Migration as an indicator of people’s social and psychological stability (as exemplified in the Pskov Region)

The article examines recent migration processes in Ukraine. The positive and negative aspects of migration are considered as phenomena. Various approaches of researchers to the identification and classification of the causes of migration are analyzed. Modern causes of labor, political, ethnic, environmental and educational (student) migration have been investigated. It was found that Ukraine is characterized not only by external but also internal labor migration, but its scale is not as significant as in other countries. The causes of political and ethnic migration include: restriction or prohibition of freedom of speech, persecution for political beliefs, interethnic intolerance and conflicts at the national level. The causes of ecological migration include: natural disasters, natural and man-made disasters, in particular: floods, earthquakes, fires, volcanic eruptions, typhoons. The reasons for educational (student) migration are the acquisition by young people of new knowledge, experience in improving opportunities in the globalized labor market, the desire to stay in the country of study. The ways to combat the negative effects of migration, in particular those that complicate the integration of internally displaced persons into the local community, have been identified; state initiatives aimed at returning migrant workers to Ukraine and their economic and social support (state program «Return and stay», state credit program «Available loans 5—7—9%») socialization and rehabilitation of internally displaced persons (Strategy for integration of internally displaced persons for the period up to 2020). It is noted that the coronavirus pandemic has caused the cessation of migration processes almost all over the world, but this is a temporary phenomenon that has not affected the reasons for leaving and becoming migrants. Key words: migration, causes of migration, forced migrants, voluntary migrants, internally displaced persons.

In this study, we use cross-country bilateral data to quantify a two-step process of international migration and its aggregate determinants. We first analyze which country-specific factors affect the probability that individuals join the pool of potential (aspiring) migrants. Then, we consider the bilateral and destination country factors that affect the frequency at which potential migrants turn into actual migrants. Using information on potential migrants from World Gallup surveys and on actual migrants from national censuses for 138 origin countries and 30 major destinations between 2000 and 2010, we analyze economic, policy, cultural, and network determinants of each step. We find that the size of the network of previous migrants and the average income per person at destination are crucial determinants of the size of the pool of potential migrants. Economic growth in the destination country, on the other hand, is the main economic generator of migration opportunities for a given pool of potential migrants. We also find that college-educated exhibit greater actual emigration rates mainly because of better chances in realizing their immigration potentials, rather than because of higher willingness to migrate.

In this study, we use cross-country bilateral data to quantify a two-step process of international migration and its aggregate determinants. We first analyze which country-specific factors affect the probability that individuals join the pool of potential (aspiring) migrants. Then, we consider the bilateral and destination country factors that affect the frequency at which potential migrants turn into actual migrants. Using information on potential migrants from World Gallup surveys and on actual migrants from national censuses for 138 origin countries and 30 major destinations between 2000 and 2010, we analyze economic, policy, cultural, and network determinants of each step. We find that the size of the network of previous migrants and the average income per person at destination are crucial determinants of the size of the pool of potential migrants. Economic growth in the destination country, on the other hand, is the main economic generator of migration opportunities for a given pool of potential migrants. We also find that college-educated exhibit greater actual emigration rates mainly because of better chances in realizing their immigration potentials, rather than because of higher willingness to migrate.

The article provides an analysis of data on the current state of xenophobia and political opposition in one of the Russian regions. Aim: the main goal is to identify and analyze the hidden laws of functioning of the social and political sphere in modern Russia. Method: method of fuzzy set Qualitative Comparative Analysis was used for the study, because the traditional quantitative methods do not always allow to detect and obtain reliable information. The article explains the use of the appropriate method in the analysis of social and political phenomena and processes. Results: The main part of the paper contains the results of the analysis of empirical sociological research conducted in the Pskov region in Russian Federation (2013). The study revealed the complex relationship between the treatment of the political opposition and the xenophobic members of certain groups, which are considered “foes”. The obtained results show that the support of political opposition among Pskov Region respondents is in many ways determined by the level of their xenophobia. In particular, it failed to identify that the support of administrative bans in relation to different groups is a typical feature of the declared support of political opposition in Pskov Region. Conclusion: residents of the provincial regions of modern Russia have special understanding of the political opposition, based on different from the classical liberal idea. The revealed characteristics are also accompanied by the support of administrative bans as legal mechanisms preventing the spread of the factors that break the traditional way of life and are regarded as extraneous phenomena. DOI: 10.5901/mjss.2015.v6n6s2p26

Among the important and challenging observations Thomas Christiano makes in “Democracy, Migration and International Institutions” is his claim that the interests and judgments of potential and actual migrants must be taken into account in the regulation of migration. After briefly justifying this premise, this chapter takes off from this cosmopolitan objective to explore whether and how different institutional arrangements available to regulate the movement of people might be capable of incorporating migrants’ points of view. Its primary objective is to explore whether it makes sense to equate the international with the cosmopolitan in this setting, or whether the institutional dynamics of the nation-state, at least in its democratic form, will better serve the individual migrant’s objectives. If we set our goal as designing a system that reasonably takes account of potential and actual migrants’ interests, should regulatory energy and advocacy efforts be directed toward multilateralism, bilateralism, or old-fashioned domestic regulation?

