<i>Desigualdades territoriales en el contexto de la pandemia por Covid-19</i>, de Martha Schteingart y Dairee Ramírez

Yet Another History of History Mark Thurner (bio) La Historia y Los Historiadores en el Perú. By Manuel Burga . (Lima: Fondo Editorial de la Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 2005. Pp. 237) How to Write the History of the New World: Histories, Epistemologies, and Identities in the Eighteenth-Century Atlantic World. By Jorge Cañizares-Esguerra . (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001. Pp. 450. $55.00 cloth.) Historia de las Historias de la Nación Mexicana. By Enrique Florescano . (Mexico City: Taurus, 2002. Pp. 530.) Construcción de las Identidades Latinoamericanas: Ensayos de Historia Intelectual, Siglos XIX–XX. Edited by Aimer Granados and Carlos Marichal . (Mexico City: El Colegio de México, 2004. Pp. 269.) La Presencia del Pasado. By Enrique Krauze . (Mexico City: Bancomer, 2004. Pp. 495.) Los Pinceles de la Historia. By the Museo Nacional de Arte de México. (Mexico City: Instituto Nacional de Bellas Artes, 2000-2003. 4 volumes.) La Nación Como Problema: Los Historiadores y la ‘Cuestión Nacional.’By Elías José Palti . (Buenos Aires: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2003. Pp. 157.) La Cultura Moderna de la Historia: Una Aproximación Teórica e Historiográfica. By Guillermo Zermeño Padilla . (Mexico City: El Colegio de México, 2002. Pp. 246) La tarea verdadera consiste ante todo en examinar los orígenes, los perjuicios y los procesos de las verdades recibidas. En una palabra, hacer cuestión expresa de la historia de la historia. 1 —Edmundo O'Gorman (1947) [End Page 164] In the last five years or so a reflexive history of history has begun to take shape in the nations of, or at any rate in some relation to, that grand subject-object of modern history named "Latin America." In a word, this history takes its object of study to be the productions and production of history itself. For some of its practitioners this newer history of history is closely linked to "the new intellectual history." That history, which began to appear in the Latin American field in the 1990s, is not merely a history of what intellectuals have written and thought in the past; it is a history that isitself intellectual in the best sense of the term. To hijack Dominick La Capra's witty remarks on the significance for European intellectual history of Hayden White's critical opus, one might say without undue hyperbole that this newer history of history is reopening the possibility of thought in Latin American history. 2 This is so because in revisiting the ways in which Latin American histories have been researched, written, and read the newer history of history both retraces and—knowingly or not—questions the epistemological foundations and realist regimes of representation that underwrite contemporary understandings of Latin American pasts. That is, the newer history of history, like the new intellectual history, is often reflexive: its subject-object and limits of inquiry are its own tropos. As a turning inward that, in one way or another, responds to a general crisis of history, it seeks to get to the bottom of its own practice and knowledge. What is perhaps most exciting—and intellectually challenging—about this new work is that those received limits (its bottom) now appear to be much less constraining (deeper, wider) than was previously thought. Not so long ago it was dreamed—under the somnic trance of liberal, dependency, and Marxian mantras—that this part of the world had no intellectual history worth thinking and writing about. It was at most a "tragic story": in the first instance, of colonial derivations in the "Scholastic" mode; and in the second (that is, after Independence), of "aping Europe." "Intellectual history," if it could be said to exist, was a province of Europe, not Iberian America. Such dismissals now appear quaint, if not "tragic." The newer history of history in this part of the world now brims with surprises. And yet it is also something of a hall of mirrors, a haunted house of whispering voices, and its historians invite us to linger in its labyrinthine corridors. This is not to say that the kind of writing under review here (by no means an exhaustive sample of recent work...

Development and ChangeVolume 16, Issue 2 p. 213-234 Paradigms and Scientific Revolutions in Development Theories Javier Elguea, Javier Elguea currently Associate Professor of Sociology and Education at El Colegio de México, Centro de Estudios Sociológicos, Mexico City. Interested in the social aspects of economic growth and the philosophy of the social sciences, and in particularthe growth of scientific knowledge, his work in progress deals with relations between scientific growth and the education of scientists (scientific training) in developing countries.Search for more papers by this author Javier Elguea, Javier Elguea currently Associate Professor of Sociology and Education at El Colegio de México, Centro de Estudios Sociológicos, Mexico City. Interested in the social aspects of economic growth and the philosophy of the social sciences, and in particularthe growth of scientific knowledge, his work in progress deals with relations between scientific growth and the education of scientists (scientific training) in developing countries.Search for more papers by this author First published: April 1985 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7660.1985.tb00208.xCitations: 2 AboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Citing Literature Volume16, Issue2April 1985Pages 213-234 RelatedInformation

