, which suggests that inequality is bad for human health, even when absolute levels of income, or material deprivation, are controlled for. Yet much of the literature exploring links between health outcomes and either absolute or relative deprivation has failed to consider sufficiently fully a spatial perspective. This paper attempts to redress this balance, drawing upon empirical work first for England and Wales as a whole and, in more detail, for a health authority in north‐west England. Evidence is presented that a measure of relative deprivation that takes account of the locations of small areas in relation to each other performs well as a correlate of morbidity and mortality. Some theoretical arguments are advanced to support the relationships between health outcome and relative deprivation, and especially the role of location in geographical and social space in mediating this relationship.

“Taken for-granted divisions of geographic space (such as centre and periphery) must be viewed according to Bourdieu, as the effect of distance in social space, i.e. the unequal distribution of the different kinds of capital in geographical space” – as Reed-Danahay, D. (2020, 17) puts it in their book about the spatial aspect of Pierre Bourdieu’s action theory. Field, social space, capital, disposition, and habitus are all essential components of Bourdieu’s theory, but what about places? This paper focuses on the importance of geographical space, place and scales in a habitus analysis and tries to show the possibilities the concept of habitus can offer in spatial studies. While research on the relationship between Bourdieu’s concept of habitus and spatiality is becoming increasingly popular (Berger, V. 2018; Németh, K. 2020; Reed-Danahay, D. 2020), still few scholars (e.g. Máté, É. et al. 2022) undertake place-based habitus analyses. The present paper aims to provide an overview of the international academic discourse on place-based (in this case mainly rural) habitus analysis. Considering a dozen empirical studies from different perspectives and in different geographical areas, I focus on the specificities of habitus analysis in rural places. After briefly introducing the concept of habitus and its critiques, I will describe the characteristics of habitus studies in rural places by presenting various views. Then, I will show how the relationship between rural and urban habitus studies suggests that habitus does indeed contribute to the persistence of urban-rural structures.