Media and Power in Post-Soviet Russia by Ivan s> Zassoursky (review)

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358 SEER, 83, 2, 2005 addition to the literatureon the parliamentunder El'tsinthat has shown it to be less redundantand uselessthan was predicted at the end of I993. Department ofPoliticsandPublic Administration NEIL ROBINSON University ofLimerick Zassoursky,Ivan. MediaandPower inPost-Soviet Russia.M. E. Sharpe,Armonk, NY and London, 2004. xi + 269 pp. Tables.Figure.Notes. Bibliography. Index. fI.50 (paperback). THE relationshipbetween the media andpower is one that deservesthe closest scrutinyin any state, especially in one tryingto recover from the devastation of totalitarian Communism. In the Soviet period the analysis of this relationship was much easier: the media, initially the press, and eventually radio and television, were the instruments by means of which the party transmittedallegedly superiorwisdom to the massesand defended the regime from internal and external ideological foes. After I99I things became a lot more complicated, as Zassourskyshows in MediaandPower inPost-Soviet Russia. The author covers a great deal of ground:the role of television;discussionof the conceptual relevance of the fourth estate in Russia;the impact of the two Chechen wars(I994-96 and 1999-2000); the corrosiveuse of kompromat in the press; the various power struggles to control the television networks; the Internetin Russia. Zassourskyargues that television 'carriesfull responsibilityfor the collapse of the Soviet system' (p. 229), and that Gorbachev was the first Soviet politician who really understood the medium. Now, Gorbachev's skill in manipulating television is indisputable, yet I would suggest that the real significance of television and Gorbachev was that he was the first Soviet politicianwho realizednot so much the potential of the medium surelythat was obvious even to Brezhnev -but that liberalizingthe print media made no sense without liberalizing television and dispensing with the predictable Soviet models of both. Once that happened one might regard the Chernobyl disaster(i 986) as the turningpoint events moved very quickly. By the mid i 980s the Soviet Union, no matter how ably the last General Secretaryof the CPSU manipulated the media (Westernand Soviet), was fast heading towardsoblivion in any case. It was the combination of a liberalized press and television that accelerated the Soviet Union's firstcollapse. On the nature of television in general, however, Zassoursky offers some valuable insights.Thus: 'Television',he asserts,'does not appeal to reason,but to faith' (p. 70); 'As for television, the only people able to believe in the victory of reason on the airwaves are those who think the law prevails every time in court' (p. 72); and 'The influence of television leads to the personificationof the political process, to its assimilation in a way that is emotional and to a large degree irrational'(pp. 103-04). One of Zassoursky'sbest chapters is that which deals with the Internet in Russia. The author provides information and data which suggest that much of the talk of how the Internet would change the whole political process was overstatedsince, as he points out, 'The Internetcannot have a seriousimpact REVIEWS 359 on the political process without the aid of the mass media' (p. I83). This is a good point with regard to Russia where Internet use remains low but somewhat misleading when applied to the US. Nevertheless, he sees an importantrole for the Internetin Russia:'Combining the role of samizdat with a social communications industry, the Net is perhaps required by a vocal minority than by a silent majority.But in some cases (thewar in Chechnya), this is already very important, since it leaves a window of freedom in the communications system'(p. I84). The book's only serious shortcoming is the failure to discuss in any detail the main pieces of primary and secondary media legislation, which were enacted throughout the I99os: h7he Mass MediaLaw (I992); TheSecrecy Law (I993); TheReporting Law(I994); TheInformation Law(I995); TheCommunications Law (I995); 7The Law of Information Exchange (I996). Some knowledge of this legislationis criticalto understandingwhat tookplace in the Russianmedia in the I990s. The authormakesa couple of referencesto TheMassMediaLawbut this is inadequate given the book's theme, especially as interpreting TheMass MediaLaw was one of the main problems in media disputes in the i990s. Indeed, one reason why the image of a more competent Russia in the second Chechen war was possible was because information flows were...

