Micropolitics of archives: Tehran's cinematic depictions of the (urban) self

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This article draws on the ‘postcolonial’ awareness that reading cities on their own is not possible without also exploring the cultural archives of the urban imagination in different locations. To further advance this idea, I suggest that the surgical exploration of archives – more specifically, interrogating how the self and the other have been defined in them – should be incorporated as a key step in our urban genealogical readings of new geographies. The study of conceptions of the urban self in the cultural products of Tehran, for the period from the 1960s to the 1970s, reveals an unwitting reproduction of the nuances of colonialist tendencies in representational efforts directed towards ‘decolonisation’ (i.e., resistance films). These works, which have been key referents for understanding Iranian modernity, create a ‘negative identity’ by ignoring lived experiences in their locations, resulting in products that ironically contribute to self-colonising processes. I argue that this negligence took place due to a deeply ingrained practice of defining the self by its difference to an ‘other’. Therefore, I suggest, in order to enable the emergence of ‘decolonised’ situated theories from new locations, we need to extend the geographies of ‘postcolonial’ thinking via a fine-grained examination of (resistance) representational work – that is, to move from focusing on global power relations to local microhistories and the micropolitics of archives. Without this move, the colonialist conceptions of ‘cityness’ will endure in the formation of our new theories.

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  • Sep 1, 1999
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  • Stephen R Yarbrough

Reviews 621 orthodoxy that governs so much academic research and writing. Nonetheless, the book as a whole bears out beautifully one of the axioms with which it begins: "whatever else she may represent, she always represents lack" (xxix). That Royal Representations reconstitutes that "lack" as plenty is chief among its virtues. Mary Jean Corbett Rodger M. Payne. The Self and the Sacred: Conversion and Autobiography in Early American Protestantism. Rnoxville: U of Tennessee P, 1998.123 pp. ISBN 1-57233-015-5, $27.00. Payne attempts to tackle a very difficult problem—an explanation of the relationships among the Enlightenment conception of the autonomous self, the evangelical Christian conception of self, the experience of the individual's conversion to such a self, the language of the convert's autobiography, and the converted self's subsequently changed perception of its relation to its community. The primary evidence for Payne's investigation comes from American nineteenth-century evangelical spiritual autobiographies, and his main claim is that the discourse in which these authors wrote descriptions of their conversion experiences did not merely "demonstrate a degree of correspondence between their experiences and a preordained morphology of conversion" (91) or "replicate the pietistic formula of despair, conviction, and conversion (86), but rather, these "texts of conversion (as opposed to texts about conversion ) served to constitute self, experience, and community for early American evangelicals" (2). In other words, such descriptions of conversion could not and did not represent an experience of something existing prior to and independently of the discourse that claims to report it, but, as with any other experience of "fictional realities" (my words, not Payne's), the experience of conversion is an experience of an entanglement in signs whose only referents are other signs. Payne draws theoretical support for his thesis that conversion rhetoric does not merely represent but constitutes evangelical religious experience from a number of twentieth-century poststructuralists and social constructionists, such as Clifford Geertz, Hay den White, Stephen Greenblatt, and Michel Foucault, for whom all the objects of human experience, and indeed the very human self, are unfounded cultural products, the result of the mediating force of systems of conventions and discursive formations. According to these theories, no element within a system can make sense except in relation to the whole system, and thus change must always be explained as a series of ruptures. Such historical 622 Biography 22.4 (Fall 1999) discontinuity Ferdinand de Saussure first institutionalized with his distinction between diachronic and synchronic linguistics, but the notion that history is thus discontinuous permeates all structural and poststructural thought. As Payne notes of Foucault's explanation of the rise of new "discursive formations," "The individual elements of any discourse may have been present for years, even centuries, within a culture but may not have functioned as discourse until the formation of a specific historical context that sanctions the combination of these elements into a meaningful form with paradigmatic value." Accordingly, "new discursive formations may arise quite suddenly and almost immediately attain the status of 'truth' as they become the basis for analyzing and explaining the human condition" (5). Payne argues that conversion discourse emerged in precisely this way, starting in the seventeenth century, as "changes in the theoretical and political life transformed Western culture, creating a correlative sense of confusion and disorder" (7). Most disruptive, in Payne's view, was the conception of the autonomous self, a self that could use the new science and technology to create choices and change its way of life, so that by the mid-eighteenth century "even grace itself had become a matter of choice to be accepted or rejected by human beings" (7). In order to salvage the Protestant tradition, which had relied heavily upon the doctrines of providence and predestination, a whole new discourse of conversion was required that could both "affirm the traditional Protestant values of personal humility and human inability" and also "embrace and secularize the concept of the autonomous self" (8). This salvaging effort's result was that conversion came to be described (unconsciously) as the consequence of what might be termed a cultural/linguistic immersion. Through such immersion (again, this is my analogy, not Payne's), one...

