Mapping Life Satisfaction Over the First Years of Cohabitation Among Former Singles Living Alone in UK and Germany.

There is a growing body of research that demonstrates declines in subjective well-being and increases in mental health problems among children and young people in recent decades. However, there is little comparative research examining changes in adolescents’ life satisfaction (LS) across a large number of countries, and critically, how this differs across sociodemographic groups. This study addresses this question by investigating changes in the LS of 15-year-old students between 2015 and 2018, with particular attention given to differences by gender, socio-economic status, immigrant background and urbanity. Data for this study come from the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA). Due to the skewed nature of LS scale variables, the current study includes both mean levels of LS in a 0 to 10 scale, and the proportion of students reporting low LS (5 points or less). Linear regression models were used. Results demonstrate a global decline in mean levels of LS in 39 out of the 46 countries. In most countries, mean LS declined more among girls than among boys. Mean LS declined more, and the proportion of students reporting low LS increased more, among non-immigrant students and those of higher SES in the majority of countries. Findings regarding rural or urban communities were mixed. We advise that heterogeneity across all sociodemographic groups needs to be accounted for in public policy efforts to increase LS among young people.

Objective This study contrasts the associations between parenthood and two central components of subjective well‐being: life satisfaction and meaning in life. Background Theoretical arguments and previous research based on qualitative analyses suggest that parenthood might lower life satisfaction but increase meaning in life. This study provides the first test of this idea based on a large‐scale, multicountry analysis, considering heterogeneity in the link between parenthood and well‐being across sociodemographic groups and national contexts. Methods The data were sourced from the European Social Survey, with more than 43,000 respondents from 30 countries. Multilevel regression models tested the role of parenthood, proxied by the presence of children in the household, on life satisfaction and meaning in life, with separate analyses conducted for women and men. Additional analyses investigated heterogeneity across sociodemographic groups and country clusters. Results The link between parenthood and life satisfaction varied significantly by gender and context, tending to be more negative for parents facing more challenging conditions. Conversely, the analyses revealed a consistent positive link between parenthood and meaning in life for both women and men, regardless of social and national context. Conclusion Parenthood is linked to lower life satisfaction for some groups but to higher meaning in life across diverse populations. However, under certain conditions, such as the culture and policy context of the Nordic countries, parenthood is associated with both higher life satisfaction and meaning, two key components of a good life.

Life satisfaction (LS) is associated with lower morbidity and mortality. However, the evidence linking LS to dementia remains limited, with no studies from Europe. Prior studies also differ in the measurement of LS, dementia ascertainment and follow-up length. This study examined the prospective association between LS and dementia risk in samples of older adults from 15 European countries and combined the findings with the published literature in a meta-analysis. Participants from the English Longitudinal Study of Ageing (ELSA; N = 6979; 56.1% female; Meanage = 65.35) and the Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe (SHARE; N = 24,098; 55.8% female; Meanage = 64.50) reported their LS at baseline (2004-05 for ELSA; 2006-10 for SHARE). Dementia was ascertained through self-reported diagnosis or the Informant Questionnaire on Cognitive Decline in the Elderly up to 2023 for ELSA and with self and/or proxy-reported doctor diagnosis up to 2022 for SHARE. In both samples, accounting for age and sex, greater LS was associated with a lower risk of dementia (ELSA; hazard ratio [HR] = 0.80, 95% CI = 0.73-0.87; SHARE; HR = 0.82, 95% CI = 0.79-0.86). The association persisted, accounting for other dementia risk factors (physical inactivity, smoking, obesity, diabetes, hypertension and depression), and was similar across sociodemographic groups and European regions. The random-effects meta-analysis (k = 7; total N = 74392) supported the association between LS and lower dementia risk (HR = 0.76, 95% CI = 0.67-0.84). Across Europe and other world regions, the findings are consistent that LS is related to a lower risk of dementia. LS could be a valuable target for promoting healthier cognitive outcomes in older adults.

