Mapping the meanings of welfare deservingness: A correlational class analysis of citizens’ perceptions

The literature on single mothers’ welfare deservingness is dominated by analyses carried out in Anglo-Saxon countries. In these countries, politicians gained social legitimacy for the cut-back of single mothers’ benefits by framing them as immoral and lazy welfare recipients. In contrast, this dissertation investigates single mothers’ perceived welfare deservingness in the 2010s Hungary, where single mothers were not the primary subjects of the government discourse, but where the government strongly promoted traditional family ideals and decreased the level of targeting towards single parents. The dissertation uses a complex research design to explore the social legitimacy of these changes, and investigates not only the public attitudes towards single mothers’ state support, but also the factors that could shape it. First, it reviews the historical-institutional design of single mothers’ state support in Hungary, and compares it with the characteristics of the American and British systems to reveal how the different designs have paved the way for connected reforms and discourses. Second, with critical discourse analysis, the thesis investigates how the discourse of the Hungarian government frames single-parent families’ deservingness. Third, based on survey data, it explores the public image and perceived deservingness of single mothers. Fourth, it investigates the role of the deservingness criteria (control, attitude, reciprocity, identity, and need) in single mothers’ perceived deservingness with regression analysis of statements and a vignette-based survey experiment. The results show that single mothers’ state support enjoys a high level of social legitimacy in Hungary that could be explained by several factors. First, compared to the Anglo-Saxon countries where single mothers were perceived as non-employable citizens and were included in assistance-based benefits in most of the 20th century, in socialist Hungary, and also after the regime change, single mothers were perceived as working mothers, and their state support was embedded in the family allowance system. Second, single mothers have a deserving public image in Hungary: they are imagined as poor mothers, who work a lot to make a living for the family, and who lack financial and emotional support. Third, single mothers are perceived as deserving based on four deservingness criteria (control, attitude, reciprocity, need). Meanwhile, public attitudes are also in line with the government’s conservative policy regarding the preference towards traditional family (that captures the identity criterion by suggesting that single-parent families are different from the desired family type). This preference, however, is not enough to generate negative welfare attitudes towards single mothers, because they are seen as deserving based on the other four deservingness criteria, but also because some of the conservative beliefs about family (e.g., a child needs both parents to live a happy life) increase, and not decrease, single mothers’ perceived deservingness. Both the supportive attitudes of the public, and the long-standing, stable design of single parents’ benefits, explain the more cautious communication of the government regarding single parenthood (compared to other alternatives of the traditional family). Single-parent families are not explicitly framed as undeserving in the government discourse, but they are accepted only as second-rank, less deserving, and less healthy families compared to traditional ones. The high level of social legitimacy of single mothers’ state support also explains the government’s policy towards single parents: it could not simply cut back single parents’ benefits, therefore, it has instead gradually devalued them and introduced new ones without targeting, as this is a less salient strategy.

The literature on single mothers’ welfare deservingness is dominated by analyses carried out in Anglo-Saxon countries. Those analyses tend to point to an undeserving public image of single mothers. This negative perception is often explained by the identity gap between middle-class voters and poor single mothers, which is partly fuelled by conservative family values in mainstream society. This study investigates the issue in Hungary, where the government has strongly promoted traditional family ideals and significantly increased the support for affluent two-parent families in the past decade. First, the study explores the public image of single mothers based on open-ended and closed-ended survey questions. Second, it measures the perceived deservingness of the group based on five criteria (control, attitude, reciprocity, identity, and need) (van Oorschot 2000) by using the same open-ended question data and a series of other survey data. The results show that single mothers have a coherent deserving public image in Hungary: they have a hard life, do everything to make a living for their family, and lack appropriate financial and emotional support. Results, however, also show that public attitudes are in line with the government’s conservative family policy, and there is, indeed, an identity gap between single-mother families and the public. Nevertheless, this identity gap is not enough to generate negative welfare attitudes towards single mothers because they are perceived as deserving regarding the other four deservingness criteria.

Numerous studies have assessed the extent to which citizens support or oppose welfare benefits (shorthand: benefits). To properly understand this support or opposition, it is important to consider what benefits actually mean to citizens. Indeed, because citizens' understandings of benefits are likely to vary, there may be similar (different) levels of support for very different (similar) reasons. Consequently, in‐depth insights into these understandings are required to properly grasp public attitudes on welfare benefits. Therefore, this study adopts an inductive approach, holding focus‐group discussions with Dutch citizens with different social backgrounds (48 respondents/11 gatherings). Three distinct discourses were identified: (1) benefits as self‐responsibility and reciprocity; (2) benefits as participation and solidarity; and (3) benefits as well‐being and self‐actualization. These diverging discourses each involve closely intertwined understandings of the function of benefits, their relationship to work and welfare deservingness. We discuss the relevance of our findings and make suggestions for future research.