Development and ChangeVolume 13, Issue 3 p. 365-399 The Roots of the Mexican Agricultural Crisis: Water Resources Development Policies (1920–1970) Miguel Wionczek, Miguel Wionczek Miguel Wionczek is Senior Research Associate at El Colegio de México, Mexico City, and Director of the Research Programme on Mexico's Long-Term Energy Needs. His most recent book: Some Key Issues for the World Periphery has just been published by Pergamon Press, Oxford. He is also Advisory Editor of Development and Change.Search for more papers by this author Miguel Wionczek, Miguel Wionczek Miguel Wionczek is Senior Research Associate at El Colegio de México, Mexico City, and Director of the Research Programme on Mexico's Long-Term Energy Needs. His most recent book: Some Key Issues for the World Periphery has just been published by Pergamon Press, Oxford. He is also Advisory Editor of Development and Change.Search for more papers by this author First published: July 1982 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7660.1982.tb00126.xCitations: 6 AboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat Citing Literature Volume13, Issue3July 1982Pages 365-399 RelatedInformation

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes 1 In conflating nationalism and racism I am using and echoing Julio Cortázar Cortázar, Julio. 1967. “Carta a Roberto Fernández Retamar (Sobre ‘situación del intelectual latinoamericano’)”. In Julio Cortázar: Obra crítica Edited by: Sosnowski, S. Buenos Aires, Alfaguara [Google Scholar], who in his letter to Roberto Fernández Retamar (10 May 1967) proclaims their identity, a point also made by Roger Bartra (1987 Bartra, Roger. 1987. La jaula de la melancolía: Identidad y metamorfosis del mexicano, Mexico City: Grijalbo. [Google Scholar]) and Benedict Anderson (1987), among others. 2 Throughout this essay, I will follow López's lead in putting ‘classical’ in quotation marks precisely to question its narrativization as an originary moment. 3 In this regard, it is telling that an analysis of the film is, to the best of my knowledge, all but absent from the critical corpus. 4 Bartra, 1987 Bartra, Roger. 1987. La jaula de la melancolía: Identidad y metamorfosis del mexicano, Mexico City: Grijalbo. [Google Scholar]: 230. We might wonder what Bartra has in mind here when he speaks of a ‘national culture’ and even question his usage of the term. However, I leave that discussion for future conversations, as it is somewhat beyond the scope of this essay and an important subject in it own right. 5 By separating ‘difference’ from differentiation, I do not wish to produce a redundant and ugly phrase. Nor do I wish to imply that there are ontological differences somehow hiding behind their ‘becoming’ or historical contructedness. Rather, I separate them in order to highlight that differences are not erased in the field of inter-nationalism. Do they, however, acquire a different function, as I am attempting to show. 6 Again, this is not to deny specificities to the Mexican and US ‘national’ contexts. For an interesting, and provocative, account of collaboration and continuity during the period, despite such specificities, see Julio Moreno, Yankee don't go home! Mexican Nationalism, American Business Culture, and the Shaping of Modern Mexico, 1920–1950 (Moreno, 2003 Moreno, Julio. 2003. Yankee Don't Go Home! Mexican Nationalism, American Business Culture, and the Shaping of Modern Mexico, 1920–1950, Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. [Google Scholar]). 7 Information on Yolanda Montes can readily be found in such internet sites as imdb.com and wikipedia.com, from where I have, copiously, ‘borrowed.’ 8 It may be objected here that insofar as we are made to temporarily identify with Marcelo, a former lover of Tongolele who tries to win her back through dubious means, that the spectator is de-idealized. However, we must remember that Marcelo ultimately redeems himself when he acknowledges defeat: he is the one that can ‘objectively’ see that Carlos really does love Tongolele unconditionally, thus restoring the spectator to an (morally) authoritative position. 9 For two examples among a plethora that trace parts of this history, see Marez (2004 Marez, Curtis. 2004. Drug Wars: The Political Economy of Narcotics, Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press. [Google Scholar]) and Fox (1999 Fox, Claire. 1999. The Fence and the River: Culture and Politics at the U.S.-Mexico Border, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. [Google Scholar]). 10 See Chande (1997 Chande, Roberto Ham. 1997. “La migración china hacia México a través del Registro Nacional de Extranjeros”. In Destino México: Un estudio de las migraciones asiáticas a México, siglos XIX y XX, Edited by: Ota Mishima, María Elena. Mexico City: El Colegio de México. [Google Scholar]) for a statistical analysis of migratory patterns by Chinese immigrants to Mexico from the establishment of the ‘National Registry of Foreigners’ in 1926 to its functional death in 1950. 11 The crude sexual joke is justified if we think of the suggestive scenes in which the film plays with visually de-clothing Tongolele. ‘Plays’ is the exact verb because, once again, sexuality is sublimated in the production of the woman-ideal. Tongolele is and is not, of course, sexual, distant yet available. 12 I am thinking, here, for example, of the devastating consequences to the Amazonian ecology of the positivist slogan found in the Brazilian flag, ‘Ordem e Progresso,’ which has been variously used to destroy precious resources as well as to displace and eradicate existing human cultures. 13 Although we are not told what ‘sex’ the animal may be, we are told that its name means ‘witch’ [hechicera] in some ‘Sudanese dialect,’ making Mogli not only female, but also ‘African.’ 14 Not to be confused with Clara, of whom we know absolutely nothing.

