Masail Fiqhiyyah Education on Hisab and Rukyat: Comparative Study of the Views of Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah

This study focused on the phenomena or dynamics of the struggle for religious ideology that occur in the educational institutions (SMP/MTs and SMA/MA) of Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama in East Java. Therefore, this study sought to see the internalization of the religious ideological values of Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama in their education systems. Especially, when looking at clashes of religious thought that contain other ideologies (such as transnational (Salafi, Wahabi, and Shia), conservative/traditional, and reformist/modernist ideologies). This study used a qualitative approach and techniques for data collection used participatory observation, in-depth interviews, and documentation studies. The data analysis used the Miles, Huberman, and Saldana model consisting of four stages, namely, data collection, data condensation, data display, and conclusion. This study found that the educational institutions of Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama have paradigmatic similarities, namely, ideology is positioned and functionalized as the motive and legitimacy of their educational actions and religious privileges. The expanding opportunities for dissemination and reproduction of other ideologies in their educational institutions are due to the very open nature of their religious understanding (Muhammadiyah has an understanding of Islamic Manhaji, and Nahdlatul Ulama has an understanding of Islamic mahzabi). Riset ini memfokuskan pada fenomena atau dinamika pergulatan ideologi keagamaan yang terjadi di kelembagaan pendidikan (SMP/MTs dan SMA/MA) Muhammadiyah dan Nahdlatul Ulama di propinsi Jawa Timur. Karenanya, riset ini berupaya melihat internalisasi nilai-nilai ideologis keagamaan Muhammadiyah dan Nahdlatul Ulama dalam sistem kependidikannya. Terutama ketika melihat benturan-benturan pemikiran keagamaan yang memuat ideologi lain (seperti ideologi transnasional (Salafi, Wahabi, dan Syi’ah), konservatif/tradisional, dan reformis/modernis). Riset ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan teknik pengumpulan data memakai observasi partisipasi, wawancara mendalam; dan studi dokumentasi. Analisis datanya memakai model Miles, Huberman, dan Saldana yang terdiri dari empat tahap, yaitu: koleksi data, kondensasi data, display data, dan kesimpulan. Riset ini menemukan, kelembagaan pendidikan Muhammadiyah dan Nahdlatul Ulama memiliki persamaan paradigmatik, yaitu: ideologi diposisikan dan difungsionalisasikan sebagai motif serta legitimasi tindakan kependidikan dan privelege keberagamaan mereka. Pembentangan peluang diseminasi dan reproduksi ideologi lain di kelembagaan pendidikan mereka, disebabkan sifat pemahaman keagamaan mereka yang sangat terbuka (Muhammadiyah berpahaman Islam Manhaji, dan Nahdlatul Ulama memiliki pemahaman Islam mazhabi).

Indonesia's largest Muslim organization, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), arrived relatively late on the Islamic social media scene. By the time Nahdlatul Ulama leadership recognized and commissioned the need for online advocacy, a generation of young media‐savvy preachers had already stoked the embers of sectarian divides and cast suspicion on those deemed secular or liberal. Even within Nahdlatul Ulama, a sprawling network of religious leaders and Islamic schools mostly in Central and East Java, the rise of social media revealed internal schisms about the meaning of Islam and the future politics of NU. By 2015, some Nahdlatul Ulama members began to speak in the name of an NU Straight Brigade (NU Garis Lurus) that proclaimed to return Nahdlatul Ulama to its original roots purportedly betrayed by current NU leadership. In response, a diverse group of NU youth – notorious for a love of humor – formed the NU Funny Brigade (NU Garis Lucu), a social media community that used satire and humor to temper the accusations of NU Garis Lurus and to mobilize social media as a uniting force within Nahdlatul Ulama and Indonesia more broadly. In this article, I examine the interplay between these two Nahdlatul Ulama communities, paying special attention to how social media reveals fragments and fault lines, while also providing online space to bridge doubts and divides.

Established on 31 January 1926 in Surabaya, East Java, by some prominent kyais like K.H. Abdul Wahab Hasbullah and K.H. Hasyim Asy'ari, the Nahdlatul Ulama was born in the culture of pesantren where ‘traditional Islam' has been rooted and preserved. In this context, the Nahdlatul Ulama declared its religious ideology as ‘ahl al-sunnah wa al-jama'ah.' This religious ideology has become important characteristics of the Nahdlatul Ulama that differentiate itself from Muslim ‘modernist' organizations. In its early movements, the Nahdlatul Ulama plyed a pivotal role by, for example, banning the Muslim youths from entering the Dutch military service, prohibit­ing the Muslims from supporting the Dutch army, and rejecting the Dutch aid which was offered to the Nahdlatul Ulama's madrasas. Furthermore, together with other nationalist movements, the Nahdlatul Ulama actively took part in the process of establishing the Indonesian State and in the war to defend the Indonesian independence against the Dutch who tried to re-establish their colonial rule in Indonesia. These facts, undoubtedly, proved that the Nahdlatul Ulama made a great contribution to the nation and state of Indonesia.