A recurring theme in welfare state research is that public support for social welfare is related to the institutional design of welfare policies. However, strong empirical evidence for the institutional embeddedness of welfare attitudes has been lacking to date, and the underlying theoretical mechanisms remain underexplored. This article diverges from the widespread macro-perspective of welfare regime theory, by shifting the focus of its analysis from countries to income benefit schemes within the heterogeneous welfare context of the Netherlands. Based on the 2006 Welfare Opinions Survey, results show that the institutional design of three differently organized benefit schemes (the people’s pension, workers’ unemployment insurance and social assistance) is meaningfully related to popular perceptions of self-interest, programme performance and welfare deservingness. These intermediate perceptions, in turn, appear to have a significant impact on the social legitimacy of welfare allocation to the target groups of the schemes: pensioners, unemployed people and social assistance recipients.

This chapter discusses the welfare deservingness model, one of the most influential theoretical frameworks in the welfare attitude literature. This theoretical framework is used to understand the ‘who should get what and why’ question that underlies debates about solidarity and social justice in the welfare state. The welfare deservingness model formulates different deservingness criteria (control, attitude, reciprocity, identity and need) on which people ‘score’ target groups of welfare provisions (e.g., the elderly, the unemployed), resulting in groups being perceived as more or less deserving of support (‘deservingness perceptions’). Moreover, the model acknowledges that people prioritize and weigh these criteria differently (‘deservingness valuations’). We show how contextual and individual circumstances influence deservingness perceptions and valuations in a social policy context.

The study examines two dimensions of inequality acceptance in Sweden—income differences and welfare chauvinism—as well as their association with populist attitudes. Based on original survey data collected from 2019 to 2022 (three pooled cross-sections, random samples of the adult population), the study reveals substantial social (by class) and political (by partisanship) divides regarding how redistributive ambitious and socially inclusive the welfare state should be, challenging assumptions of strong sociopolitical consensus. Welfare chauvinism is found to be more politically divisive than approval of income differences, with the sharpest divides emerging in the exclusivist conceptions of social rights and welfare deservingness held by voters of the non-mainstream (radical) right-wing party, the Sweden Democrats. The results suggest that conflicts over inclusivist versus exclusivist conceptions of social rights and welfare deservingness could become central in Swedish politics, potentially shifting away from the universalist principles that underpin its social democratic welfare state model.

Socioeconomic position and alcohol related harm in Danish teenagers

Study question How are educational level, labor market attachment and income associated with achieving a live birth after initiating ART treatment among women in Denmark? Summary answer Higher educational level, labor market attachment and higher income were strongly associated with achieving a live birth after initiating ART treatment among women in Denmark. What is known already Infertility is increasing in populations worldwide with an estimated lifetime prevalence of 17.5%. Approaches to this issue differs between societies and healthcare systems. In the public Danish healthcare system, three fresh ART treatments are currently offered free of charge. Additional ART treatments are self-financed in the private healthcare sector. Socioeconomic disparities in health are widely recognized. Previous studies have indicated that higher socioeconomic position (SEP) is associated with a greater probability of achieving a live birth after initiating ART treatment. However, there is limited knowledge about SEP and its relation to outcomes of ART treatment. Study design, size, duration This is a national, register-based study based on the DANAC II Cohort. Women undergoing ART treatment during 1994–2017 registered in the Danish IVF register were individually linked with data from sociodemographic registries and the Medical Birth Registry using the Danish Personal Identification number. The study population consisted of 68,738 women treated with ART. The outcome was a live birth. The women were followed until outcome, death, migration, or end of study (31/12/2017). Participants/materials, setting, methods Women included in the analyses were aged 18–45 years. Overall associations between achieving a live birth after initiating ART treatment and educational level, labor market attachment and income were examined and further stratified by nulliparity at baseline and age group. Hazard ratios (HRs) with confidence intervals (CIs) were estimated by Cox proportional hazards regression, and with adjustment for potential confounders age and ethnicity. Death was incorporated as a competing risk in all analyses. Main results and the role of chance Adjusted results showed that educational level, labour market attachment and income significantly determined the probability of achieving a live birth after initiating ART treatment. HRs of achieving a first live birth after initiating ART treatment increased stepwise with higher education and income level, respectively. Compared with primary school education the highest HR was found among women with a research education (HR = 3.02 [95% CI 2.71; 3.35]). Unemployed women had the lowest HR of achieving a live birth after initiating ART treatment (HR = 0.67 [95% CI 0.64; 0.69]) compared to employed women. Women in the highest income group had two times higher HR of achieving a live birth after initiating ART compared to women in the lowest income group. Analyses of different age groups showed that higher SEP was associated with a live birth after ART treatment in all ages. The same consistency was found for both childless women and women who had a child or children prior to ART treatment. Subanalyses showed that women with higher SEP were more likely to continue ART treatment after unsuccessful attempts, which could explain the observed social inequality in achieving a live birth after ART treatment. Limitations, reasons for caution The Danish IVF register did not register non-ART treatments (intrauterine inseminations) before 2007, thus these treatments are not included. Whether severity of infertility/prognosis differs among SEP groups is unclear. Also, geographical distance to fertility clinics could have provided additional perspectives. Wider implications of the findings Free access to fertility treatment in public healthcare should ideally provide equal access. Patients encounter barriers during treatment and, as shown, treatment success differs based on socio-economic background. Difficulties encountered during treatment that challenge certain patients more than others based on their socio-economic background needs to be addressed. Trial registration number Not applicable