This study explores how life satisfaction varies among socio-demographic groups as the wider economic environment crumbles. Our primary goal is to identify which socio-demographic groups are most vulnerable during an economic crisis as far as life satisfaction is considered. The empirical data is based on a cross-sectional study that was conducted in Finland in October 2015. Based on our analyses (ANOVA and logistic regression) and a sample of 976 Finns, we argue that during an economic crisis, life satisfaction is greatest among women, people who live with partners, people having more than basic education, entrepreneurs and the higher income groups. The unemployed and those in ambiguous employment situation as well as those with only primary education have the lowest level of life satisfaction. High levels of life satisfaction for certain groups may be explained by future prospects (students) and self-efficacy and job control (entrepreneurs) in working life.

Objective The objective of this post-hoc analysis was to assess the impact of lurasidone monotherapy on health-related quality of life (HRQoL) in adults with bipolar depression. Methods Data were analyzed from a 6-week randomized, double-blind (DB), placebo-controlled trial of lurasidone monotherapy (NCT00868699) and a 6-month open label extension (OLE; NCT00868959). Patients who received lurasidone monotherapy or placebo during the DB trial were eligible to continue or switch to lurasidone monotherapy during the OLE. The 16-item Quality of Life Enjoyment and Satisfaction Questionnaire-Short Form (Q-LES-Q-SF) was collected at DB baseline, DB week 6/OLE baseline, OLE month 3, and OLE month 6. Effect size (ES) and mean changes from baseline were reported for Q-LES-Q-SF total and item scores during the DB trial and OLE, respectively. Results Of 485 patients in the DB trial (lurasidone monotherapy: n = 323; placebo: n = 162), 316 patients continued or switched to lurasidone monotherapy during the OLE. Significant improvements in Q-LES-Q-SF scores in lurasidone vs. placebo were reported for 13 of 16 items (all p < 0.05) at DB week 6. The greatest improvements were overall life satisfaction (ES =0.57), social relationships (0.55), medication satisfaction (0.48), family relationships (0.46), and ability to function in daily life (0.45, all p < 0.001). Improvements in Q-LES-Q-SF total and item scores were sustained at OLE month 6. Conclusions Treatment with lurasidone provided a significant improvement across HRQoL items including overall life satisfaction, social and family relationships, medication satisfaction, and ability to function in daily life. Improvements were sustained during the 6-month OLE.

COVID-19 has brought health protection to the top of the political agenda in many countries, at the cost of reduced freedoms, social relationships, and economic opportunities. This context may have led individuals to pay more attention to their health and to attach greater importance to it in life satisfaction. This paper examines the possibility of an increase in the correlation between life and health satisfaction after the onset of the pandemic using repeated cross-sectional data in France between 2016 and 2021 and an original jittering strategy to smooth the ordinal variables of life and health satisfaction in regression models of subjective well-being. The estimates show an increased correlation between health and life satisfaction for women aged 50 and over, but no change for men. However, the increase in correlation observed for older women disappears by the second half of 2021. These results are robust to several sensitivity analyses and lead to the conclusion that the COVID-19 pandemic did not significantly and permanently change the importance of personal health for life satisfaction.

The present study tested preregistered predictions regarding the prospective associations between level and change in subjective well-being (SWB) and physical health. In two large longitudinal panel studies conducted in the United States (N = 3294) and Japan (N = 657), we used multilevel growth curve models to estimate level and change in components of SWB (i.e., life satisfaction, positive affect, and negative affect). Next, we used random intercepts and slopes to predict subsequent self-reported general health and number of chronic health conditions (in the United States and Japan) and mortality risk (in the United States). Greater life satisfaction, higher positive affect, and lower negative affect were associated with better health (0.22 < |β values| < 0.46) and longer survival. Above and beyond SWB level, longitudinal increases in life satisfaction and positive affect and longitudinal decreases in negative affect were associated with better health (0.06 < |β values| < 0.20). Moreover, all three SWB components independently predicted health, and life satisfaction and negative affect independently predicted survival. The preregistration and analysis scripts are available at osf.io/mz9gy. The present findings suggest that being happy and becoming happier across time are independently associated with better physical health in the United States and Japan.

