Manuscript tradition of the Galganum herbal and Melleus liquor

The question of minorities or majorities is the relationship between different types of social groups, which are usually characterized by their different characteristics and social status. They are the result of different developments by which individual social groups have undergone a shorter or longer development. They determined their properties and social status. It is a global process of how individual social groups are formed in different countries, states, continents or cultures. How they live and have been formed, strengthened, gained their position, or became disintegrated. From this point of view, they have a powerful relations and importance in their given previous wider society in which they live. One of the most important ways of controlling life, changes in culture and the existence of minorities has been the use of European and other majority languages and religions. In particular, well organized new educational and religious organizations suffered at the expensed original minority tradition. From an historical point of view it is a long-term process the foundations of which lay in the time of long-term movement of individuals and currents from the formation of human communities. The most extensive trials took place during Colonialism, when the European states colonized and took control of the countries of America, Africa and Asia, which fell victim to them, in a relatively short process. Not only immediately as Indians, but also, for example, millions of slaves transferred to America. Their relations between minorities and the majority last to the presence. As we deal with Europe, their internal conditions have shaped their development. As one of the tendencies, determined especially in the so-called “Drang nach Osten”, especially the Germans (Germans and Austrians), with some successes, but also a general inability to assert their ideas in Central and Eastern Europe, as was the case in the two world wars. This concerned the communities, on their way especially to Eastern and Central Europe. They fought with the idea of their complete power control, as was and is the case with the Hungarian tribes. On their long way to Eastern and Central Europe while occupying long-inhabited areas. In all those processes, we must realize that the individual power units by force and their idea of their “permanent” control, as the so-called minority or minorities. They are a permanent and partially open process as to our days. In our case, these are similar processes of changing countries with a process of their permanent control. In the case of my contribution, the problem is the incoming social groups of the Roma and Sinti, who have formed in all European countries by their arrival since the late middle Ages in individual European states and minority areas. However, they developed over the centuries but remained in the position of a memorial, ruled in all proportions as a minority existing under the majority, as is the case today.

In the whole field of mediaeval hagiography, one of our most urgent needs is the establishment of trustworthy critical texts of James of Voragine's Legenda aurea, and of the Latin's various vernacular translations. Very soon after its first publication, the Legenda began to be copied throughout Western Christendom at a great rate, very often by professional scribes working for stationers who would expect them to write at speed while reproducing this encyclopaedia of the saints' deeds and marvels. Thus, from the beginnings of its manuscript tradition, corruptions and errors were introduced; and we still lack the means to correct them. For want of anything better, scholars must still refer to the edition of the Latin by Johann G. T. Graesse; but this cannot be used with any confidence. As Jacobus J. A. Zuidweg has observed in a summary of his findings, ‘Force nous était donc de nous servir de l’édition … quelque défectueuse qu'elle fût. Le texte de cette édition, qui fourmille de fautes se rapportant tant au texte même qu'à la ponctuation, est basé sur un exemplaire imprimé, datant du 15e siècle.’ Elsewhere, Zuidweg points out that Graesse's edition is incomplete, without, for example, James's chapter 73, dealing with Bede. The preparation and presentation of such critical texts would be a vast undertaking, more, probably, than could be achieved by any one person. Several gifted and zealous scholars have announced preliminary studies towards it, but have in the end found themselves defeated by the scope of the task and by its complexities. Not long ago, Konrad Kunze announced the inauguration of a card-index catalogue at Freiburg, which is to comprise all the Latin and vernacular manuscripts and printed texts of the Legenda aurea. This would now be indispensable for any proposed critical editions; but it does not seem that such editorial work is intended (Analecta Bollandiana 95 [1977] 168).