STUDY QUESTIONHow are educational level, labour market attachment, and income associated with achieving a live birth following ART treatment initiation among women in Denmark?SUMMARY ANSWERHigher educational level, labour market attachment, and higher income were strongly associated with achieving a live birth after initiating ART treatment among women in Denmark.WHAT IS KNOWN ALREADYDuring the study period 1994–2017, three ‘fresh’ IVF or ICSI treatments with hormonal stimulation were offered free of charge in public healthcare in Denmark, while additional ART treatments were self-financed in the private healthcare sector. Earlier research indicates that higher socioeconomic position (SEP) increases the probability of initiating ART treatment; however, knowledge about SEP and its relation to outcomes after ART treatment is limited.STUDY DESIGN, SIZE, DURATIONThis is a national, register-based cohort study based on the Danish National ART-Couple (DANAC II) Cohort. Women initiating ART treatment during 1994–2017 were identified in the Danish IVF register and individually linked with data from sociodemographic registries and the Medical Birth Registry using the Danish Personal Identification number. The study population comprised 68 738 women who initiated ART. The women were followed until achieving a live birth, death, migration, or end of study (31/12/2017). The median follow-up time was between 1.3 and 1.9 years.PARTICIPANTS/MATERIALS, SETTINGS, METHODSWomen included in the analyses were aged 18–45 years. Overall associations between achieving a live birth after initiating ART treatment and educational level, labour market attachment, and income were examined and further stratified by nulliparity at baseline and age group. Hazard ratios (HRs) with confidence intervals (CIs) were estimated by Cox proportional hazards regression, and with adjustment for potential confounders including age and ethnicity. Live births refer to both treatment and non-treatment-related births.MAIN RESULTS AND THE ROLE OF CHANCEAdjusted results showed that educational level, labour market attachment, and income significantly determined the probability of achieving a live birth after initiating ART treatment. HRs of achieving a live birth after initiating ART treatment increased stepwise with higher education and income level, respectively. Compared with primary school education, the highest HR was found among women with a research education (adjusted HR (aHR) = 3.02 [95% CI, 2.71; 3.35]). Unemployed women had the lowest HR of achieving a live birth after initiating ART treatment (aHR = 0.67 [95% CI, 0.64; 0.69]) compared to employed women. Women at the highest income level had two times higher HR (aHR = 2.00 [1.94; 2.06] of achieving a live birth after initiating ART compared to women at the lowest income level. Analyses of different age groups showed that higher SEP was associated with a live birth after ART treatment in all ages. The same consistency was found for both childless women and women who had a child or children prior to ART treatment. Analyses showed that women with higher SEP were more likely to continue ART treatment after unsuccessful attempts, which could explain the observed social inequality in achieving a live birth after ART treatment.LIMITATIONS, REASONS FOR CAUTIONThe Danish IVF register did not register non-ART treatments (intrauterine inseminations) before 2007; thus, these treatments were not included. Whether the severity of infertility differs among SEP groups is unclear. Also, geographical distance to fertility clinics could have provided additional perspectives.WIDER IMPLICATIONS OF THE FINDINGSFree access to fertility treatment in public healthcare should ideally provide equal access. Patients encounter barriers during treatment, and as shown, treatment success differs based on socioeconomic background. Difficulties encountered during treatment that challenge certain patients more than others based on their socioeconomic background need to be considered further.STUDY FUNDING/COMPETING INTEREST(S)No specific funding was achieved for this project. The authors have no conflicts of interest to declare.TRIAL REGISTRATION NUMBERN/A

