Medicine for the Jewish Nation

Limited data are available on the active and sedentary behaviours of young people in Eastern Europe. Hungary, Romania, and Slovakia are relatively new members of the European Union. The socioeconomic status of the people of these countries differs from that of their Western European counterparts. These three countries are understudied in respect of physical activity and sedentary behaviour patterns in youth. Ecological momentary assessment was employed for data collection among 13- to 18-year-old students (n=623). A 3 (socioeconomic status)×3 (country)×2 (gender) multivariate analysis of variance, with physical activity, technological sedentary behaviour, and sedentary socializing behaviour as dependent variables, showed that for weekday behaviours there were significant multivariate main effects for country (P<0.001) and gender (P<0.001), but not for socioeconomic status (P>0.05). Slovakia showed greater technological sedentary behaviours than the other two countries. Romania and Slovakia had higher physical activity levels than Hungary. Boys spent more time than girls on technological sedentary behaviours, while girls spent more time than boys on socializing sedentary behaviours on weekdays and weekends (P<0.001). For weekend behaviours, the country×gender interaction was significant (P<0.046), with the highest rates of technological sedentary behaviours for males in Slovakia and Hungary, with lower figures for girls in these countries and particularly for boys and girls in Romania. There was a significant multivariate main effect for country (P<0.001), with fewer technological sedentary behaviours in Romania than the other two countries. Hungarian youth were less active than Romanian youth. These three Eastern European countries show quite high levels of sedentary behaviours but these co-exist with varying physical activity patterns. Values differ by country and gender.

Nothing would be easier than to chronicle the many failures of the three schools of interwar Jewish politics in their efforts to impose their visions of the Jewish future on Jewish society and on the world. Consider the fortunes of the national camp. Diaspora nationalism, championed by the Bund and the Folkists and supported, for tactical reasons, by East European Zionists, was a definite flop. In Poland the state refused to fund Jewish national cultural activities. The modern Yiddish and Hebrew schools were funded by the Jews themselves, and the fact that they were forced to charge tuition naturally limited their appeal. Only in the Baltics was some regular state aid for national Jewish education forthcoming, but even in these ideal environments for Jewish nationalism the more grandiose demands of the Diaspora nationalists—a guaranteed number ofJewish representatives in parliament, the appointment of a minister for Jewish affairs to represent Jewish national interests in the government, a government-recognized and government-supported democratic Jewish national council speaking for the Jewish nation—were ultimately dashed. In a region characterized from the beginning by integral, intolerant nationalism and in the 1930s by the rapid decline of democracy, such schemes were doomed to failure, and the lack ofJewish unity, which made the establishment of all-Polish or all-Lithuanian Jewish national organizations very difficult, if not impossible, was no help either. Nor should one ignore the fact that even among the poverty-stricken Jewish population of backward Poland Yiddish was being replaced by Polish as the main spoken language of the young. True, its decline was much less striking in Eastern Europe than in America, but it was a fact nonetheless, with serious, even fatal consequences for the partisans of Yiddish-based Jewish nationalism.

Although at least thirty-five women were buried in the earlier necropolis at Vron during the period between ca. 370 / 75 and ca. 435 / 45, only three of them were equipped with typically Germanic brooches or other elements of dress. Such a low proportion of women whose dress was secured according to the Germanic custom by means of brooches, is not unusual in the burial sites of Northern Gaul, and indeed clearly distinguishes these from the burial grounds on the right bank of the Rhine in free Germania, where practically all the women used one or more brooches to fasten their clothing, and were subsequently buried with them. The evidence from Vron, as from other comparable military burial sites to the west of the Rhine (e.g. Oudenburg, Vermand, Vireux-Molhain), attesting how few women were buried with brooch jewellery , may indicate either that in actual fact very few Germanic women had accompanied their men-folk into Northern Gaul, or that the majority of women of barbaric origin had, in the process of cultural assimilation, abandoned their exotic costume at a very early date and now favoured Gallo-Roman dress. Among the typically Germanic dress ornaments observed at Vron, one may distinguish five different brooch types and one hairpin type, analysed below: 1. Simple cross-bow brooches belong to the most frequently attested and geographically widespread group of Germanic women's brooches in the 4 th and 5 th centuries (mid-4 th to mid-5 th centuries) between the Elbe and the Loire (fig. 2). They are almost invariably made of bronze, as are the two examples from Grave 163A and Pit 9. The brooch from Grave 163A, worn as a single item, is remarkable for its greater length, its short spring, and upper chord. These rather unusual features appear most frequently in the simple cross-bow brooches from the Lower Rhine and Westphalia. There, this unusual form may be dated chiefly to the first half of the 5 th century. This corresponds to the chronology proposed by Cl. Seillier, who attributes, on other evidence, Grave 163A to his Phase 3 (= ca.415/20-435/45). 2. Cross-bow brooches with a trapezoid foot-plate represent a further typological development of the simple cross-bow brooch. The silver brooch from Grave 242A possesses in addition a beaded wire decoration on the bow, together with a stamped metal plaque covering the trapezoid foot-plate, features which enable it to be classed with the Vert-la-Gravelle variant (fig. 3). This form of brooch, known almost exclusively by the archaeological evidence from the left bank of the Rhine is probably to be interpreted as the product of workshops in Northern Gaul, which are known to have manufactured other types of Germanic costume ornaments for the wives of foederati (see below). Comparison with the very similar brooches from Grave 7 at Vert-la-Gravelle (Mame) enable this example from Vron to be dated at the earliest to the last third of the 4 th century or to the turn of the century. The location of the inhumation within the burial ground suggests a date within Seillier's Phase 2 (= ca. 390-415/20). 3. The bronze hairpin from the same grave, over 17 cm long, with a small round head, belongs to the Fecamp type (fig. 4), known chiefly from the Germanic female burials and other archaeological evidence found in Westphalia and the Lower Rhine.