The corpus of works produced by the visionary nuns at Gertrude of Helfta illustrates the complexity of textual transmission and authorial identity in the high and late Middle Ages. By tracing the transmission of texts either in their entirety or in extracts and by documenting hitherto unknown manuscript witnesses to that transmission, this chapter demonstrates the extent of interconnected monastic networks and the impact of visionary texts from Helfta. The choice of extracts, their adaptation, and their integration into new contexts are crucial for understanding the processes of transmission and nature of authorship. For more than 500 years there has been consensus about the names to be associated with Helfta's revelatory literature, but not about the texts in this corpus. Volradi's anonymous colleague mentioned not just the Liber specialis gratiae and the Legatus divinae pietatis , but also the Lux divinitatis , the Latin translation of Mechthild of Magdeburg's Das fliesende Licht der Gottheit. Keywords: authorial identity; Gertrude of Helfta's Legatus divinae pietatis ; late Middle Ages; textual transmission

Music as Concept and Practice in the Late Middle Ages' is an entirely new addition to the New Oxford History of Music series rather than a revision of the volume's predecessor published in 1960. It takes account not only of the developments in late-medieval music scholarship during the latter decades of the twentieth century, but also of the experience gained through significant changes in the performance practice of the late-medieval repertory witnessed during this period. All the chapters include areas of discussion whose coverage in the series hitherto has been either wholly lacking or, at best, marginal: Muslim and Jewish musical traditions of the Middle Ages, late-medieval office chant, medieval dance music, musical instruments in society, music in Central and Eastern Europe, music theory of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, music and early Renaissance humanism. The first chapter and the last three present the conceptualization of music in speculative theory, philosophy, compositional and didactic practice, and musical historiography. Four chapters, and part of the first, illustrate important musical repertories and genres as they were developed within diverse societies. The eight authors - all of them with a long-standing interest in their respective subjects - have created through their collaboration a blend of mature scholarship and original investigation. The volume's novelty of approach and content is complemented by a firm anchorage in the specialist literature and documentary source material. Today, no single view of 'the Middle Ages' can be acceptable to the musician or to the historian. The present volume, which addresses itself to both, provides solid information on formerly marginal themes, and advocates further exploration of the 'other' Middle Ages.

B ) Y examining the adaptations of Marie de France's Lais into Old Norse and Middle English, this article seeks to explore issues of cultural dominance and imperial influence in textual transmis sion during the late Middle Ages in northern Europe. The interrela tions of the various national cultures and the respective medieval ver naculars, Old French, Middle English, and Old Norse, will be explored through linguistic and contextual analysis of the translations. The inten tion is to provide a comparative model of translation as intercultural by drawing on and conversing with postcolonial studies. Critical discourse about imperialism tends to focus on the aggression of a dominant na tion, the empire, upon an ethnically defined other. Despite the com plex interplay of cultural authority and subordination in late medieval Europe, the definition of empire tends to shift such discussions away from the Middle Ages toward later periods of postcolonial activity. Recent studies, however, have borrowed the theoretical approaches of postcolonial studies to examine the complexities and ambivalences of intercultural relations in the medieval period.' While many adherents of postcolonial theories warn against their geographic and temporal