BackgroundLife satisfaction (LS) of cerebrovascular disease survivors and their family caregivers may relate to socioeconomic factors, impaired functions, health-related quality of life (QoL), but their respective influences remain unclear. This study assessed, two years post-stroke onset, the effects of these factors on patients’ LS and family caregivers’ LS in Luxembourg.MethodsAll stroke patients admitted to all hospitals in Luxembourg were identified by the ‘Inspection Général de la Sécurité Sociale’ using the only national system database for care expenditure reimbursement. Their diagnosis was confirmed by medical investigator. The sample included ninety four patients living at home having given consent (mean age 65.5 years) and sixty two main caregivers (mean age 59.3 years). Questionnaires were completed during face-to-face interviews. LS was assessed via European single question (range 1–10), survivors’ QoL via Newsqol (11 dimensions), and caregivers’ QoL via Whoqol-bref (4 domains) (range 0–100). Data were analysed using multiple regression models.ResultsTwo years after stroke onset, 44.7% of patients suffered from impaired sensory function, 35.1% from impaired motor function, and 31.9% from impaired memory function. Mean patient’ LS was 7.1/10 (SD 1.9). It was higher in women (+12.4) and lower among unemployed socioeconomically active patients (−13.1, vs. retired people). Adjusted for sex, occupation, impaired motor and memory functions, LS positively correlated with scores of Newsqol feelings, sleep, emotion, cognition and pain dimensions (slopes 0.20 to 0.31), but did not correlate with those of caregivers’ Whoqol-bref domains. Family caregiver’ LS was 7.2 (SD 1.7). It was lower in those with patients suffering from impaired memory function (−12.8) as well as from feelings and emotion issues (slopes 0.22). It was associated with all caregivers’ Whoqol-bref domains (physical health, psychological health, environment, and social relationships) (slopes 0.53 to 0.68).ConclusionsTwo-year post-cerebrovascular disease patient’ LS was associated with gender, occupation, and impaired memory function. It correlated with feelings, sleep, emotion, cognition, and pain issues. Family caregivers of patients with impaired memory function had lower LS. Family caregiver’ LS correlated with dimensions of patients’ feelings (less independent, yourself, life changed, depressed, useless, less control because of stroke) and emotion (get more emotional, fear of another stroke or to become dependent on others), and with their own QoL. LS, Newsqol, and Whoqol appeared to be appropriate tools. Our findings may be useful for policy makers in relation to family and medical-social issues of stroke home-based rehabilitation.

To evaluate racial/ethnic disparities in life satisfaction and the relative contributions of socioeconomic status (SES; education, income, employment status, wealth), health, and social relationships (social ties, emotional support) to well-being within and across racial/ethnic groups. In two cross-sectional, representative samples of U.S. adults (the 2001 National Health Interview Survey and the 2007 Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System; combined n > 350,000), we compared life satisfaction across Whites, Hispanics, and Blacks. We also evaluated the extent to which SES, health, and social relationships 'explained' racial/ethnic group differences and compared the magnitude of variation explained by life satisfaction determinants across and within these groups. Relative to Whites, both Blacks and Hispanics were less likely to be very satisfied. Blacks were somewhat more likely to report being dissatisfied. These differences were reduced or eliminated with adjustment for SES, health, and social relationships. Together, SES and health explained 12-15% of the variation in life satisfaction, whereas social relationships explained an additional 10-12% of the variance. Racial/ethnic life satisfaction disparities exist for Blacks and Hispanics, and these differences are largest when comparing those reporting being 'satisfied' to 'very satisfied' versus 'dissatisfied' to 'satisfied.' SES, health, and social relationships were consistently associated with life satisfaction, with emotional support having the strongest association with life satisfaction.

Introduction: Home-confinement during the COVID-19 outbreak may affect lifestyle behaviours. The aim of the present study was to determine the effects of COVID-19 induced home-confinement on lifestyle behaviours and quality of life enjoyment and satisfaction. Materials and methods: Participants health-related quality of life and lifestyle behaviours were assessed using the Health-related Quality of Life Enjoyment and Satisfaction-Short Form (HLESQ-SF) questionnaire and the Simple Lifestyle Indicator Questionnaire adapted and modified (SLIQ), respectively. Total raw scores and the % maximum of the HLESQ-SF and lifestyle behaviours, specifically, diet, exercise/activity, alcohol, smoking, and stress, with respect to before and during confinement conditions were calculated. Results: The data showed that rate of overall life satisfaction and contentment, total raw score, % maximum, and exercise/ activity raw score were higher before confinement than during confinement (all, p<0.01). Diet, alcohol, and stress raw scores were higher during confinement than before confinement (all, p<0.05). Conclusion: Home-confinement has a negative effect on physical health, work, social relationships, lifestyle behaviours, and overall quality of life enjoyment and satisfaction.