"The economic law of population distribution and migration has been studied chiefly based on the Chinese situation. The distribution and development of productive forces decide the distribution and migration of population, and in turn, the latter influences the former. The population distributions in three different stages of social development, namely agricultural, industrial and information society, are described. A new concept in population economics is introduced, i.e. population economic density, which is different from the concept of population density. The formula of population economic density is P(population)/R(resources). Many kinds of migration are analysed, and it is believed that the main efficient cause of migration is economy."

The aim of the study is to know the tuberculosis screening measures and factors affecting their effectiveness among people living with HIV in the Northwestern District of the Russian Federation. In the study the data obtained from federal statistical surveys on HIV and tuberculosis during 2007–2018 have been used. In several regions of the Northwestern District there is a significant decrease in the results of the screening measures (p<0,05): in Kaliningrad, Leningrad, Pskov regions and Karelia Republic, which is associated with the density of cumulation of patients with advanced stages of HIV-infection (s=0,81, p<0,001) and with the share of subjects tested positively for HIV, but not registered at the AIDS Centers in the year of obtaining the positive results. In the regional TB/HIV programs it is necessary to take into account the level of cumulation of HIV cases on advanced stages in the region and the resources should be directed towards the tuberculosis screening among the patients who are on advanced HIV stages.

A lot of the normative literature on the duty to protect refugeessets out from the assumption that refugees’ reasons to migrateare qualitatively distinct from other migrants’ reasonsand that it is possible, with reasonable certainty, to assess which individual falls within which group. In this article, I attempt to show that not only is it impossible to pin down a qualitative difference between refugees (under the current legal definition or under any other proposed definition) and other involuntary migrants, it is also impossible to distinguish between political, economic and environmental causes for migration. In addition to that, it is impossible to draw a clear line between involuntary and voluntary migration. While migration law might be condemned to rely on trigger points beyond which people are included in a category of special protection, the normative debate about where to locate this point would improve if it setout from the consensusthat it necessarily remains a fictitious point. Once this is acknowledged, the normative debate on involuntary migration can be redirected towards procedures that assess the voluntariness of individual migration decisions and the need for protection in individual cases on a gradual spectrum. I argue that a central criterionin this procedure should be the relative value that the good “control over one’s own migration” has in the basket of goodsof potential refugees. The higher they value this good, the stronger theirclaim to be included ina special status of protection.

Pre-migration acculturation attitudes among potential ethnic migrants from Russia to Finland

This article aims to describe the historical background of international ethnic migration in Central and Eastern Europe. The rise and fall of the Habsburg Empire in Central Europe and the Ottoman Empire in Southeastern Europe has been the underlying cause of many ethnic migration flows in Central and Eastern Europe in the post‐communist era. Moreover, the German Ostkolonisation, border changes after the two World Wars, and interstate migration in the former Soviet Union caused a large pool of potential ethnic migrants. In addition to the description of this historical background, this article contains a description of important contemporary ethnic migration flows that originate from the aforementioned historical developments, and a discussion of future developments of ethnic migration in Central and Eastern Europe.

Model description and forecasting of migration processes at the regional level is necessary to optimize the flow of labor resources between regional labor markets that arise new trends in migration and the reform of Russian society. Weak regulation of internal labor migration in the absence of a complete information base necessary for internal migrants to make a decision on the optimal choice of the destination region of migration leads to an increase in the share of labor migrants employed in the shadow sector of the economy, which reduces the potential of human capital in the regions. The social causes of migration are linked to life cycles and include the quality of public goods, including education, health, security, and infrastructure. According to the provisions of the synthetic theory of migration, the dynamics of migration channels depends on the degree of development of migration networks, through which information exchanges among potential migrants about the state of socio-economic systems of potential regions of migration attraction. The dynamics of information exchange using migration networks directly depends on the indicator of migration flow to the regions of attraction and the subsequent distribution of the information received among the migrants ’ environment. The model is divided into two parts and reflects the movement of the population from one departure region to an unlimited number of regions of attraction, as well as several departure regions to one region of attraction. The model results in dynamic trajectories that describe short-term trends in migration processes between regions.