TamdrupRoyal residence and memorial church in a new light
 Tamdrup has been shrouded in a degree of mystery in recent times. The solitary church located on a moraine hill west of Horsens is visible from afar and has attracted attention for centuries. On the face of it, it resembles an ordinary parish church, but on closer examination it is found to be unusually large, and on entering one discovers that hidden beneath one roof is a three-aisled construction, which originally was a Romanesque basilica. Why was such a large church built in this particular place? What were the prevailing circumstances in the Early Middle Ages when the foundation stone was laid?
 The mystery of Tamdrup has been addressed and discussed before. In the 1980s and 1990s, archaeological excavations were carried out which revealed traces of a magnate’s farm or a royal residence from the Late Viking Age or Early Middle Ages located on the field to the west of the church (fig. 4), and in 1991, the book Tamdrup – Kirke og gård was published.
 Now, by way of metal-detector finds, new information has been added. These new finds provide several answers, but also give rise to several new questions and problems. In recent years, a considerable number of metal finds recovered by metal detector at Tamdrup have been submitted to Horsens Museum. Since 2012, 207 artefacts have been recorded, primarily coins, brooches, weights and fittings from such as harness, dating from the Late Viking Age and Early Middle Ages. Further to these, a coin hoard dating from the time of Svein Estridson was excavated in 2013.
 The museum has processed the submitted finds, which have been recorded and passed on for treasure trove evaluation. As resources were not available for a more detailed assessment of the artefacts, in 2014 the museum formulated a research project that received funding from the Danish Agency for Culture, enabling the finds to be examined in greater depth.
 The aim of the research project was to study the metal-detector finds and the excavation findings, partly through an analysis of the total finds assemblage, partly by digitalisation of the earlier excavation plans so these could be compared with each other and with the new excavation data. This was intended to lead on to a new analysis, new interpretations and a new, overall evaluation of Tamdrup’s function, role and significance in the Late Viking Age and Early Middle Ages.Old excavations – new interpretationsIn 1983, on the eastern part of the field, a trial excavation trench was laid out running north-south (d). This resulted in two trenches (a, b) and a further three trial trenches being opened up in 1984 (fig. 6). In the northern trench, a longhouse, a fence and a pit-house were discovered (fig. 8). The interpretation of the longhouse (fig. 4) still stands, in so far as we are dealing with a longhouse with curved walls. The western end of the house appears unequivocal, but there could be some doubt about its eastern end. An alternative interpretation is a 17.5 m long building (fig. 8), from which the easternmost set of roof-bearing posts are excluded. Instead, another posthole is included as the northernmost post in the gable to the east. This gives a house with regularly curved walls, though with the eastern gable (4.3 m) narrower than the western (5.3 m).
 North of the trench (a) containing the longhouse, a trial trench (c) was also laid out, revealing a number of features. Similarly, there were also several features in the northern part of the middle trial trench (e). A pit in trial trench c was found to contain both a fragment of a bit branch and a bronze key. There was neither time nor resources to permit the excavation of these areas in 1984, but it seems very likely that there are traces of one or more houses here (fig. 9). Here we have a potential site for a possible main dwelling house or hall.
 In August 1990, on the basis of an evaluation, an excavation trench (h) was opened up to the west of the 1984 excavation (fig. 7). Here, traces were found of two buildings, which lay parallel to each other, oriented east-west. These were interpreted as small auxiliary buildings associated with the same magnate’s farm as the longhouse found in the 1984 excavation. The northern building was 4 m wide and the southern building was 5.5 m. Both buildings were considered to be c. 7 m long and with an open eastern gable. The southern building had one set of internal roof-bearing posts.
 The excavation of the two buildings in 1990 represented the art of the possible, as no great resources were available. Aerial photos from the time show that the trial trench from the evaluation was back-filled when the excavation was completed. Today, we have a comprehensive understanding of the trial trenches and excavation trenches thanks to the digitalised plans. Here, it becomes apparent that some postholes recorded during the evaluation belong to the southernmost of the two buildings, but these were unfortunately not relocated during the actual excavation. As these postholes, accordingly, did not form part of the interpretation, it was assumed that the building was 7 m in length (fig. 10). When these postholes from the evaluation are included, a ground plan emerges that can be interpreted as the remains of a Trelleborg house (fig. 11). The original 7 m long building constitutes the western end of this characteristic house, while the remainder of the south wall was found in the trial trench. Part of the north wall is apparently missing, but the rest of the building appears so convincing that the missing postholes must be attributed to poor conditions for preservation and observation. The northeastern part of the house has not been uncovered, which means that it is not possible to say with certainty whether the house was 19 or 25 m in length, minus its buttress posts.
 On the basis of the excavations undertaken in 1984 and 1990, it was assumed that the site represented a magnate’s farm from the Late Viking Age. It was presumed that the excavated buildings stood furthest to the north on the toft and that the farm’s main dwelling – in the best-case scenario the royal residence – should be sought in the area to the south between the excavated buildings. Six north-south-oriented trial trenches were therefore laid out in this area (figs. 6, 7 and 13 – trial trenches o, p, q, r, s and t). The results were, according to the excavation report, disappointing: No trace was found of Harold Bluetooth’s hall. It was concluded that there were no structures and features that could be linked together to give a larger entity such as the presumed magnate’s farm.
 After digitalisation of the excavation plans from 1991, we now have an overview of the trial trenches to a degree that was not possible previously (fig. 13). It is clear that there is a remarkable concentration of structures in the central and northern parts of the two middle trial trenches (q, r) and in part also in the second (p) and fourth (s) trial trenches from the west, as well as in the northern parts of the two easternmost trial trenches (s, t). An actual archaeological excavation would definitely be recommended here if a corresponding intensity of structures were to be encountered in an evaluation today (anno 2016).
 Now that all the plans have been digitalised, it is obvious to look at the trial trenches from 1990 and 1991 together. Although some account has to be taken of uncertainties in the digitalisation, this nevertheless confirms the picture of a high density of structures, especially in the middle of the 1991 trial trenches. The collective interpretation from the 1990 and 1991 investigations is that there are strong indications of settlement in the area of the middle 1991 trial trenches. It is also definitely a possibility that these represent the remains of a longhouse, which could constitute the main dwelling house. It can therefore be concluded that it is apparently possible to confirm the interpretation of the site as a potential royal residence, even though this is still subject to some uncertainty in the absence of new excavations. The archaeologists were disappointed following the evaluation undertaken in 1991, but the overview which modern technology is able to provide means that the interpretation is now rather more encouraging. There are strong indications of the presence of a royal residence.
 FindsThe perception of the area by Tamdrup church gained a completely new dimension when the first metal finds recovered by metal detector arrived at Horsens Museum in the autumn of 2011. With time, as the finds were submitted, considerations of the significance and function of the locality in the Late Viking Age and Early Middle Ages were subjected to revision. The interpretation as a magnate’s farm was, of course, common knowledge, but at Horsens Museum there was an awareness that this interpretation was in some doubt following the results of the 1991 investigations. The many new finds removed any trace of this doubt while, at the same time, giving cause to attribute yet further functions to the site. Was it also a trading place or a central place in conjunction with the farm? And was it active earlier than previously assumed?
 The 207 metal finds comprise 52 coins (whole, hack and fragments), 34 fittings (harness, belt fittings etc.), 28 brooches (enamelled disc brooches, Urnes fibulas and bird brooches), 21 weights, 15 pieces of silver (bars, hack and casting dead heads), 12 figures (pendants, small horses), nine distaff whorls, eight bronze keys, four lead amulets, three bronze bars, two fragments of folding scales and a number of other artefacts, the most spectacular of which included a gold ring and a bronze seal ring. In dating terms, most of the finds can be assigned to the Late Viking Age and Early Middle Ages.
 The largest artefact group consists of the coins, of which