Reviewed by: Museo del universo: los juegos olímpicos y el movimiento estudiantil de 1968 by Ariel Rodríguez Kuri Juan Alberto Salazar Rebolledo Museo del universo: los juegos olímpicos y el movimiento estudiantil de 1968. By Ariel Rodríguez Kuri. Mexico City: El Colegio de México-Centro de Estudios Históricos, 2019, p. 457, $17.00. In 2018, in the context of the burgeoning revisionism of the student movement of 1968 in Mexico on its 50th anniversary, the collective Lagartijas tiradas al sol made a video performance called The past never dies, it is not even past. The short movie began with a message aimed at the old 1968 militants: "We have tried to create social movements like yours and we did not succeed. […] We know that until the last participant of 1968 dies, we will not be free. And we are running out of patience. So, if you are not dying… We are going to kill you." Within the same revisionist atmosphere, Museo del universo, by the historian Ariel Rodríguez Kuri – who was not a direct participant of the movement, but only witnessed it as a child – presents an original interpretative reading of the Mexican 1968 by considering together the student movement and the Olympic Games of that year as part of the same process, arguing that "both constituted a revolution in the way of communicate, signify, and say in Mexico" (38). Lagartijas's message intersected with the historiographical revisionism around the Global Sixties field, and specifically on the Mexican 1968. A series of works by scholars like Eric Zolov, Vanni Pettinà, Renata Keller, Camilo Vicente, Jaime Pensado, and Rafael Rojas, among others, have recently illustrated that Mexican authoritarianism in that year contradicts the so-called exceptionalism of Mexico among the Latin American Cold War. Rodríguez Kuri definitely does not kill the last participant of the 1968, as Lagartijas threatened, but he does try to put an end to an idealistic view of the student movement as a break in history. More a "cairn" than the beginning of an era – as many of the former mobilized students have repeated in their writings until now – '68 becomes a sign in the road (412-413). This is Rodríguez Kuri's motivation to ask the question that drives his study: Who cared about what happened in Mexico City in 1968, and who still cares about it? Namely, what conditions inhabit the memories about that event, and where? These questions remain open as proposals for new ventures on the Mexican 1968 historiographical revisionism. Across an introduction, eight chapters, and a conclusion, Rodríguez Kuri presents a social reading of 1960s Mexico City. He offers a diagnosis of the thoughts and feelings of the urban middle classes, and their ups and downs among the political spectrum, configuring the public sphere according to their veering interests (16). Within the first chapter, the historian emphasizes what is political in sports, showing how the assignation of Mexico City as host for the XIX Olympic Games depended on how Mexican diplomacy drew on a "favorable international juncture" (69) related with the Third World politics that would become a Mexican trend in the next decade. This nationalistic focus was on display in the internal [End Page 572] motto among the organizers of the Mexican Olympic Games that were supposed to be "[adapted] to the city" (101), unlike the previous editions in which other countries invested huge quantities of money, as the second chapter shows. An architect, Pedro Ramírez Vázquez stars in the second chapter as the author of Mexican Olympics' identity. Incorporating cultural events along with the sportive ones, he tried to make a "visual, auditive, sensitive, and cognitive representation of the Global 1960s–a museum" (90), confronting to some extent the cultural nationalism established by the post-revolutionary Mexican regime since the 1920s, a "major rupture" (91) with the self-absorption of the previous references in the regime's cultural policies, as Rodríguez Kuri points out. The contestation between conservatism/nationalism and renovation/cosmopolitanism is also the topic of the third chapter, revolving around the intellectual debate on the reconstruction of Mexico's cathedral after a fire destroyed...