Love, Labour and Law: Early and Child Marriage in India comes at an opportune time, adding to the global momentum against child, early, and forced marriage.1 Ranging from the 19th century to the present day, it is a thorough examination of the efforts of one of the key players in the battle against child and early marriage. South Asia is home to three of the top 12 countries with the highest burden of child and early marriage,2 with India accounting for one in every three child brides as of 2014.3 This collection of essays edited by Sen and Ghosh provides a comprehensive overview and detailed analysis of the most significant shifts in the discourse on child and early marriage in India. Public debate in the 19th and early 20th centuries saw dialectic contestations on child marriage in the Indian subcontinent4: as an issue (from the...

In its full-color poster for elections to the All-Russian Jewish Congress in 1917, the Jewish People's Party depicted a variety of Jews in seeking to enlist the support of the broadest possible segment of Russia's Jewish population. It forsook neither traditional religious and economic life like the Jewish socialist parties, nor life in Europe like the Zionists. It embraced Hebrew, Yiddish, and Russian as fulfilling different roles in Jewish life. It sought the democratization of Jewish communal self-government and the creation of new Russian Jewish national-cultural and governmental institutions. Most importantly, the self-named folkists believed that Jewish national aspirations could be fulfilled through Jewish autonomy in Russia and Eastern Europe more broadly. Ideologically and organizationally, this party's leadership would profoundly influence the course of Russian Jewish politics.Jewish Rights, National Rights provides a completely new interpretation of the origins of Jewish nationalism in Russia. It argues that Jewish nationalism, and Jewish politics generally, developed in a changing legal environment where the idea that nations had rights was beginning to take hold, and centered on the demand for Jewish autonomy in Eastern Europe. Drawing on numerous archives and libraries in the United States, Russia, Ukraine, and Israel, Simon Rabinovitch carefully reconstructs the political movement for Jewish autonomy, its personalities, institutions, and cultural projects. He explains how Jewish autonomy was realized following the February Revolution of 1917, and for the first time assesses voting patterns in November 1917 to determine the extent of public support for Jewish nationalism at the height of the Russian revolutionary period.

The character of the atmospheric general circulation during summer-season droughts over Eastern Europe/Western Russia and North America during the late twentieth and early twenty first century is examined here. A criterion to examine atmospheric drought events that encompassed the summer season (an important part of the growing season) was used to determine which years were driest, using precipitation, evaporation, and areal coverage. The relationship between drought and the character of the atmosphere, using the Dzerzeevsky weather and climatic classification scheme, atmospheric blocking, teleconnections, and information entropy, was used to study the atmospheric dynamics. The National Centers for Environmental Prediction (NCEP) re-analyses dataset archived at the National Center for Atmospheric Research (NCAR) in Boulder, CO, USA, is used to examine the synoptic character and calculate the dynamic quantities for these dry events. The results demonstrate that extreme droughts over North America are associated with a long warm and dry period of weather and the development of a moderate ridge over the Central USA driven by surface processes. These were more common in the late 20th century. Extreme droughts over Eastern Europe and Western Russia are driven by the occurrence of prolonged blocking episodes, as well as surface processes, and have become more common during the 21st century.