Holocene distribution and extinction of the moose ( Alces alces, Cervidae) in Central Europe

The influence of St Bonaventure on the devotional climate of the thirteenth to fifteenth centuries is well known. His own writings circulated widely, and the tradition of affective devotion was also developed in many texts attributed to him, such as the pseudo-Bonaventure Meditationes Vitae Christi. Both Bonaventure’s own writings and those attributed to him were translated into numerous vernacular languages and circulated throughout Europe. One such text is Bonaventure’s Lignum Vitae, which was translated into at least five vernacular languages, and also had a strong influence on the iconographic tradition of manuscript illumination and artistic representation throughout the late Middle Ages. Nevertheless, this text has remained neglected in its original Latin and virtually unknown in its vernacular versions.

This chapter reflects on popular memories and various manifestations of interest in the real or imaginary Middle Ages which circulated in the past three centuries. Often connected with political agendas that one tends to classify as “medievalism,” they bring in some important fragments of Central Europe’s “culture of memory” and ways in which modern colonial establishments use its past, “softly” shaping it to justify the recent revival of dictatorship in modern Central Europe. As far as one can reconstruct from modern collections of folklore, some medieval figures—popular saints, celebrated heroes, and rulers—came to be associated with folkloric motifs known world-wide, used as early as the late Middle Ages. Another form of medievalism, the Gothic Revival, reached the region in the mid-nineteenth century, when it was already in decline in Western Europe. Towards the end of the nineteenth century, the major occasions for medievalist events were the millennial celebrations connected with the founding of the states in Central Europe more or less a thousand years earlier.

Skjern Slot – En undersøgelse af en borg og dens omgivelser gennem middelalder og renæssance