Background/Aim. Affective temperament, social support and work-related stresors belong to the group of life and job satisfaction indicators. The aim of this research was to examine predictive roles of the basic affective temperament traits, social support and work-related stressors in the feeling of job and life satisfaction among doctors and psychologists. Methods. The sample consisted of 203 individuals out of whom there were 28% male and 72% female doctors (61%) and psychologists (39%), 25?65 years old (39.08 ? 9.29), from the two university towns in Serbia. The set of questionnaires included Serbian version of the Temperament Evaluation of Memphis, Pisa, Paris and San Diego ? autoquestionnaire version (TEMPS-A), Satisfaction with Life scale, Job Satisfaction Survey, short Interpersonal Support Evaluation List, and Source of Stress at Work Scale (IRSa) for estimating the frequency of stressors at work. Results. According to the existing norms our examinees are satisfied with their life, but considerably less satisfied with their work, specially with pay and benefits, while they are most satisfied with nature of work itself and social relations with co-workers and supervisors. Our results show that depressive and hyperthymic, and to some extent cyclothymic temperament traits of the affective temperament significantly predict 21% of life satisfaction variance. Situational factors, such as stressors at work and social support, are important in predicting job satisfaction (58% of variance) with no significant contribution of temperament traits. The analysis did not point out any significant relation of sex, occupation, and age with life and job satisfaction. Conclusions. Affective temperaments can be regarded as predictors of life satisfaction, but in order to better predict satisfaction the aspects of wider social surrounding and sources of stressors at work must be taken in consideration. Future studies should consider other indicators of life satisfaction such as family or health satisfaction, stressors outside of work situations, and negative aspects of caregiving, for example hyperactivation.