Physical Activity Measures in the Healthy Communities Study.

SEER, 93, 4, OCTOBER 2015 770 Bohemian spa to reassert itself — either in reality or, more likely, through the future lens of historical scholarship — as a counter-world of interanimating Jewish cultures. Department of Germanic Studies Sunny S. Yudkoff University of Chicago Karlip, Joshua M. The Tragedy of a Generation: The Rise and Fall of Jewish Nationalism in Eastern Europe. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA and London, 2013. x + 378 pp. Notes. Index. $45.00: £33.95. Joshua M. Karlip’s The Tragedy of a Generation: The Rise and Fall of Jewish Nationalism in Eastern Europe is a meticulously researched study of an extraordinarily fecund and fateful period of modern Jewish history. But readers must be aware that the title — which is probably more the choice of Harvard University Press than the author — is misleading. Karlip’s PhD dissertation from the Jewish Theological Seminary (2006) on which this work is based, ‘The Center that Could Not Hold: Afn Sheydveg and the Crisis of Diaspora Nationalism’, is an accurate description of the book. Those who are expecting a comprehensive sweep, encompassing the many varieties of Jewish nationalism, even within a single generation, will be disappointed. This is not what this book offers. Yet if one possesses a fair amount of knowledge of European Jewish history, The Tragedy of a Generation is certain to be greatly appreciated. In a rather odd way, however, the book delivers more than it promises, even with a title of such wide berth. While it mainly comprises an analysis and contextualization of a journal, Oyfn sheydveg, and its three key figures — I. M. Cherikover (1881–1943), Zelig Kalmanovich (1885–1944), and Isroel Efroikin (1884–1954) — and ends in a thunderous clap with the Holocaust, it also may be seen as prefiguring the mind-set which led numerous Jews from universalist outlooks to embrace orthodoxy, ‘essentialist’ (p. 307), and authoritarian forms of Jewish nationalism, uncompromisingly bound to the territory of Palestine (later Israel) (p. 255). The thrust of the study is these men’s conception of, and evolving thought concerning Yiddishism and Diaspora Nationalism. Inherent in this emphasis are the strains they initially rejected: Zionism, Marxism (class struggle) and separatist varieties of Jewish orthodoxy. Yiddish culture and language was supposed to serve as the chief unifying force for Jews, while ‘Jewish statelessness’ was to be ‘celebrated’ (p. 151). Central to Karlip’s analysis is his explication of the extent to which the forms of supposed ‘nonreligious’ Jewish nationalism were deeply beholden to traditional Judaism: ‘A reading of their Oyfn sheydveg articles in light of their biographies unsettles our assumptions REVIEWS 771 regarding the categories of the secular and the religious, the cultural and politically radical and the conservative. More fundamentally, it questions the long-held assumptions of historians that secular Jewish nationalism’s break with traditional religious Judaism proved total and irreversible’ (p. 3). In a standard formulation of a dissertation-turned-book, Karlip states that ‘My study reveals that Diaspora nationalists and Yiddishists, long before the crisis of Nazism, constantly sought to both rebel against the religious tradition and to draw inspiration from it’ (p. 4). Certainly this thesis is well-supported. Yet how different is it from the ideas of classics such as Moses Rischin’s Promised City: New York’s Jews, 1870–1914 (Cambridge, MA, 1962), Jonathan Frankel’s Prophesy and Politics: Socialism, Nationalism, and the Russian Jews, 1882–1917 (Cambridge and New York, 1981), Ezra Mendelsohn’s Class Struggle in the Pale: The Formative Years of the Jewish Worker’s Movement in Tsarist Russia (Cambridge and New York, 1970) and David Weinberg’s stellar (but often overlooked) Between Tradition and Modernity: Haim Zhitlowski, Simon Dubnow, Ahad Ha-Am, and the Shaping of Modern Jewish Identity (Teaneck, NJ, 1996)? In the author’s own generation, this sensibility is far from absent in the sophisticated scholarship of, for example, Barry Trachtenberg in The Revolutionary Roots of Modern Yiddish, 1913–1917 (Syracuse, NY, 2008) and Kenneth Moss, Jewish Renaissance in the Russian Revolution (Cambridge, MA, 2009). Rather than the purported thesis of the book its greatest contribution may be its scope: tracing what happened to these people and their thought in the fires of Nazism. ‘On the...