Fatwa in the circle of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) remains showing reminiscent of classical period of Islamic jurisprudence. It uses madhhab and taqli d with the employment of classical jurisprudence texts. Being identical in certain crucial features, the NU’s version of fatwa , however, is different from classic fatwa in various aspects. Fatwa is collegial, binding and modern. This last aspect remains debatable within the NU. While senior ulama ‘ resist the reintroduction of ijtiha d in the process of fatwa issuing as a tradition which should be preserved, certain younger ulama ‘ in the organization urges the employment of ijtiha d to keep up with the demand of modern context. Senior ulama ‘ of the NU maintain that taqli d and madhhab is the very essence of their commitment to Islamic law, whereas the younger ulama ‘ assert that such attachment will only result in the abandonment of Islamic law altogether by Muslims, especially the NU members. This article shows that dynamic with special reference to what is happening in East Java, the traditional stronghold of the NU.

Identity politics is often seen as preventing a woman from becoming a leader. In fact, the potential for leadership is a gift from God that must be managed wisely, responsibly, and full of trust. In the Qur'an sura Al Baqarah verse 228 Allah SWT gives His signal that women have equal rights with men in all matters including leadership. Twice failed in the East Java Governor Election did not stop Khofifah Indar Parawansa's determination to return to participate in the for the third time. This study has the aim of knowing the political communication efforts carried out by Khofifah Indar Parawansa in gaining the support of the Golkar Political Party and the Democratic Party as well as NU figures so that they win the 2018 East Java Governor election. The research method used in this study is to use qualitative analysis with a phenomenological approach that uses a phenomenological approach. Relies on data collection, including interviewing key informants and several other key informants, as well as conducting in-depth analysis of a series of studies. The results of this study conclude that the political communication process of Khofifah Indar Parawansa before becoming the Governor of East Java for the 2018-2023 period, the main thing is to build intensive political communication to the Kiai Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) as informal figures who are influential in East Java. Through the role of the NU (Nahdliyin) East Java clerics, strategies and patterns of political communication were developed with local political figures from major political parties to win the 2018 East Java Governor election contestation.

This research focuses on how journalists at Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) Online Media in East Java construct news presented to the public about religious moderation. It showcases news framing on religious moderation from the perspective of Nahdlatul Ulama through online media in East Java. This research aims to understand how NU's religious moderation is disseminated in society through media produced by journalists. The research method employed is qualitative, utilizing media text analysis with framing by Zhondang Pan and Gerald M. Kosicki, analyzing four syntactic structures: script, thematic, and rhetorical. The research also involves validation of the truth and news construction with the editorial board of NU Online East Java. The results of this research explain that journalists at NU Online East Java construct news on religious moderation by presenting the teachings of Ahlus Sunnah Wal Jamaah Nahdliyah through the practice of Hubbul Watan Minal Iman (Love of the Homeland is Part of Faith), with the vision of Islam as a mercy to all creations (rahmat lil 'alamin). Conflicts arise in online media concerning narratives of violence, liberalization, and radicalism. Consequently, journalists construct the values of religious moderation from the perspective of NU figures, namely Alisha Wahid and Gus Miftah, to create alternative narratives in online media that promote positive content rather than content that divides intergroup relationships.

ABSTRACTThe Sunni-Shi’a sectarian conflicts in Muslim countries have intensified during the last two decades; Indonesia, the largest Muslim-majority country in the world, is no exception to this trend. While sectarian discourses influenced by geopolitical dynamics are catalysed by many scripturalist groups in local sectarian conflicts, the traditional Islam represented by Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) is left out from the scholarly analysis on sectarianism as it has been largely considered representative of tolerant Islam. However, a series of sectarian incidents have been provoked by NU clerics in East Java. This urges us to re-examine the more complex nature of NU’s diversity. Why have intolerant kiai emerged from NU, what motivates them to engage in sectarianism, and who are they? I argue here that sectarian anti-Shi’a sentiments emerged as an attempt to delegitimise NU pluralist leaders and enhance the influence both within and outside the organization. Specifically, I explore the rise of anti-Shi’a NU figures who have developed a particularly strong bond through their commonality as followers of Sayyid Muhammad Alawi al-Maliki (1944–2004), a cleric from Mecca, Saudi Arabia. He was an exceptionally well respected ulama among NU members. Although he proclaimed the importance of tolerance, and refrained from denouncing any one as a non-believer (kafir) including the Shi’a, some of his disciples are increasingly engaging in sectarianism in order to seek influence in Indonesia’s electoral democracy.

