Abstract

Fereshta Ludin is a German citizen and devout “Muslimin”. She has been denied leave to wear her “Kopftuch” in the classroom. She has lost her case in the courtrooms of the states where appeals were lodged to lift the ban. She may consequently not teach at any public school in Germany. We argue that Ludin is entitled to wear the “Kopftuch” on grounds of her right to religious freedom and that the attempt to deny her this entitlement constitutes a breach of individual rights. Following the South African philosopher, Denise Meyerson, we maintain that the domain of religion constitutes an area of intractable dispute, and that the state is not entitled to limit liberty in this domain because it cannot justify limitations in a neutrally acceptable way. Meyerson’s arguments rest on the acceptability of Rawls’s notion of public reason. We test Ludin’s case against Jeremy Waldron’s objections to the use of deliberative discipline of public reason in cultural disputes and against his alternative to the politics of identity. Meyerson’s approach offers protection of religious dissent in a way Waldron’s cannot. One significant reason for this is Waldron’s insistence on the elimination of identity claims from the conversation between cultures seeking accommodation with one another in the liberal pluralist state. However, bracketing identity claims eliminates what is peculiar about Ludin’s case. This we bring out by drawing on views of Sawitri Sahorsa and Melissa Williams. We argue that Ludin’s dilemma is twofold: her status as “metic” – as a member of a minority at the margins of mainstream German culture, and her status as “Muslimin” – as one believed to be suffering sexual discrimination in her own culture, hang together in a way that challenges the integration policies of the German state and embarrasses German feminism.

Highlights

  • Fereshta Ludin, ’n onderwyseres, is ’n Duitse burger en ’n toegewyde Moslemvrou

  • Sy is toestemming geweier om haar kopdoek in die klaskamer te mag dra

  • Fereshta Ludin, a Muslimin teaching at a German public school, was reprimanded for wearing her headdress to school; she was accused of making a religious statement; she was silently professing her religion in what ought to be an a-religious context

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Summary

Overview

Fereshta Ludin, a Muslimin teaching at a German public school, was reprimanded for wearing her headdress to school; she was accused of making a religious statement; she was (so to speak) silently professing her religion in what ought to be an a-religious context. The most important indications of this tendency comes from popular representations in the media of the Other as raced, ethnic (in dress and custom), and non-Christian, from the public statements of elected state representatives ( in the Catholic-governed Christlich Demokratische Union/Christlich-Soziale Union states), and from a general and prevalent Ausländerfeindlichkeit among conservative sectors of the population These factors render Ludin’s struggle over her Kopftuch very problematical, making it at once an issue of religious and political freedom. Meyerson’s approach, which runs on her use of Rawls’s notion of public reason, offers protection of both religious and moral dissenters This limitation clause is not available to German legislators, but we see no harm in testing the controversy over the Kopftuch against the values it contains, for they are democratic values shared by many European states including Germany.

The first opposing position: the stance of strict neutrality
Distinguishing kinds of harms
Neutral and non-neutral harms
Paternalism and voluntariness
Generalising Meyerson’s distinction
Waldron and public reason
Ludin’s identity claims
Asian women and autonomy
Understanding one another’s reasons
The failure of integration
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