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This thesis explores an area of entrenched inequality in India: caste, caste-based inequalities, ideologies, and power relations. It explores how mainstream print media in India, contributes to these inequalities. Through an explicit examination, I demonstrate how Dalit communities, their identities and their experiences of discrimination are framed in print media. Precisely, through the use of comparative analysis along with the consolidation of social and media theory this thesis explores that Indian print media, in a constitutionally casteless society, frames caste ideologies and legitimises primordial social dominance structure and power to shape and define caste discrimination, anti-Dalit prejudice and a negative stereotypical Dalit identity.

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The Values of Personal Association
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  • H W Wright

ideas, then at least as embodied in cultural products such as books and periodicals, pictures, music, methods of political control and business management, forms of religious belief and ecclesiastical organization. The concept of value owes its impregnable position in human psychology to an elementary, undeniable fact-the fact that when a human being obtains satisfaction from the use and possession of a certain object, this object acquires an appeal as a possible source of future satisfaction, and his activity is thereafter directed upon this object as a goal. For purposes of the present discussion it will be sufficient to define value as that property inherent in some objects of promising and furnishing satisfaction to the human organism-or, in brief, as an objective source of satisfaction. If, proceeding with the subject, one undertakes to say what kinds and classes of objects possess value for the human being, he is baffled by the complexity of the human situation and by the multitude of factors which engage to determine the value judgments and choices of the average individual. It will help to give this question of the classes and kinds of value its requisite biosocial setting if we remind ourselves of these various factors as brought to light by psychological investigation. The following list is well authenticated but makes no pretension to completeness: (i) The constitutional urges and drives of the This content downloaded from 157.55.39.211 on Mon, 08 Aug 2016 04:41:46 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms THE VALUES OF PERSONAL ASSOCIATION 449 human organism, which are much the same in all individuals. To these may be added a characteristic emotional trend or temperament in which individuals differ and which may perhaps depend on endocrine organization. (2) Native intelligence, in its distinguishable forms or expressions, such as verbal-conceptual, mechanical, social, and aesthetic. Innate differences in intellectual ability seem to be well established. It is also a fact that individuals are born with special intellectual tastes and aptitudes, e.g., for mathematics, music, machinery, executive leadership, etc. (3) The idea of the self, of one's own abilities, desires, and worth. (4) The social culture pattern, along with the notion of what is admirable in individual character and conduct. (5) The direct contacts of early life, in the family and in the local neighborhood. (6) Formal education and technical training. (7) Occupational opportunity and incentive as offered by the existing economic and political order. All these diverse factors affect the values which men attach to objects, not of course by separate action, but by continuous interplay along countless lines. Thus the social culture pattern and the concept of the self, organic drive and intelligent foresight, early training and occupational opportunity, work in closest functional interdependence. This variety of interlocking factors has suggested different points of view from which values may be described and classified. One thinks, for example, of the appetites of the id, the prudential ambitions of the ego, and the ideals and standards of the superego. Or of objects as serving the interests of the self as an individual organism, of other individuals directly associated with the self, and of the larger inclusive social whole. Final authority can be claimed for no one classification; the right classification is the one which best serves the investigation under way. Thus the classification or grouping here to be proposed has the advantage of emphasizing one point of difference between valued objects which has cardinal importance in explaining what is distinctive about the values of personal association. No other merit is claimed for it-not even This content downloaded from 157.55.39.211 on Mon, 08 Aug 2016 04:41:46 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

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