Unlike many of Islamic organizations, where they have some international agenda, Islamic social organizations in Indonesia have unique characteristics allowed them to play an important role in Indonesian society. Although, Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama have some differences in basic thoughts and mechanism of actions but they are in the same competition to serve the society. This specific case made these two organizations more long lasting and trustworthy. This study included explanation of values, political characteristics and feature of these two Islamic organizations in addition to the role of both of them in shaping political aspects in Indonesia. This study was conducted by adopting qualitative approach through interviews with regional leaders and scholars in East Java Province. Narrative approach was used to finalize the results and writing report. This study reveals the political role of Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama through forming political parties, participation in election, adopting Pancasila, education, economic activities, and religious occasions in shaping the political identity in the country. The formers, scholars, regional leaders of both organizations have an effect on followers and society to choose representatives in DPR (People’s representative council), MPR (People’s consultative assembly) and DPD (Regional representative council).

This article tries to explain how the debate of Islam Nusantara and Fiqh Nusantara discourses among internal Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) happened. The debate, in fact, not only comes from the external of NU’s adherents, but also from the inner-circle of NU’s followers. In the 2015 NU Congress in Jombang, East Java, the debate was polarized into two main groups, namely the traditional ulama and the liberal ulama. The liberal group of NU as represented by Said Aqil Siradj, the General Chairman of PBNU for two periods (2010-2015 and 2015-2020) has been considered as a group of Islam Nusantara bearer, while Hasyim Muzadi, the former General Chairman of PBNU (1999-2004 and 2004-2010) has been considered as a representation of traditional group who reject the concept of Islam Nusantara. This study finds that the debate is not solely about the Islam Nusantara content, but it relates to the power relations among NU’s elite in identifying NU organization with the others to seize the symbols of “power” within NU organization.DOI: 10.15408/sdi.v24i3.4324

In the midst of the scorching heat and dry weather in Jombang, in the month of August 2015, the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) finally chose K.H. Dr. Said Aqil Siradj as the Chairman of NU. The NU’s 33rd Congress (Muktamar), held in Jombang, East Java, re-elected him for his second term in office in this historical Congress, which was loaded with heat, competition, and compromise.This time the Congress theme was “Upholding Islam Nusantara for Indonesia and World Civilization.” Islam Nusantara, literally meaning “Islam of the archipelago,” may connote different things for different people. It may mean Islam that is rooted in local values, or the kind of Islam that has been promoted by scholars, traders and missionaries with peace, not war. Or, it could suggest a form of Islam that resulted from these various elements. But speaking to an audience weeks before the Congress, Said Aqil Siradj concluded that, as the largest Muslim mass organization in Indonesia, NU felt obliged to remind everyone about the importance of integrating the prinsip kebangsaan (national principles) in conducting worship (beribadah) and implementing religious beliefs (kepercayaan beragama). The theme was strengthened not only in the lively public discussions, book launches and book exhibitions across Jombang, but also in the way NU scholars framed their debates and arguments in the Bahsul Masail forums. The latter is a primary and prestigious forum among NU scholars to discuss important socio-religious issues and produce NU’s formal and strategic decisions.DOI: 10.15408/sdi.v23i1.3317

In 1979, The Iranian Revolution succeeded in overthrowing the despotic-secular government of Shah Reza Pahlevi and since then Iran has become an Islamic state. This successful revolution re-enforced of the narrative of an Islamic state that occurred in Malaysia and Indonesia. This article to examine whether the response of Islamic Non-Governmental Organization (INGO), namely the Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia (ABIM) and Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) in Indonesia, to this Islamic state narrative is then manifested into acceptance or otherwise. This article aims to examine how ABIM and NU conceptualize and interpret the narrative of an Islamic state and to what extent ABIM and NU in Malaysia and Indonesia receive the issue of an Islamic state. The research uses a historical method namely heuristic, verification, interpretation and historiography. Primary data were obtained from library research, both data in the form of official government documents, INGO documents and in-depth interviews from selected respondents in both countries. The results of this study can be concluded that the narrative of the Islamic state was responded to by ABIM in Malaysia and NU in Indonesia with the conceptions and interpretations regarding the Islamic state. In the initial phase, both organizations conceptualized the meaning of Islamic state with an idealistic and rigid understanding. Both ABIM and NU wanted the formal implementation of an Islamic state in the country's constitution. Therefore, the relationship between the two organizations and the government was often heated and they were considered oppositional. The second phase witnessed both organizations shifting the conception and meaning of the Islamic state to a more moderate and contextual one. They realized that the heterogeneous structure of society in both countries was an obstacle to the literal meaning of the Islamic state.