Back to the Future

Jewish nationalism, which emerged in parallel with the nationalist movements of 19th century Europe, developed both as a reaction to and as a product of modern political ideologies. While influenced by the European concept of the nation-state, Zionism—the dominant current within Jewish nationalism—was distinctly shaped by religious memory and historical consciousness. Central to Zionist thought was the aspiration to return to Eretz Yisrael (the Land of Israel), a notion rooted in sacred Jewish texts and collective historical identity. Theodor Herzl’s 1896 work Der Judenstaat provided a systematic political expression of this aspiration, arguing for a sovereign Jewish state in response to widespread antisemitism and marginalization in European societies. In the late 19th century, the Russian Empire was home to the world’s largest Jewish population. Legal restrictions, socioeconomic exclusion, and recurrent pogroms fostered an environment in which Zionist ideas found fertile ground. Organizations such as Hovevei Zion promoted Jewish resettlement in Palestine through agricultural colonization, and Russian Jews played a key role in the First Zionist Congress of 1897, which institutionalized the movement through the founding of the World Zionist Organization. However, the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 fundamentally altered the trajectory of Jewish nationalism in the region. The Marxist-Leninist worldview classified nationalism as a bourgeois deviation incompatible with proletarian internationalism. While early Soviet tolerance briefly allowed the existence of socialist-leaning Zionist movements like Poale Zion, Zionist organizations were soon suppressed and labeled counterrevolutionary. For the Soviet regime, Zionism represented not only political dissent but also a challenge to the idea of a unified socialist identity. In response, the USSR initiated its own solution to the “Jewish question” by proposing an alternative to Zionism within its own borders. In 1928, the Soviet government designated Birobidjan—a remote area in the Far East near the Chinese border—as a Jewish settlement zone. This culminated in the 1934 establishment of the Jewish Autonomous Region (JAR), where Yiddish was made the official language and cultural autonomy was promised under socialist terms. Yet the project failed to gain genuine support among Soviet Jews, due to geographic isolation, harsh living conditions, and the absence of religious or historical legitimacy. International Zionist circles also condemned the project, asserting that Palestine remained the only rightful homeland for the Jewish people. This study aims to explore the ideological confrontation between Zionist aspirations and Soviet nationalities policy, particularly through the lens of the Birobidjan project. It employs a historical-analytical methodology, drawing on archival materials, primary sources, and scholarly works in both Russian and English. By examining the Soviet state’s attempt to construct a non-Zionist model of Jewish nationhood, the research contributes to broader discussions on nationalism, minority policies, and identity formation under totalitarian regimes. Ultimately, this work offers insight into how two conflicting visions—religious-historical nationalism and socialist internationalism—sought to define Jewish collective identity in the early 20th century.

PurposeThis study adopts a qualitative approach to a critical media analysis of the multifaceted aspects of child marriage in the Yemeni context as an example of the broader Arab context. It seeks to provide a deeper understanding of the current situation, underlying causes and consequences of child marriage, as well as efforts to curb the practice.Design/methodology/approachThis study utilizes a thematic analysis approach, examining various textual and multimodal sources on child marriage. A corpus of Arab media, including news and opinion articles, online discussions and public comments, was compiled and analyzed. Additionally, sentiment analysis techniques were employed to examine a YouTube report about Nujood Ali, a victim of child marriage in Yemen, to gauge the emotional tone and attitudes of viewers towards the media coverage and the practice itself.FindingsThis study identifies prevalent themes, narratives and perspectives related to child marriage in Yemen, highlighting the diverse journalism genres addressing the issue. The thematic analysis of the media corpus reveals several themes that align with findings from other studies, particularly those discussing the practice, its causes and its prevalence. The sentiment analysis of a YouTube report on Nujood Ali reveals significant insights into the public’s emotional response and attitude towards child marriage.Research limitations/implicationsThis study is limited to the content available in the compiled corpus and the specific methodologies employed, including thematic and sentiment analysis. These limitations might influence the generalizability of the findings.Originality/valueThis study is distinctive in its comprehensive and multidisciplinary approach to examining child marriage in Yemen and the broader Arab context. It employs a selection of digital humanities software to attempt a systematic, critical media analysis on child marriage in Yemen. Thematic analysis has uncovered unique insights, such as the inadvertent consequences of legislation intended to protect children, which have instead exacerbated the problem. In addition, the media has highlighted the negative role played by some religious scholars in Yemeni Parliament. These scholars have used their political power and immunity to obstruct efforts to end the practice, either directly or by mobilizing their supporters. A sentiment analysis of YouTube comments clearly indicates that the practice of child marriage is not widely accepted within the Yemeni community, despite some perceptions to the contrary.