528 Reviews thoroughly recommended to anglophone graduate students who have already mastered the clear exposition by Gibbs and Johnson in the extensive Afterword of their 1984 translation in the Penguin Classics series. More seasoned scholars will also find the volume indispensable as a bracing contribution to the issues and cruxes thrown up by this idiosyncratic text in the last three decades. University of Durham Neil Thomas Broader Horizons: A Study of Johannes Witte de Hese's Ttinerarius' and Medieval Travel Narratives. By Scott D. Westrem. (Medieval Academy Books, 105) Cambridge, MA: The Medieval Academy of America. 2001. xxiii + 359 pp. $30. ISBN 0-915651-10-6 (hbk). This book, the fruit of two decades of intermittent work developing the author's doctoral thesis (Northwestern University, 1985), is a study of what purports to be an account of a pilgrimage undertaken by the shadowy Johannes Witte de Hese, apparently a cleric in the diocese of Utrecht but not more precisely identifiable, to Jerusalem in 1389. Unlike Hans Tucher'sgenuine travel account ofninety years later, recently edited by Randall Herz (Die Reise ins Gelobte Land Hans Tuchers des Alteren (i4jg-i48o) (Wiesbaden: Reichert, 2002)), Witte's is a fantasy pastiche of places and data culled from a variety of medieval sources. It tells us nothing about Jerusalem but focuses on his alleged experiences in the Red Sea area and on his subsequent travels to Egypt, Mount Sinai, Prester John's empire, the church of St Thomas in India, Purgatory, and other exotic locations. A sixteenth-century reader of a copy now in the Stadtbibliothek at Trier already declared: 'Dieser author ist ein leibhaffterfabularius gewesenn.' While the work has not previously attracted much serious attention, schol? ars having considered Witte a fantasist 'worthy more of neglect than attention', it is of interest as testifyingto a growing interest in literature about the East in the Lower Rhine area in the fourteenth and fifteenthcenturies: significantly,Prester John's capital is specifically said to be twenty-four times the size of Cologne, and the firstfour printed editions (all published in the 1490s) came from Cologne, with other early ones from Antwerp and Deventer. After considering the content and context ofthe Itinerarius (as the firstprinter,Jo? hann Guldenschaff, called it), the problem of the author's identity and the reception of his work, Westrem presents a painstaking investigation of the textual transmission. The work was written in Latin, of 'sophomoric' quality (p. 65), but was subsequently revised by unknown editors. Eight Latin manuscripts are known, the oldest (not the original but the earliest 'recovered', a term Westrem prefers to 'surviving') perhaps copied in 1424; this is MS 1424/C0 in the University of Minnesota (formerly MS Phillips 6650). Three of the manuscripts were copied from printed editions, testify? ing to continuing interest in the work around 1500. A Middle Dutch translation was also produced, now best known from a transcription made around 1690. Westrem discusses the development of the text in some detail, and then prints the Latin, the Middle Dutch translation, and a modern English rendering ofthe Latin as Chapters 4, 5, and 6 respectively. This mode of presentation already makes it rather difficultfor the reader to compare the three versions, but worse is to come. In Chapter 4, beneath the Latin text, we findthe critical apparatus (pp. 124-54), but this is then followed on pp. 155-81 by seven distinct categories of textual notes: (1) variant spellings of place names and proper nouns; (2) scribal corrections in the Latin manuscripts; (3) ortho? graphical variants in the manuscripts and printed editions; (4) variant presentations of numerals, roman and arabie; (5) grammatical errors in the textual witnesses; (6) scribal marginalia and rubrics; and (7) an inventory of typographical errors in the printed MLRy 99.2, 2004 529 editions. While it is undeniably more convenient to have such details brought together than to have to search for them in the masses of variants recorded in the apparatus, it does make the book extraordinarily difficultto use, unless one is solely concerned with what the work is about, in which case one may safely ignore everything except the Latin text and/or the English translation and the commentary. The...

This chapter presents examples of political community in Central Europe and its legitimization during the High Medieval period as kingdoms or early-modern Ständenstaat. During the High and Late Middle Ages, Poland, Bohemia, and Hungary were politically organized into monarchies. The process of state formation went hand in hand with a dynamic development of political ideas and thought. While at first the king was regarded as the main legitimate source and representative of political rule, a slow shift to the principle of elective monarchy opened the path to consensual politics. The growing influence of the “political community” (later institutionalized as the Stände) was accompanied by definitions of legitimate modes of power representation and the codification of common law. During recent decades, scholarly debates about political history in the Middle Ages in general, and especially in Central Europe, have undergone essential changes. These “turns” had much to do with influence from neighboring disciplines like social and economic history, studies on symbolic communication and rituals, the history of religion and cults, and, of course, the history of orality/literacy and historiography.