Introduction Peter Piot (Executive Director of UNAIDS) challenged Bangkok International AIDS Conference attendees to think ahead 10 years or more so we will be prepared to meet the challenges that will face us [1]. Over this next decade, many formidable challenges are likely to stem from the interactions of social, ecological, political, and economic change; existing social structures; the changing HIV epidemic, and changes produced by emerging biomedicine and viral evolution. Although some challenges will be unpredictable, we should plan ahead for those we are able to anticipate. This paper identifies important social research issues regarding the changing global epidemic so funding agencies, journal editors, social science communities, individual researchers and students, non-governmental organizations, community-based organizations, and the general public can debate them and, hopefully, act on them. Social change is likely to create complex problems for our response to HIV. Weiss and McMichael [2] demonstrate the acceleration of socially-driven epidemic outbreaks of infectious diseases in recent years. As Rischard has argued [3,4], there is a high probability of massive political, ecological and social changes over the next few years. These threaten large-scale disruption of existing social and risk networks, sexual (and injection) mixing patterns, and sexual and injection behaviors that can impede or facilitate HIV transmission – and thus might generate HIV outbreaks parallel to those that followed the disruption of the USSR or that seem to be resulting from the increasing 'globalization' of India and China [5]. Global warming could produce large-scale population movements with similar results. Our reflections here on social change and other possible transformations have not produced a comprehensive or complete list of social research priorities. We have emphasized 'macro' and middle-level processes focusing on social, economic, political and cultural factors that affect HIV spread and/or that influence responses to the threat of HIV (rather than on small group or individual level processes that focus on the psychological and interpersonal) because we think these have received relatively less attention than is needed. We recognize that other researchers might produce different lists. We also recognize that it is important to foreground the probability that socio-epidemiologic contexts are likely to continue to have great cross-national variation and that 'big events' such as wars and transitions, perhaps in interaction with religious revival movements, can rapidly move countries into crisis conditions that pose the threat of explosive HIV outbreaks. Such changes can occur in countries that currently appear politically and economically stable. (It is useful to remember that few analysts in the early 1980s foresaw either the fall of the USSR or the collapse of apartheid in South Africa). The HIV/AIDS epidemic is itself a 'big event' in localities with high prevalence. While acknowledging the above, we propose six major emerging social research issues or themes. These themes, organized in terms of selected social and epidemiologic processes and situations (although noting that research on each of these topics will have at least some relevance everywhere), concern the following items. Wars, transitions, ecological or economic disruptions. Large-scale HIV epidemics, their related illness and death, and their attendant social instability and social disruption. Government policies that ignore or defy available evidence. Stable societies without generalized epidemics, which face distinctive challenges. Emerging biomedicine and its attendant opportunities and (perhaps unintended) social consequences. Possible failure of previously effective therapies due to viral evolution or disruptions in patterns of social organization. Each of these six themes provokes a number of research questions. To answer these questions, the full armamentarium of social science and social epidemiologic research methods will be needed, including theory development; hypothesis-testing and exploratory studies; ethnographic, quantitative, historical, and comparative designs; and intervention trials. In all of these approaches, involving relevant community members, decision-makers, and other actors as full collaborators or as sources of guidance, inspiration or critique, can be invaluable, including those based on participatory action research and on collaborative systematization of experiences [6–8]. Research has documented the effectiveness of community responses to HIV – often in advance of public health interventions [9]. Working with communities means that interventions are informed by community members and are thus more likely to be perceived as appropriate and taken up. However, throughout the epidemic, there has been a relative lack both of researchers interested in topics like those in these six themes and of funding to conduct such research. We close with thoughts about how to address these problems. Social processes and HIV/AIDS Why should social factors affect HIV/AIDS epidemics? The first reason is that HIV is transmitted through sexual and drug-injection networks, which are fundamentally social phenomena. Social norms about appropriate choice, numbers and timing of partners, and about behaviors with those partners, shape crucial network variables such as concurrent sexual and injection partnerships; partner turnover rates; mixing patterns; the size, centrality and microstructures of community network components; and the extent of quasi-anonymous risk nodes such as group sex parties, bath-houses, and shooting galleries [5,10–16]. Social norms, regulations, educational systems and law enforcement processes affect sexual and drug-taking behaviors [17,18]. Social networks, norms and social support shape how people access, interpret and use HIV-prevention information and education, the extent to which people make use of sexually transmitted disease treatments and HIV therapies, HIV counseling and testing, and affect adherence to therapies [19–21]. Economic and political conditions and dynamics affect what services are available and how inconvenient, costly, or stigmatizing it is to use them [22–31]. Finally, events, including large-scale epidemics themselves, that disrupt local or national social networks, communities, services, or social norms, lead to large-scale