Low applicatives in Catalan: the case of 'veure-hi'

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This paper analyzes an argument structure alternation found in Catalan in which a verb of perception appears with a non-referential locative pronominal clitic hi. In this alternation, a transitive verb like veure ‘to see’ can combine with the pronoun hi and form a stative intransitive predicate veure-hi, which means ‘to be able to see’, and with a reflexive pronoun es, as in veure-s’hi, which has a similar meaning plus an inchoative interpretation. This paper analyzes this alternation within the argument structure framework laid out by Wood and Marantz (2017). Specifically, I propose that the locative pronoun hi and the reflexive pronoun es are the exponents of expletive pronouns associated with identity functions that license different values of a single argument introducer head, i*. In the former case, hi appears in the complement position of i*, which gets a low applicative head interpretation, and the latter in the specifier position of a Voice functional head. With this approach, the paper paves the way for a unified approach to the different values that the locative pronoun hi can display in Catalan.

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  • Marek Piela

Naturally reflexive actions are expressed by intransitive reflexive stems in Hebrew and by transitive verbs with the reflexive pronoun sie in Polish. 2. Actions that are not naturally reflexive are expressed by transitive stems with the reflexive pronoun ’acmo in Hebrew, and by transitive verbs with the reflexive pronoun siebie in Polish. 3. Adverbials with anaphors referring to a subject contain personal pronouns in Hebrew, the reflexive pronoun siebie in Polish, if the reflexive reference of the pronoun is not abnormal. Otherwise the reflexive pronoun ’acmo and the emphatic pronoun samego siebie are used. 4. If a pronoun referring to the subject is a predicate, then in Hebrew it always has the form of an ordinary personal pronoun, while in Polish both the personal and the reflexive pronoun is possible, depending on the copula.

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Producing and inflecting verbs with different argument structure: Evidence from Greek aphasic speakers
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  • Vasiliki Koukoulioti + 1 more

Background: Verb argument structure affects language production in aphasia. Unaccusative verbs have been found to be more difficult than transitive or unergative verbs across languages. Transitivity is also a factor with variable influence across aphasia types. Verb inflection production, and in particular tense and aspect, has been found to be vulnerable in aphasia, too. These domains have been studied independently of each other, and their potential interaction has been scarcely addressed.Aims: The present study explores the effects of argument structure and past tense on verb production in Greek aphasia. Additionally, we address the question of the interrelation between inflection and verb and argument structure production.Methods & Procedures: Two tasks were administered to 10 aphasic participants (six anomic, two Wernicke’s and two agrammatic Broca’s). The first task (sentence elicitation) consisted of video presentation and description of the video. The second task (tensed sentence elicitation) consisted of presentation of a video preceded by an adverbial prompting for a specific inflection marking. Participants had to produce a sentence with a verb in a specific past form. In both tasks, three verb classes were tested (unergative, unaccusative and transitive verbs with one object) with six items each.Outcomes & Results: The sentence elicitation task showed that unaccusative verbs are the most difficult class for the aphasic participants whose predominant error was the production of +agentive verbs instead of unaccusatives. The tensed sentence elicitation task showed that while for most patients there was no effect of inflection on verb and verb argument production, a decremental effect was noticed for an agrammatic participant.Conclusions: We suggest that +/− agentivity ranks above transitivity concerning verb production. To account for the unaccusativity effect, we provide a novel account based on the distinction between thematic and aspectual dimension and argue that unaccusative verbs are more difficult to produce, because they involve a mismatch between the two dimensions of argument structure (thematic and aspectual dimension). Concerning the effect of past tense on verb production we show that such pattern is possible but it does not emerge at the group level. Finally, our group data do not suggest any interrelation between inflection, on the one hand, and verb and argument structure production, on the other hand.

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Morphosyntax of causativised passives in Xitsonga
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Previous research on argument structure (AS) has shown that verb processing costs scale with the number of arguments and as a result of non-canonical thematic mapping. The Basque language has unique AS: Basque unergatives and transitives select transitive auxiliary and ergative subject case markings, while unaccusatives are syntactically less complex. We studied the contribution of these syntactic factors in seventy-one, simultaneous Basque-Spanish bilinguals, measuring their performance on unergative, unaccusatives, and transitive verbs in a lexical decision and a sentence production task. We observed no differences between verb groups in the lexical decision task. In the production task, Basque unergatives elicited more ungrammatical sentences, while Spanish unaccusatives, in line with previous findings, elicited longer speech onset times. Our results indicate that AS processing can differ across languages, calling for further cross-linguistic investigation.