This paper is the outcome of six weeks spent in the summer Of I927 in the Manuscript Study Room of the Vatican Library in the endeavor to obtain some idea of the materials there available in the Latin language, especially for the history of science. During the hot summer months in Rome the Vatican library is open only in the morning from eight to half past twelve, and some religious holidays also intervened, but I tried to avail myself to the full of every precious moment. Besides the ordinary collection of Latin manuscripts which runs into five figures, the Vatican of course has other rich collections of Latin manuscripts which have been acquired at one time or another, such as those amassed by Queen CHRISTINA OF SWEDEN in the seventeenth century (shelf-marked Reg. Suev. etc.), or those which once belonged to the ill-starred Elector of the Palatinate (shelf-marked Palat. lat. etc.). There is the Barberini collection, of which the mere inventory fills twenty-three volumes, and the Ottobonian collection, to mention only those of most importance for our present purpose, although the Codices Rossianae also offer a few items of interest. So far as Latin manuscripts are concerned, only a small beginning has been made towards printing catalogues of these collections. The old catalogues in long-hand are accessible only at the Vatican and usually give very brief and insufficient descriptions of the codices and their contents. It is to be earnestly hoped that the recently announced gift of the Carnegie Corporation to the Vatican Library may be expended not primarily in introducing American library methods and cataloguing the printed books, most of which are probably accessible elsewhere, but rather in pushing on the publication of scientific catalogues of its manuscript collections which are so important, yet still to such an extent a closed book to scholars and researchers. Those parts of the collections where works on philosophy, nature,

This article discusses the significance of Jerusalem for the Christian world view in the Late Middle Ages. Starting from at least the 12th century, Jerusalem was considered to be the centre of the world. Various more or less plausible arguments (taken from the Holy Bible, other authoritative texts or even from physical observation) were put forward to prove its centrality. All other countries and places seemed to be situated on the periphery around the Holy Land and the Holy City. This can be clearly seen on world maps (<italic>mappae mundi</italic>) from the 12th to the 14th and even the 16th century. Because of its sanctity Jerusalem became an important and extremely attractive goal for travellers during the Late Middle Ages. Thousands of pilgrims went to the eastern shore of the Mediterranean and visited the holy places in Jerusalem, Bethlehem, at the river Jordan and so on. All of them had three goals in mind: imagining the life and death of Jesus Christ at those places “where his feet stood” (<italic>ubi steterunt pedes eius</italic>); following in his footsteps and imitating his deeds (<italic>imitatio Christi</italic>); collecting stones, sand, oil or water as relics of the holy places and as souvenirs of their stay there. Therefore Jerusalem was seen as the spiritual centre of Europe and the most prestigious “lieu de mémoire” of Latin Christendom. Reality, however, was different. Jerusalem was not located in the centre of Europe, but on its periphery and Palestine was not that Promised Land “flowing with milk and honey”, but an impoverished and dilapidated province of the Mamluk Sultanate in Cairo. Most pilgrims were disappointed when they realized the misery, poverty and dryness of the Holy Land. Even the idea of pilgrimage was called into question by some visitors seeing the Holy City in ruins. Moreover, they found themselves in a hostile country and had to experience their stay as a hidden war at a cultural border. From this point of view, Jerusalem was Europe's centre and periphery at the same time. This very specific constellation might have influenced the so-called European expansion in Early Modern Times.

The University of Leiden came into existence barely five months after the relief of Leiden from besieging Spanish forces. It was Dousa and Domenicus Baudius, a former student at the university, who suggested that the French humanist Josephus Justus Scaliger be asked to come to Leiden. Except for the Hebrew manuscripts and printed books of the theological plutei, up until 1609, the University Library had only a few 'Eastern' works. The Scaliger legacy therefore, enriched the library with a large collection of non-Western books and manuscripts, along with some Greek and Latin manuscripts and two globes. Scaliger's bequest appears to have set a good example, for later in the seventeenth century, the Oriental books and manuscripts of Levinus Warner were added to the library's collections. Leiden University Library possesses an early inventory of the books and manuscripts from Scaliger's library that was drawn up by his colleague Bonaventura Vulcanius. Keywords: Domenicus Baudius; Hebrew manuscripts; Josephus Justus Scaliger; Latin manuscripts; Leiden University Library; Levinus Warner; Oriental books