migration, or initiate large-scale mixing across new sexual or injecting networks, create the potential for risk behaviors or adherence failures that would have previously been prevented – and these, in turn, might lead to epidemic outbreaks [e.g., 32]. Emerging research issues for different processes and situations (A) Wars, transitions, ecological or economic disruptions Aral [5], Hankins et al. [33], and Friedman and Reid [34] have argued that transitions – like those in the former Soviet Union circa 1990, South Africa in the early 1990s, and Indonesia in the late 1990s – and wars can disrupt risk networks and protective social norms and thus lead to HIV outbreaks. However, such outbreaks are not inevitable. Gisselquist [35] and Spiegel [36] show that many African wars have not increased HIV transmission, and the case of the Philippines shows that transitions need not lead to outbreaks either. Furthermore, United States involvement in wars since the early 1990s seems not yet to have accelerated HIV transmission there. Although further research on whether wars or transitions are statistical risk factors for increases may be useful, we suggest that the historical record is strong enough to conclude that both wars and transitions can, on occasion, lead to epidemic outbreaks of HIV – that is, under some conditions, they increase social vulnerability to HIV [37–39]. On the other hand, under other conditions, outbreaks do not occur. This suggests that the following research questions should receive high priority. To identify which pre-existing conditions (including but not limited to gender relationships, sexual culture, and patterns of psychoactive drug use) and social processes can lead to increased HIV vulnerability as a consequence of war, transitions, or, perhaps, of economic breakdown or of ecological change such as global warming [40]. Such research should study how these events: (a) shape norms, behaviors, practices, and sexual, injection and care networks; and (b) affect gender and racial/ethnic power relationships, religious belief systems, poverty, and other middle-level socio-cultural and political economic relationships that influence HIV transmission and the capacity for prevention and care. To consider how affected populations or outsiders might intervene to avert or reduce epidemic outbreaks due to wars, transitions, or other events; and how such responses are shaped by pre-existing social identities, community resilience, patterns of social and political co-operation, and indigenous leadership [41–43]. In terms of research designs, much might be learned from qualitative and quantitative studies that compare countries that did and did not have outbreaks subsequent to such events; that study localities that did not have outbreaks within countries that did; and perhaps by rapid-response research teams that work with local participants and researchers to study emerging prevention efforts, network patterns, behaviors, pockets of emerging high-risk practices, and medical services, together with HIV and sexually transmitted infection rates, during and after wars and transitions. (B) Large-scale HIV epidemics, their related illness and death, and their attendant social instability and social disruption Just as wars, transitions and other processes can disrupt social norms and social, sexual and drug-use networks and communities, HIV/AIDS epidemics large enough to constitute socially-disruptive 'big events' can have similar effects. The research questions that are raised under (A) are also important in these circumstances. The exact definition of 'large enough' probably depends on the rate of spread of HIV over time and also on its socio-economic distribution – and research on how much disruption results from different prevalences and distributions of the virus might be useful. Research is also needed on how to minimize the destruction and maximize the constructive outcomes of social crises that the epidemic produces. Given the extent of HIV in many African countries, and its potential spread in Asia, the emerging social research issues for this context are clearly important [see, for example, 44–51]. These may include the following items. To identify and describe mid-level social forces (such as gender or racial/ethnic power relationships, religious conditions and beliefs, community resilience, and poverty) that create, sustain or reduce high-risk sexual or injection network patterns or behaviors that contribute to high HIV transmission rates – and, most important, to determine how to intervene in these. To describe possible impacts of the epidemic in terms of changes in social, sexual and drug-use networks, norms, culture, gender relationships, community resilience, etc. – and to determine what actions by local and outside agencies and by affected populations can mitigate further infections and social distress. To consider how affected populations and agencies might intervene or organize against individual, community and institutional stigma [52,53]. To determine how populations can be mobilized for risk reduction before mass illness or dying begin. To establish how health systems can be organized for disease control and care in poor countries or under conditions of disruptively high mortality. How can affected and unaffected populations assist in this? How can these efforts be sustained in contexts of socially-disruptive high morbidity and mortality? To determine how to navigate the AIDS crisis so that negative social consequences are minimized and positive social gains initiated or maintained. This question – monumental in scope – has been raised by Mary Crewe and her colleagues [54], and requires both scholarly input and popular action to resolve. (C) Government policies that ignore or defy available evidence Governments' responses to HIV and other health-related issues, and how they are shaped by social structures, competing priorities, and resource availability, are important to study. We emphasize here one aspect of this issue that has been important in the HIV/AIDS epidemic – government policies that ignore or defy available evidence. Since HIV is transmitted by culturally and religiously-sensitive and often, legally prohibited, behaviors, and since government health and policing policies on sex, reproduction, and illicit drug use may themselves contribute to HIV spread and/or to the failure to treat HIV, it is unsurprising that