In March 1980, I started working as Director of Essential Needs in COPLAMAR, an agency attached to the President’s Office in Mexico and responsible for improving the living conditions in the country’s poor areas and among groups designated as marginalised. My role was to coordinate a research team of around 20 professionals working on the unsatisfaction of essential needs in Mexico. This team was the largest part of the agency’s General Direction of Socioeconomic Studies. I started studying poverty from the standpoint of unsatisfied needs, which to this day has been the central element in my conception of poverty. COPLAMAR was shut down in December 1982 with the arrival of a new federal government; however, understanding and fighting poverty has been my vocation and main occupation since that time. Although from the beginning of this century I have broadened my outlook and started aiming at the more ambitious purpose of human flourishing (to which I added, in the second decade of this century, the fashionable topic of well-being (WB), including subjective WB), poverty remains among my core tasks. I am aware that achieving human flourishing and generalised WB is impossible, or is only possible for a reduced elite, if poverty is not overcome first. I have worked with international organisations (particularly the UNDP and CROP); in Mexican left-wing political parties; in the Mexican Congress; in the Mexico City government; as a journalist in the critical national newspaper La Jornada, writing a weekly column called Moral Economy since 1995; and primarily in the academic world as a full-time researcher and Professor at El Colegio de México – a postgraduate and research institution devoted to the social sciences and the humanities in Mexico City – since 1992, and also as a visiting professor at the British Universities of East Anglia, Bristol, and Manchester. My work in all these institutions has largely focused on poverty, social policy, and human flourishing.

The first issue of IJURR was published more than 30 years ago, in 1977. It opened with a brief editorial statement in which the journal’s founders defined their project. IJURR would be interdisciplinary. It would be open to diverse theoretical approaches and methodologies, whilst seeking to understand urban and regional development in terms of the ‘fundamental economic, social and political processes which operate at local, national and international levels’. Such an understanding should inform ‘social action’ and not be confined to intellectual debate. The tone for the new journal was set by the inaugural issue, which opened with four articles (by Ray Pahl, Jean Lojkine, Enzo Mingione and Richard Child Hill) on ‘urbanism and the state’. Other contributors to the first volume of IJURR included Manuel Castells, Edmond Preteceille, Chris Pickvance, Patrick Dunleavy, Doreen Massey, Martin Ravallion, Roger Friedland, Frances Fox Piven, Robert Alford, Josef Gugler and William Flanagan. Pahl, Mingione, Preteceille, Pickvance, Piven and Castells were all founding members of IJURR’s editorial board, together with Michael Harloe (the editor) and S.M. Miller. The founders of and initial contributors to IJURR comprised a remarkable generation of scholars concerned with the development of a radical or critical approach to urban and regional issues that would be relevant to political and social change. Indeed, IJURR included a section on ‘Praxis’. In the first issue, this section comprised articles on social or popular movements in the USA, Mexico and Spain, and on the civil war in Beirut. The impetus behind IJURR came mostly from sociologists, and there was a considerable overlap between IJURR and Research Committee 21 of the International Sociological Association, but IJURR also drew on the efforts of political scientists, planners and geographers. Change was central to IJURR’s identity. Drawing on egalitarian conceptions of social justice, IJURR’s founders sought to show that cities and regions could change in a variety of directions. Marxist theory was especially appealing to scholars who combined activist and scholarly missions, although Marxist theory certainly did not go unchallenged (not least by Ray Pahl and Patrick Dunleavy) and was never a precondition for publication. The scholarly practice of the journal was unambiguously embedded in an overall surge of radical and even revolutionary politics across the world. The 1970s were the morning after the 1960s explosion of critical theory and revolutionary practice. Student rebellion and scholarly debate fed and radicalized each other. IJURR was both a product of and protagonist in this important shift, and was seen by its editors, authors, reviewers and readers as such.