The Intercultural English Pesantren project was designed to support teachers at senior school level in NU (Nahdlatul Ulama) Pesantren Islamic Boarding schools in East Java, Indonesia through the introduction of new task-based materials based on intercultural understanding and supported by teacher development. The NU is the biggest Islamic organization in Indonesia and the schools are run with a strongly religious ethic. While the Pesantren have their traditional base in East Java, there are schools throughout Indonesia and the NU has a very powerful political and ideological influence nationally. The overall purpose of the project, which was funded and initiated by The British Council, was to contribute to the development of English language teaching within the Pesantren school system and it aimed to raise the intercultural awareness (Kachru, 1992; Kramsch, 1993) of teachers and learners as well as to develop English language proficiency.

This paper explores the role of the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), the largest Muslim organisation in Indonesia, in advocating and practicing religious pluralism. It examines the organisation’s commitment to fostering religious pluralism and the institutionalisation of the principle of religious pluralism by interviewing and observing a number of NU administrators and/or activists from the national to the village level, and by reviewing official documents of the NU and articles in media published in East Java and Central Java. The article argues that the NU’s commitment to fostering religious pluralism develops through the organisation’s denunciation of various forms of religious violence and through mainstreaming moderate Islam. The article also contends that the NU’s notion of pluralism and its practices are not monolithic for there has been a spectrum of pluralism within the NU, ranging from the communal to liberal types of tolerance.

This study aims to explain the Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah Da'wah Methods in accelerating COVID-19 vaccination in East JavaThis research is qualitative research using data collection tools through interviews, documentation and observations from related parties. This research is based on data that East Java is the region with the highest COVID-19 vaccine achievement in Indonesia and the involvement of Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah in this achievement. The results of this study indicate that Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah use the da'wah qudwah hasanah and da'wah bi al ḥāl methods in the process of accelerating the COVID-19 vaccination. The qudwah hasanah da'wah is carried out by publishing the figures of their respective organizations when carrying out COVID-19 vaccination activities as a form of qudwah or examples for their respective members. As for the da'wah bill with the implementation of COVID-19 vaccination in several places and educational institutions of Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah, besides that Muhammadiyah also formed a special agency called MCCC (Muhammadiyah COVID-19 Command Center). From these various activities, the two organizations contributed to the success of achieving the COVID-19 vaccination target in East Java.

ABSTRACT
 Religious traditions in Indonesia are known to be very moderate and tolerant abroad is a reflection of the character of a great noble nation. Between religion, tradition and culture are able to perform compounds so as to create a genuine religious harmony. Because of this reality Indonesia is regarded as the largest Muslim majority country in the world that almost without conflict, in the midst of reality Muslim countries in the Middle East that impressed the dispute into the daily menu. However, the reality of Indonesia as a moderate nation is injured by the act of a group that is fond of terrorism and radicalism by riding Islamic religious teachings. Thus, this reversed religion is assumed as a source of cruelty.
 
 It is through that phenomenon researcher, feel the need to examine the strategy of disseminating moderate Islam by Nahdlatul Ulama. The selection of this Islamic organization according to the authors due to its success in moderating Islam in Indonesia. In this study, the study using a qualitative approach or method as well as adopting the theory of Van Dijk discourse analysis as a scalpel to peel the discourse of moderate Islam published by PWNU East Java through the website.
 As for this research, the findings are important, among others are: 1) moderate Islamic discourse campaigned by Nahdlatul Ulama East Java is categorized into three segments, namely social, religious and nationality. 2) the text structure that builds moderate Islamic discourse NU East Java in Van Dijk perspective constructed in three domains, namely text, social cognition and social context. 3) the principles of Public Relationship implemented by NU through cyber (online media), among others; News publications and expert opinions, production of image and video-based information, and updating official NU information to the public about their attitudes and views on the phenomena that occur by promoting the values of Islamic moderatism.
 Key Word : Islamic Moderatism, Nahdlatul Ulama, Cyber Public Relationship