Human Longevity

Early marriage or marriage at a young age is an inner and outer bond that is carried out by a young man or woman who has not yet reached the ideal level to make a marriage, in other words that the marriage is being done before adulthood age. Early marriage still often occurs in Badegan District, Ponorogo. Conducting a field reseach regarding the views of Ponorogo ulama (religious scholars) about early marriage, data collection is done through direct interviews. Then the data is re-examined (editing), systematically arranged in the form of exposure (organizing) and analyzed in accordance with the discussion by using rules, theory and proposition so that it finds valid results. From the data collection, discussion with descriptive analysis method was carried out, namely describing the problem of information that would be used as the object of discussion in order to get a view and legal settlement of the Ponorogo scholars as the end of the research. From this study it can be concluded that (1) Early marriage from the perspective of ulama in Ponorogo according to Fiqh perspective is legal, while in the eyes of positive law in Indonesia, it should be avoided; (2) The basis of the argumentation of scholars in Ponorogo Regency in judging early marriage is naqli and aqli. The naqli basis used in establishing the validity is the proposition of the text of a hadith which narrates that Rasulullāh married Aisha at the age of 9, and the basis of the aqli used is benefit to avoid greater harm. As contained in the Marriage Law (UU Pokok Perkawinan) No. 1 of 1974 that limits the age of marriage with the aim of avoiding harm.

As a nation grounded in the appropriation of Native land and the destruction of Native peoples, Christianity has helped define what it means to be “American” from the start. Even though neither the Continental Congress nor the Constitutional Convention recognized a unifying set of religious beliefs, Protestant evangelicalism served as a force of cohesion that helped Americans rally behind the War for Independence. During the multiple 19th-century wars for Indian removal and extermination, Christianity again helped solidify the collapse of racial, class, and denominational categories behind a love for a Christian God and His support for an American nation. Close connections between Christianity and American nationhood have flared in popularity throughout American history, particularly during wartime. In the late 19th and 20th centuries, the closely affiliated religious and racial categories of Christianity and whiteness helped solidify American identity. However, constructions of a white, Christian, American nation have always been oversimplified. Slavery, land-grabbing, and the systematic genocide of Native peoples ran alongside the creation of the American myth of a Christian nation, founded in religious freedom. Indeed, enslavement and settler colonialism helped contrive a coherence to white Protestantism during a moment of profound disagreement on church government, theology, and religious practice. During the antebellum period, white Protestants constructed a Christian and American identity largely in opposition to categories they identified as non-Christian. This “other” group was built around indigenous, African, Muslim, and sometimes-Catholic religious beliefs and their historic, religious, and racial categorizations as “pagans,” “heathens,” and “savages.” In the 19th-century republic, this “non-Christian” designation defined and enforced a unified category of American Protestants, even though their denominations fought constantly and splintered easily. Among those outside the rhetorical category of Protestantism were, frequently, Irish and Mexican Catholics, as well as Mormons. Enforced segregation of African Americans within or outside of white Protestant churches furthered a sense of Protestant whiteness. When, by the late 19th century, Protestantism became elided with white middle class expectations of productive work, leisure, and social mobility, it was largely because of the early 19th-century cultural associations Protestants had built between white Protestantism, republicanism, and civilization. The fact that the largest categories of immigrants in the late 19th century came from non-Protestant cultures initially reified connections between Protestantism and American nationalism. Immigrants were identified as marginally capable of American citizenship and were simply considered “workers.” Protestant expectations of literacy, sobriety, social mobility, and religious practice helped construct Southern and Eastern European immigrants as nonwhite. Like African Americans, New Immigrants were considered incapable of fulfilling the responsibilities of American citizenship. Fears that Catholic and Jewish immigrants, like African Americans, might build lasting American institutions to change the cultural loci of power in the country were often expressed in religious terms. Groups such as the No-Nothing Party, the Ku Klux Klan, and the Immigration Restriction League often discussed their nationalist goals in terms of historic connections between the nation and Anglo-Protestantism. During the Great Depression and the long era of prosperity in the mid-20th century, the Catholic and Jewish migrants gradually assimilated into a common category of “whiteness” and American citizenship. However, the newly expansive category of postwar whiteness also further distanced African Americans, Native Americans, Asian Americans and others as perpetual “foreigners” within a white, Protestant, Christian nation.

Fears of World Cup sex trafficking boom unfounded