From Colony to Nation Rebecca Earle (bio) Simón Bolívar: A Life. By John Lynch. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006. Pp. 350. $35.00 paper. South American Independence: Gender, Politics, Text. By Catherine Davies, Claire Brewster, and Hilary Owen. Liverpool, UK: Liverpool University Press, 2006. Pp. 321. £50.00 cloth. Adventuring through Spanish Colonies: Simón Bolívar, Foreign Mercenaries and the Birth of New Nations. By Matthew Brown. Liverpool, UK: Liverpool University Press, 2006. Pp. 266. £50.00 cloth. Freedom's Mercenaries: British Volunteers in the Wars of Independence of Latin America, Volume I: Northern South America. By Moisés Enrique Rodríguez. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2006. Pp. 426. $58.00 paper. Freedom's Mercenaries: British Volunteers in the Wars of Independence of Latin America, Volume II: Southern South America. By Moisés Enrique Rodríguez. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2006. Pp. 524. $58.00 paper. El primer liberalismo español y los procesos de emancipación de América, 1808–1824: Una revisión historiográfica del liberalismo hispánico. By Roberto Breña. Mexico City: El Colegio de México, 2006. Pp. 580. $37.00 cloth. The Conquest of History: Spanish Colonialism and National Histories in the Nineteenth Century. By Christopher Schmidt-Nowara. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2006. Pp. 296 $39.95 cloth. Nineteenth-Century Nation Building and the Latin-American Intellectual Tradition: A Reader. Edited and translated by Janet Burke and Ted Humphrey. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing, 2007. Pp. 366. $47.95 cloth. What caused the Spanish-American wars of independence? Was it the philosophical influence of the Enlightenment, the disruptive impact of the Bourbon reforms, the slow development of Creole patriotism, the destabilization provoked by the Peninsular War or some combination of these and other factors? Many nineteenth-century savants were quite certain that the answer lay in the distinctive Iberian heritage introduced into the continent [End Page 241] by its Spanish colonizers. Independence, wrote the Argentine historian president Bartolomé Mitre, originated in the "individualistic spirit" that the conquistadors "bequeathed through their blood to their descendants, together with their instincts for independence." Creoles, the heirs to this legacy, were therefore the authors of independence: "they invented Spanish-American independence and they alone founded the republic and alone they made it triumph," he wrote in 1859.1 "Intimations of our independence palpitated in the innermost desires of the first conquistadors," agreed the Mexican scholar and politician Justo Sierra.2 While the Creoles, drawing on this Hispanic essence, championed the cause of independence, other sectors of the population were declared either to have stood aloof from this apogee of national self-expression or to have supported the Spanish crown. In either case, such indifference to patriotic sentiments surely resulted from some grave defect that impeded active participation in national politics. Indians in particular had failed to play an "active and intelligent part" in the Peruvian independence process because of their "mental backwardness," in the view of the conservative priest Bartolomé Herrera.3 Current understandings of how different sectors of society engaged with the independence process naturally eschew explanations based on mental inadequacy, and scholars have also questioned the view that nonelites viewed independence uniquely with hostility. A number of innovative works have probed the independence-era activities of indigenous villagers, free people of color, and other subaltern groups, and a growing number of studies—including one reviewed here—consider the role of women in promoting independence.4 The significance of the Creole elite to the independence process remains, however, undisputed. Leaders such as Simón Bolívar continue to occupy the position of honor they were accorded by nineteenth-century historia patria, although interpretations of their actions have altered significantly. In John Lynch's magnificent new biography [End Page 242] of the liberator, the origins of Bolívar's commitment to independence are located not in his innate Spanish heritage, but rather in the Bourbon monarchy's "deconstruction of the creole state" (29) and the subsequent alienation of the Creole elite. Bolívar's extensive familiarity with Enlightenment texts infused his rhetoric, but, Lynch stresses, ideology alone was not the motor that powered Bolívar's vision of an independent America...