Ethnic minority migration in Vietnam is a unique type of migration. It is the migration of individuals, groups (families, clans, hamlets), communities of ethnic minorities (to villages, communes, districts, provinces, intra-/inter provinces), regions; the migration could be in the Northwest — Central Highlands direction, or could be rural — urban, rural — rural, urban — rural, rural — industrial zones migration. It could be cross border migration (to China, Laos, Cambodia, Thailand, Myanmar; to Middle East countries). These migration could take various forms: spontaneous migration (free migration), organized migration (planned migration) for reasons such as migration to take refuge, for marriage with foreigners, for economic reasons, for labor export, for familial reunion.

The model of pre-acculturative stress—A pre-migration study of potential migrants from Russia to Finland

<p>Migration studies is an interdisciplinary study within a broader field of development studies due to its association with debates about development and underdevelopment. Irregular migration is one of the most significant topics in migration studies and its complex nature has attracted many scholars from around the world. Most literature on irregular migration has focused on its illegality and the situation of irregular migrants in the destination country and therefore, much of the previous literature on irregular migration only presents the process as a dangerous and abusive phenomenon for irregular migrants, and depicts brokers and agents as evil and exploitative. Public perception and policy discussions are dominated by myths, rather than facts, about debts and danger. These established myths often overshadow the reality about the impacts of irregular migration as experienced by actual migrants and their local communities. These confused interpretations of irregular migration highlight a need for further research. This thesis examines a case of cross-border irregular migration from Myanmar to Thailand in order to explore the impacts of irregular migration in a wider field. Its main purpose is to investigate the processes and impacts of irregular migration on families left behind in sending areas. This is achieved by employing a qualitative case study approach to gain deeper understanding of the topic in the local context, using two data collection methods: participant observation and semi-structured interviews. The study hypothesizes that irregular migration in the Myanmar context conforms less to the “evil” image, than to the patterns of conventional labour migration described by the “New Economics of Labour Migration” theory. The main research questions posed to achieve these aims were: What are the processes of irregular migration? What are its impacts on families left behind? How are these impacts different from the impacts resulting from legal migration? The study draws two main conclusions. First, human smuggling operations in this study’s context are based on the personal contacts, and therefore irregular migration is often accomplished with the help of friends, relatives or siblings of the migrants themselves and not by hostile, exploitative smugglers. Secondly, departing from the traditional notion that irregular migration is harmful, the findings from this study suggest that the social and economic impacts resulting from irregular migration are surprisingly similar to the impacts of conventional international migration in many respects.</p>

<p>Migration studies is an interdisciplinary study within a broader field of development studies due to its association with debates about development and underdevelopment. Irregular migration is one of the most significant topics in migration studies and its complex nature has attracted many scholars from around the world. Most literature on irregular migration has focused on its illegality and the situation of irregular migrants in the destination country and therefore, much of the previous literature on irregular migration only presents the process as a dangerous and abusive phenomenon for irregular migrants, and depicts brokers and agents as evil and exploitative. Public perception and policy discussions are dominated by myths, rather than facts, about debts and danger. These established myths often overshadow the reality about the impacts of irregular migration as experienced by actual migrants and their local communities. These confused interpretations of irregular migration highlight a need for further research. This thesis examines a case of cross-border irregular migration from Myanmar to Thailand in order to explore the impacts of irregular migration in a wider field. Its main purpose is to investigate the processes and impacts of irregular migration on families left behind in sending areas. This is achieved by employing a qualitative case study approach to gain deeper understanding of the topic in the local context, using two data collection methods: participant observation and semi-structured interviews. The study hypothesizes that irregular migration in the Myanmar context conforms less to the “evil” image, than to the patterns of conventional labour migration described by the “New Economics of Labour Migration” theory. The main research questions posed to achieve these aims were: What are the processes of irregular migration? What are its impacts on families left behind? How are these impacts different from the impacts resulting from legal migration? The study draws two main conclusions. First, human smuggling operations in this study’s context are based on the personal contacts, and therefore irregular migration is often accomplished with the help of friends, relatives or siblings of the migrants themselves and not by hostile, exploitative smugglers. Secondly, departing from the traditional notion that irregular migration is harmful, the findings from this study suggest that the social and economic impacts resulting from irregular migration are surprisingly similar to the impacts of conventional international migration in many respects.</p>