governments sometimes do not implement programs that research has determined to be effective. United States policies on syringe exchange, sex education in schools, programs for sex workers, and intellectual property rights are examples of this [18,55–57], as are the failure of many governments to introduce large-scale methadone programs for opiate users [27] and South Africa's failure for many years to accept that HIV was the proximate cause of the epidemic [58]. Despite this widespread pattern, there has been too little research on the following issues. Why governments ignore and/or flout scientific findings. Effective ways in which internal and external forces can act to change these policies. These are likely to vary depending on the reasons why each government acts this way and on economic, political and other contexts that affect governmental decision-making, including how mass media shape public agendas around HIV/AIDS [59]. (D) Stable societies without generalized epidemics A number of research issues exist for these societies [60,61]. Importantly, although countries such as the Netherlands, Brazil or Saudi Arabia can currently be classified as stable and without generalized HIV epidemics, HIV could spread rapidly under social crises such as those Rischard [3,4] identified, or, indeed, under conditions such as those discussed in the previous section. Furthermore, countries with a stable and comparatively small HIV prevalence may believe that the HIV 'problem' has been solved. Thus, to better manage current issues and to avert possible future disasters, research is needed on the following topics. How to sustain and strengthen cultures that support and care for the sick and that reduce risk behavior and stigmatization over long periods of time; and how to maintain socio-behavioral conditions that limit HIV spread and the rate at which viral mutation reduces the therapeutic efficacy of medications [9,62]. How to develop cultures of risk-reduction and care in countries or localities where stigma is widespread against marginalized groups and/or people infected with HIV [63]. How to mobilize at-risk populations that have not yet created effective cultures of risk reduction and caring. Potential sources of local or national HIV epidemic outbreaks. We suggest that the following questions should be prioritized since they have received less attention than increases in risk behavior: what social and economic processes shape sexual and injection networks in a locality? As economic development projects can disperse and diffuse networks and communities with high HIV prevalence into localities with low infection rates, and since the normative impacts of such relocations can lead to high-risk behaviors, practices, and networks [11,14], what prevention approaches can either prevent these dislocations or mitigate their effects? (E) Emerging biomedicine Medical advances can generate urgent needs for social research. Such needs can include finding ways to implement new medical possibilities but also ways to cope with any (often unintended) negative social consequences of new discoveries; for example, the impact of antiretroviral therapy on risk-reduction among gay men in some countries [64]. Although it is impossible to forecast biomedical progress, the following issues should become foci of increased research effort. To investigate impacts of introduction of new treatments and concomitant increases in HIV-testing on stigma and discrimination [65]. To determine how medical technologies such as vaccines, microbicides or pre-exposure prophylaxis affect behavioral prevention measures and political and economic support for prevention programs. This is especially important for middle to low efficacy prevention technologies [66–68]. To consider social and cultural impacts of anti-HIV circumcision programs [69–74]. Although recent findings indicate that circumcision lowers the likelihood of HIV infection [69], there is concern that circumcised men who view themselves as 'protected' might engage in more unsafe sex. Adult circumcision might also carry risks, especially if performed by inadequately trained medical personnel or traditional healers. Furthermore, since circumcision is deeply rooted in religious systems and in some countries, such as India, is a mark of racial/ethnic difference, circumcision programs potentially could discredit or weaken HIV prevention and care efforts. To identify socio-cultural, organizational, and political economic barriers which impede vaccination among 'general' and/or oppressed or marginalized populations [75–77]. (F) Possible future widespread failure of previously-effective therapies due to viral evolution or social disorganization Although none of us like to think about it, the race between our ability to devise new medications and the evolutionary mutability of HIV could quite possibly be lost. This could happen because of possible limits to the menu of therapies, the loss of economic or other capacity to develop new therapies (perhaps due to ecologically-generated socio-economic dislocations or a worldwide depression), or socio-cultural disruption due to wars or widespread assumption of power by religious fundamentalisms [78,79]. These circumstances could result in considerable increases in morbidity and mortality in regions of the world where therapy has been accessible to the infected, and could also arouse blaming and stigmatization of the sick. Social research might find solutions to these potential problems before they arise. We suggest that the following issues should be addressed. How to minimize traumatic despair (under different conditions of community resilience and leadership) if therapeutic failure leads to resumed mass morbidity and mortality among the infected. How to maintain or regenerate risk reduction under these conditions. How to prevent political blaming and restriction of medications under these conditions. Obstacles to conducting such research Throughout the epidemic, research funding has been scarce, as have researchers to conduct such research, and high-status journals willing to publish it. In part, this results from long-standing differences between scientific disciplines [80]. Few laboratory scientists have training in social scientific theory or methodologies or in social or behavioral epidemiology. Epidemiologists are more likely to be familiar with social-psychologically oriented behavioral