Other| February 01 2002 Contributors Hispanic American Historical Review (2002) 82 (1): v. https://doi.org/10.1215/00182168-82-1-v Cite Icon Cite Share Icon Share Twitter Permissions Search Site Citation Contributors. Hispanic American Historical Review 1 February 2002; 82 (1): v. doi: https://doi.org/10.1215/00182168-82-1-v Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search Books & JournalsAll JournalsHispanic American Historical Review Search Advanced Search erika pani received her Ph.D. in history from El Colegio de México and currently teaches and conducts research at the Instituto de Investigaciones Dr. José María Luis Mora in Mexico City. She specializes in nineteenth-century Mexican political history.raymond b. craib is assistant professor of history at Cornell University. He is the author of “Cartography and Power in the Conquest and Creation of New Spain,” Latin American Research Review 35, no. 1 (2000) and “Standard Plots and Rural Resistance,” in The Mexico Reader, ed. Gilbert M. Joseph and Timothy J. Henderson (forthcoming). He is currently completing a book manuscript on the social and cultural history of mapping, surveying, and state formation in rural nineteenth- and twentieth-century Mexico.emilio h. kourí is assistant professor of history at the University of Chicago. He is the author of The Business of the Land: Papantla, Mexico, in the Nineteenth Century (forthcoming). His current... Issue Section: Front Matter You do not currently have access to this content.

Reviewed by: Antología conmemorativa: Nueva Revista de Filología Hispánica. Cincuenta tomos ed. by Alejandro Rivas and Yliana Rodríguez Natalya I. Stolova Antología conmemorativa: Nueva Revista de Filología Hispánica. Cincuenta tomos. Vol. 2. Ed. by Alejandro Rivas and Yliana Rodríguez. (Publicaciones de la Nueva Revista de Filología Hispánica 9.) Mexico City: El Colegio de México, 2003. Pp. viii, 651. ISBN 9681211154. The present work is the second of the two anniversary collections published by Nueva Revista de Filología Hispánica (NRFH) to celebrate the appearance of its fiftieth volume. Volume 2 contains thirty-two selected articles that have been published in the journal over the years. These include eighteen papers on literary topics and fourteen papers concerned with linguistics. I limit my description to the linguistic articles, giving in parentheses the original publication date. A series of papers in the collection adopt a diachronic or philological perspective. Eugenio Coseriu (1961) challenges the Arabic origin of several Spanish and Rumanian expressions, arguing that these originated within the Romance language family. Rafael Lapesa (1961) traces the development of the Latin demonstratives into the Spanish and French articles. Margherita Morreale (1963–64) offers a philological commentary on the Evangelio de San Mateo según el manuscrito escurialense I-j-6: Texto, gramática y vocabulario published by Thomas Montgomery in 1962. Germán de Granda (1978) examines the history behind the verbal diphthongized voseo forms. Yakov Malkiel (1988) describes the demise of Old Spanish nozir, nuzir ‘harm’ during the Late Middle Ages. The different varieties of Spanish constitute the focus of a cluster of five papers. María Josefa Canellada de Zamora and Alonso Zamora Vicente (1960), as well as Juan M. Lope Blanch (1963–64), treat the reduction and the loss of unstressed vowels in Mexican Spanish. Tracy D. Terrell (1978) focuses on the aspiration and the elision of the implosive and final /s/ in the Spanish of Puerto Rico. Manuel Alvar (1988) challenges the notion of el dialecto andaluz ‘the Andalusian dialect’. Guillermo L. Guitarte (1992) and María Beatriz Fontanella de Weinberg (1995) take up the phenomenon of rehilamiento in the nineteenth-century Spanish of Buenos Aires. Two articles employ Spanish data to consider issues related to linguistic terminology and linguistic theory. Bernard Pottier (1961) explores the notion of auxiliary verb. José Pedro Rona (1973) addresses the question of linguistic norm in the context of the different local, regional, national, and pan-Latin American features. Finally, Antonio Quilis (1982) provides a description of the grammar of Tagalog Arte y reglas de la lengua tagala (1610) written by missionary Francisco de San José Blancas and places this work within the context of the missionary linguistics of the Philippines. This volume is a valuable source for Hispanists, and for linguists interested in key works on the Spanish language published from the 1960s to the 1990s. Natalya I. Stolova Colgate University Copyright © 2007 Linguistic Society of America

This introductory chapter sketches out the context of receiving European emigres at NSSR and Colmex during the 1930s. It analyses how European scientists managed their forced migration and exile existence in New York and Mexico City between the poles of assimilating, return orientation and transnational strategies. It also asks for the impact of their theories and academic work on the intellectual live in their regions of arrival and perhaps later in their countries of departure. The chapter also deals with the institutional context and interests: While the exodus was a challenge and drama for the individual forced migrants, it was considered an opportunity and a benefit for the receiving organizations. The chapter comments on the concepts of transnational migration and travelling theories. While migration and exile migration were predominantly analyzed in terms of either emigration and assimilation or Diaspora-suffering and return orientation, the transnationalizm approach leaves room for a more differentiated analysis and understanding of refugees multiple belongings. The focus on travelling theories holds that scientific theories are always intertwined with the social, cultural, political and economic context. If theories which originated in one specific societal context, by means of textbooks, persons or international scientific journals, ‘travel’ to another societal context, they will necessarily be changed, adapted and assimilated. And the other way around: If the scientists who produce those theories shift from one socio-cultural space to another, this will probably alter their theory production. Especially in social sciences and the humanities, the specific themes to investigate, the theoretical framing and the methods are strongly determined by societal contexts. This is explicitly relevant for emigres.