This study attempts to build a causal model of attitudes towards the welfare state in Japan and to compare it to those of Germany, Sweden and the U.S., which represent conservative, socialist, and liberal welfare regime respectively. The effect of political preferences on attitudes towards the welfare state is the focus of the comparison. The basic premise of this comparison is that welfare attitudes vary across countries, bearing the characteristics of the given welfare regime that they belong to. Structural equation modeling and path analysis are conducted on a large-scale international survey dataset, ISSP 1996. Each country is first analyzed separately, and then all four countries are compared to each other. The single-country analysis reveals the cross-national diversity of welfare attitudes, while the effect of political preferences on the welfare attitudes exhibits a bifurcate pattern: in Sweden and the U.S. it is quite strong, relatively weak in Germany, and not even statistically significant in Japan. The comparative analysis further confirms this pattern. Therefore, I conclude that Japan is closest to the German conservative regime in terms of attitudes and political preferences, sharing welfare conservatism that credits the conservative party for building a welfare state.

To compare different measures of socioeconomic position (SEP) and occupational social class (OSC) and to evaluate their association with risky alcohol consumption among adolescents attending the last mandatory secondary school (ages 15-17years). This was a cross-sectional study. 1268 adolescents in Catalonia (Spain) participated in the study. Family affluence scale (FAS), parents' OSC, parents' level of education and monthly familiar income were used to compare socioeconomic indicators. Logistic regression analyses were conducted to evaluate socioeconomic variables and missing associated factors, and to observe the relation between each SEP variable and OSC adjusting by sociodemographic variables. Familiar income had more than 30% of missing values. OSC had the fewest missing values associated factors. Being immigrant was associated with all SEP missing values. All SEP measures were positively associated with risky alcohol consumption, yet the strength ofthese associations diminished after adjustment forsociodemographic variables. Weekly available money was the variable with the strongest association with risky alcohol consumption. OSC seems to be as good as the other indicators to assess adolescents' SEP. Adolescents withhighSEP and those belonging touppersocial classes reported higherlevels of risky alcohol consumption.

BackgroundIn adults, it has consistently been observed that with equal alcohol consumption levels, alcohol harms individuals with low socioeconomic position (SEP) more than individuals with high SEP. It is unknown...

Associations of socioeconomic position and depression with frailty among older adults: Cross-sectional evidence from 17 countries.

Welfare attitudes are important for the social legitimacy of social policy. In European comparative social policy research, the scientific study of welfare attitudes is a well-settled discipline. In this chapter we identify six major advancements in attitudinal social policy research: (a) the multi-dimensionality of welfare attitudes; the role of contextual factors both as (b) contexts influencing welfare attitudes and as (c) factors in so-called feedback loops, (d) the dynamics of attitude change over time, (e) attitudes towards the welfare deservingness of various target groups, and (f) the attitudinal logics concerning specific social policy domains. Some gaps and challenges in welfare attitudes research are also addressed as avenues for future research. In terms of gaps in knowledge, the attitudinal position of different types of stakeholders and how prior knowledge or experience influence attitudes are two examples. In terms of challenges, continued investments in collecting preferably cross-national attitudinal data is highlighted.

Welfare deservingness opinions help explain welfare attitudes and hence are crucial for understanding the social legitimacy of the welfare state. However, even when considering deservingness alongside other explanatory frameworks, many open questions remain in the welfare attitude framework. This article argues that a novel research agenda focusing on welfare-state related knowledge and young people could considerably enrich current debates in deservingness and welfare attitude research. Deservingness assessments are made heuristically and could greatly depend on what people know (especially when they are misinformed). Studying this with young people is highly relevant, as the formative years are crucial for welfare attitude formation and change, even later in life. Research with young people provides unique opportunities for disentangling causal mechanisms between welfare-state related knowledge, deservingness and welfare attitudes. Moreover, it could help challenge welfare-state related misinformation and build resilience against disinformation. This thematic review outlines benefits, blind spots, and research trajectories when focusing on knowledge and young people in deservingness and welfare attitude research.