theories, and to have been trained in epidemiologic approaches that treat the individual as the unit of analysis and theorization. However, such training provides little basis for understanding or evaluating social research at higher levels of analysis or using theoretical frameworks that incorporate central concepts such as history, power, and culture. Furthermore, such research can appear to the untrained to have controversial political implications and thus to be 'unscientific' regardless of whether it is based on scientifically valid methods. Questions of what counts as 'appropriate' methods profoundly shape what we know, which affects what social researchers can do and publish in public health [81]. Sociologists, anthropologists, political scientists, and economists often lack training in natural sciences. In many countries, these disciplines emphasize research that develops the social sciences in their own terms – and thus social scientists risk rejection (and reduced career opportunities) if they engage in applied research rather than research on higher-status questions [82]. What do these disjunctures of expertise and interest lead to? Biomedical research funding for HIV, whether provided by governments or pharmaceutical companies, has overwhelmingly concentrated on basic science, clinical research, and epidemiology using the individual as the unit of analysis, and prevention research focusing on behaviors of individuals [83]. Review committees for major funding agencies such as the US National Institutes of Health are almost always comprised of researchers in these specialties. The few social scientists on these committees have usually spent their careers conducting research on behavior change or HIV risk factors at the level of the individual, and thus have difficulty judging proposals on the topics discussed in this article. Editors and reviewers for the major journals in the field, including this one, have similar strengths and weaknesses. Social science funding agencies (which typically disburse much less money) tend to fund research on the 'core problems' of their disciplines (such as social stratification, cultural dynamics, family and interpersonal structures and dynamics, social cohesion, or deviance), rather than applied problems which may be of lower status within the discipline and, arguably, more appropriate for funding by (socially-educated) biomedical agencies. Even such sub-fields as medical sociology and medical anthropology focus on topics such as cultural definitions and beliefs about illness and health; differences in morbidity and mortality by stress level, socio-economic status, gender, or race/ethnicity; and the formal organization and financing of medical services – rather than on social epidemiology, urban health, or questions of prevention or care for infectious diseases. Thus, these issues receive little research funding; and social scientists who study them risk both failing to obtain funding and stigmatization within their professions [84,85]. We have no magic solution. What we do suggest is that the institutions of HIV research, including funders, journals, and academic institutions, acknowledge the seriousness of the problem. The mutual causal interactions between social, political and economic processes and the ever-changing HIV/AIDS epidemic that are discussed in this review are extremely important. They could determine the fates of millions of people and perhaps even the socio-cultural survival of some nations or ethnic groups. We propose that serious discussions be initiated among those funders, journal editors, and social researchers who have engaged with these issues to establish strategies for incorporating social researchers within the structures of the field, and to identify ways that relevant research results can influence by and community-based organizations, and affected A number of and mid-level social factors shape HIV transmission and care by risk networks, behaviors, and the and of sexually transmitted infections and HIV and care. Social processes such as wars and transitions, as as the interactions among emerging rates of disease viral and the social to these, need to be so we can and reduce the that AIDS The relative lack of this of research has the response – both individual and – to the the issues discussed in this paper do not include all of the important social research issues that need to be addressed. important research is at the and individual levels of important social research issues will that as yet be To the extent that and social research, and so social researchers to the field, we will be more likely to identify these issues and conduct the research in time to maximize and minimize The to acknowledge from and The would like to acknowledge support from a number of was by National on projects and to and among and its norms risk in social and for and HIV and by the of Health and was by the Research Social of HIV/AIDS and was by National on norms risk in social support was provided by International and Research HIV

Life Satisfaction of Two-Year Post-Stroke Survivors: Effects of Socio-Economic Factors, Motor Impairment, Newcastle Stroke-Specific Quality of Life Measure and World Health Organization Quality of Life – bref of Informal Caregivers in Luxembourg and a Rural Area in Portugal

This study investigates the intricate relationship between rules, regulations, and human behaviour, specifically focusing on how these elements influence life satisfaction. By adopting a broad approach, this study explores how compliance with social norms and laws interacts with individual economic and social behaviour framed through social identity theory. Our findings indicate that life satisfaction is positively associated with happiness, social values, such as religiosity and trust, and financial resources. Conversely, strict adherence to social norms and health issues negatively affects life satisfaction. Thus, while compliance can be beneficial in fostering long-term social cohesion, it may also limit life satisfaction when it is overly restrictive. Therefore, policymakers and lawmakers should focus on a framework that balances social norms with individual well-being to enhance compliance and life satisfaction.

Not all informal payments are bad: Instrumental variable investigation of the effect of sand-the-wheels, cultural norm, and grease-the-wheels types of payments on life satisfaction