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Local Communities and Post-Communist Transformation: Czechoslovakia, the Czech Republic and Slovakia by Simon s> Smith (review)
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REVIEWS 359 on the political process without the aid of the mass media' (p. I83). This is a good point with regard to Russia where Internet use remains low but somewhat misleading when applied to the US. Nevertheless, he sees an importantrole for the Internetin Russia:'Combining the role of samizdat with a social communications industry, the Net is perhaps required by a vocal minority than by a silent majority.But in some cases (thewar in Chechnya), this is already very important, since it leaves a window of freedom in the communications system'(p. I84). The book's only serious shortcoming is the failure to discuss in any detail the main pieces of primary and secondary media legislation, which were enacted throughout the I99os: h7he Mass MediaLaw (I992); TheSecrecy Law (I993); TheReporting Law(I994); TheInformation Law(I995); TheCommunications Law (I995); 7The Law of Information Exchange (I996). Some knowledge of this legislationis criticalto understandingwhat tookplace in the Russianmedia in the I990s. The authormakesa couple of referencesto TheMassMediaLawbut this is inadequate given the book's theme, especially as interpreting TheMass MediaLaw was one of the main problems in media disputes in the i990s. Indeed, one reason why the image of a more competent Russia in the second Chechen war was possible was because information flows were far more tightlycontrolledby the variousministries.What does thismean forpressand media freedoms generally? Nor is there any discussion of the Judicial Chamber, an early attempt to deal with complaints and grievances arising frompresscoverage. Overall, however, this is a usefulstudyof the Russianmedia which coversa critical period and explains many of the problems confronting journalists, legislators, politicians and, indeed, academics, as they try to adapt to the frustrationsand hopes of post-Soviet Russia. Department ofRussian andSlavonic Studies FRANK ELLIS University ofLeeds Smith, Simon (ed.).LocalCommunities andPost-Communist Transformation. Czechoslovakia , theCzech Republic andSlovakia. BASEES RoutledgeCurzon Series on Russian and East European Studies, 3. RoutledgeCurzon, London and New York,2003. Tables. Notes. Index. xxiv + 223 pp. ?6o.oo. As thisnew collection highlights,extricationfrom Communist rulein Central and Eastern Europe encompassed not merely national 'modes of transition', but a myriad of local transitions. This is particularly true in the Czech Republic and Slovakia, where patterns of settlement, pre-Communist traditions of public administration and Communist ultra-centralism made the restoration of the self-governing commune/community (obec) one of the key ideals of the November I989 'VelvetRevolution'. With the exception of MartinMyant's chapter,which surveysthe nationallevel relationshipbetween partiesand civil society in the Czech Republic, the book's contributors all examine this neglected dimension of transformation through detailed local case studies. Simon Smith explores the legacies of the civic movements of I989, studying Public Against Violence across the 360 SEER, 83, 2, 2005 Humenne districtof EastSlovakiaand Civic Forumin fiveCzech communities in West Bohemia. Similarly, Mikulas Huba examines the transformationof the Slovak Union of Nature and Landscape Conservationists(SZOPK) from an island of alternative thinking within official structuresbefore I989 to a diverse set of successor NGOs in the post-Meciar era. Like many of the sociallyengaged Czech and Slovaksociologistsin late Communist Czechoslovakia whose work he explores in the introduction, Smith sees local civic mobilization as pre-figuring radical forms of community self-determination outside the reach of bureaucraticstate administrationand conventional party politics. In practice, however, as his and others' contributions make clear, factional infighting, the dominance of networksof local notables, small scale clientelism and passive, disengaged local populations have been more common outcomes. However, there are local success stories. The conditions facilitating these more positive patterns of civic engagement, he suggests, includecollaborationbetween 'old'(Communist-era)and 'new'organizations; strong local identities, which enable the 'narrativization'of post-Communist transformationat grassrootslevel; and the presence of clear external threats to the community. Such factors are formalized in Martin Slosiarnik'snotion of 'civic potential' developed in a comparative analysis of two Slovak communities which, although similar in terms of demographics and socioeconomic structure, have had contrasting success in local transformation. Elsewhere, Zdenka Vajdova's review of ten years of local transformationin the Czech Republic presentsthesefactorsin more familiartermsof social and human capital. As Imrich Vasickaemphasizes in a study of localities in East Slovakia, 'external threats' to community life are generated not just by residual centralism in state...

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546 SEER, 83, 3, 2005 importantpoliticalcomplexion to what could riskotherwiseto be a very sterile analysis. Of course, one cannot know what might have transpiredhad the norm of justice figured more prominently in international efforts to resolve the Yugoslav crisis. While Williams and Scharf provide evidence of the norm's effectivenessin the laterphases of the crisis,notablywith respectto the use of force, the apprehensionofwarcriminalsand the use of economic inducements (conditionality),one can only speculateas to how effectivesome of these same instrumentsmight have been at earlierphases of the crisis.Yet if one cannot rerunhistory, reasoned conjecture of the kind that Williams and Scharfoffer here is the best substitute. Department ofPolitics&International Relations RICHARD CAPLAN University ofOxford Tishkov, Valery. Chechnya.Life in a WarTom Society.With a foreword by Mikhail S. Gorbachev. 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The third edition of this acclaimed book offers a systematic analysis of Putin’s three wars, placing the Second Chechen War, the war with Georgia of 2008, and the current war with Ukraine in their broader historical context. Drawing on extensive original Russian sources, Marcel H. Van Herpen analyzes in detail how Putin’s wars have been prepared and conducted, and why they have led to allegations of war crimes and genocide. He shows how the conflicts have attempted to consolidate and legitimate Putin’s regime and explores how they are connected to a fourth, hidden, “internal war” waged by the Kremlin against the opposition. The author convincingly argues that the Kremlin—relying on the secret services, the Orthodox Church, the Kremlin youth “Nashi,” and the rehabilitated Cossacks—is preparing for an imperial revival, most recently in the form of a “Eurasian Union.” An essential book for understanding the dynamics of Putin’s regime, this study digs deep into the Kremlin’s secret long-term strategies. Readable and clearly argued, it makes a compelling case that Putin’s regime emulates an established Russian paradigm in which empire building and despotic rule are mutually reinforcing. As the first comprehensive exploration of the historical antecedents and political continuity of the Kremlin’s contemporary policies, Van Herpen’s work will make a valuable contribution to the literature on post-Soviet Russia, and his arguments will stimulate a fascinating and vigorous debate.

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The article considers the modern trends in promoting goods and services by using digital marketing technologies. There have been given the statistical data from the state program Digital Economy and the assumptions on its further development. The attention is focused on the fact of availability of the Internet in the country, which is the basis for digitalization of the economy, there are provided the statistical data on availability of the Internet in Russia and in the world. It is noted that in Russia the rate of Internet use is lower than in Western countries. The aspects of using digital technologies in business are defined in terms of applying various sensors collected in a single system for analyzing large and continuous data, integrating self-learning systems into production, developing the Internet of Things, which can transfer the enterprise to a new level of profitability, contribute to the modernization of goods following the changing needs of customers. A relatively new concept of revenue-management is considered as based on forecasting demand and developing an enterprise's pricing policy. The most effective digital marketing technologies (wireless communication technologies, neuro technologies, block chain, artificial intelligence, big data, revenue-management, etc.) that ensure the promotion of goods and services in the markets and the corresponding marketing tools that allow the enterprise to optimize production costs, form new sources of income, and build up from competitors by more carefully studying the needs of customers are highlighted.

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