Starting with the 1964 coup in Brazil and followed by coups in both Chile and Uruguay in 1973, and then in Argentina in 1976, the Southern Cone in Latin America became a land of counterrevolutionary authoritarianism. Dictatorships were neither new in the region nor limited to those countries. During the Cold War, all Latin American countries experienced military dictatorships (except Costa Rica and Mexico). However, during the 1960s and 1970s, it was clear that the Southern Cone was especially influenced by Cold War bipolarity, thus attracting global attention given its explicit antidemocratic stances and brutal repressive practices. What is more, the military in power did not just act as arbiters in political disputes, but they also planned and executed projects of radical economic, political, and cultural transformation, the notorious effects of which linger in the twenty-first century. No wonder, then, that the study of Cold War dictatorships in the Southern Cone (Uruguay, Chile, Argentina, and Brazil) has become a growing and dynamic field of study, with such an abundance of new publications each year that make it difficult for scholars to keep up with. This annotated bibliography gives a glimpse into this field, emphasizing the new subfields that have emerged thanks to the methodological innovations of cultural and social history. The historical study of Cold War dictatorships in the Southern Cone, therefore, is not limited to the description of political events and elites, but has come to include concerns about gender, culture, repression, resistance, collaboration, and memory struggles, among many others. This text also aims to present studies produced in Latin America to an anglophone audience, a dialogue that is not always fluid given linguistic barriers and structural inequalities in 21st-century global academia. (I would like to acknowledge the help received in the elaboration of this text by three of the most important Latin American specialists on this subject: Marina Franco, Vania Markarian, and Rodrigo Patto Sá Motta from Argentina, Uruguay, and Brazil, respectively. I am also grateful with El Colegio de México in Mexico City and its fantastic library, where I was able to consult many of the books mentioned here. This text received financial support from the Fondecyt Project, number 1220238 [ANID-Chile].)

– Vuelta en U. Guía para entender y reactivar la democracia estancada, by Sergio Aguayo Quezada. México D.F.: Taurus, 2010.– Consolidating Mexico’s Democracy. The 2006 Presidential Campaign in Comparative Perspective, edited by Jorge I. Domínguez, Chappell Lawson and Alejandro Moreno. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2009.– El centro dividido. La nueva autonomía de los gobernadores, by Rogelio Hernández Rodríguez. Mexico City: El Colegio de México, 2008. – México. ¿Un nuevo regimen politico? edited by Octavio Rodríguez Araujo. México D.F.: Siglo XXI, 2009. – Mexico’s Democratic Challenges. Politics, Government, and Society, edited by Andrew Selee and Jacqueline Peschard. Washington/Stanford: Woodrow Wilson Center Press/Stanford University Press, 2010.– Savage Democracy. Institutional Change and Party Development in Mexico, by Steven T. Wuhs. University Park, Pennsylvania: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2008.

Do urban workers commute too much? Bruce Hamilton (1982) was the first to raise the question whether urban workers' commuting journeys are too long or, in his terms, "wasteful." He argued that the monocentric urban model predicts that workers' commuting journeys will be minimized. To test the model, he calculated the minimum commuting journey length for the average worker in a group of U.S. cities and compared the results to the actual average commuting journey length for those workers. He assumed that any difference between the two figures was "wasteful commuting." He found that the average minimum commuting distance was only 1.1 miles, but the average distance actually commuted by workers in those cities was 8.7 miles, or nearly eight times as great. Hamilton therefore concluded that the monocentric urban model has little predictive value concerning commuting behavior and that actual commuting behavior could be predicted just as well using an assumption that commuting is random. Commuting behavior is a central feature of any model that purports to explain urban residential and job location choice. Hamilton's assertion that the monocentric urban model has little predictive value concerning commuting behavior therefore strikes at the heart of

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