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  • Research Article
  • Cite Count Icon 1
  • 10.24843/e-jl.2019.v13.i02.p05
Verbal Clause Construction of Ciacia Language: Syntactic Typology Study
  • May 31, 2019
  • e-Journal of Linguistics
  • I Nyoman Udayana + 3 more

Typology study of Ciacia language (CL) in various linguistic aspects has not been conducted yet. It is the first study that focus on syntactic typology. Ciacia language is one of local languages in Buton Regency, Southeast Sulawesi Province. The study focuses on five main problems, they are (1) How is the base construction of verbal clause in CL? (2) How are the predicate and structure argument constructions of verbal clause in CL, (3) How are the simple predicate and complex predicate constructions of verbal clause in CL? (4) How are valency and valency change mechanism of verbal clause construction in CL? (5) How are complex sentence construction and grammatical alliance system?. The oral data of this study is obtained through recording and elicitation techniques. Written data is obtained through the previous studies. The study also used synthetic data which is verrified by the informants. The data was analyzed by apportion (distributional) method.
 The investigation of clause base construction shows that verbal clause construction of Ciacia language is always filled by subject and aspect markers (PS/A) that is affixed to PRED verb. Base structure of verbal clause in CL consists of verbal predicated clause and non-verbal predicated clause. Non-verbal predicated clause can be constructed through base nominal and adjective categories. Verbal clause predicate can be filled by intransitive base verb, mono transitive base verb, ditransitive base verb, and ambi-transitive base verb.
 Predication and argument structure of verbal clause construction in CL can be classified in to verbal clause: (i) intransitive with one main argument in terms of SUBJ and as A or OBJ systematically; (ii) semi-transitive with one main argument as A/ACT and with the presence of OBJ argument optionally; (iii) mono-transitive with two main arguments, namely SUBJ as A/ACT with one OBJ argument as UND, (iv) ditransitive with three main arguments, namely SUBJ as A/ACT before PRED and two arguments after PRED, in terms of OTL (indirect object) and OL (direct object); and (v) ambi-transitive with one main argument, namely SUBJ, either as Sa or as So.
 Valency and transitivity of verbal clause construction in CL consists of (i) valency and intransitive verb transitivity with one argument or verb with one valency; (ii) semi-transitive verb with one argument before verb and the presence of argument after Pred verb optionally; (iii) transitive with the obligatory of O presence after Pred verb, so it has two main arguments or verb that has two valency arguments, namely S and O; (iv) ditransitive with three main arguments or verb that has three valency arguments; (v) ambi-transitive with only one argument or verb that has one valency.
 Verbal clause construction in CL can be filled by simple Pred verb and complex Pred verb. Simple predicate is created by base verb/intransitive verb and non-verb category, semi-transitive verb, and transitive verb with PS/A. Complex predicate is created through verb (i) intransitive; (ii) semi-transitive verb; and (iii) transitive integral verb. The valency change mechanism of verbal clause construction in CL can be done through formal causativation and semantic causativation, applicative, and resultative.

  • Single Book
  • Cite Count Icon 796
  • 10.7551/mitpress/9700.001.0001
Learnability and Cognition
  • Jan 1, 2013
  • Steven Pinker

Part 1 A learnability paradox: argument structure and the lexicon the logical problem of language acquisition Baker's paradox attempted solutions to Baker's paradox. Part 2 Constraints on lexical rules: morphological and phonological constraints semantic constraints how semantic and morphological constraints might resolve Baker's paradox evidence for criteria-governed productivity problems for the criteria-governed productivity theory. Part 3 Constraints and the nature of argument structure: overview - why lexical rules carry semantic constraints constraints of lexical rules as manifestations of more general phenomena a theory of argument structure on universality. Part 4 Possible and actual forms: the problem of negative exceptions transitive action verbs as evidence for narrow subclasses the nature of narrow conflation classes defining and motivating subclasses of verbs licensing the four alterations the relation between narrow-range and broad-range rules. Part 5 Representation: the need for a theory of lexicosemantic representation is a theory of lexical semantics feasible? evidence for a semantic subsystem underlying verb meanings a cross-linguistic inventory of components of verb meaning a theory of the representation of grammatically relevant semantic structures explicit representations of lexical rules an lexicosemantic structures summary. Part 6 Learning: linking rules lexical semantic structures broad conflation classes (thematic cores) and broad range lexical rules summary of learning mechanisms. Part 7 Development: developmental sequence for argument structure alterations the unlearning problem children's argument structure changing rules are always semantically conditioned do children's errors have the same cause as adults? acquisition of verb meaning and errors in argument structure some predictions about the acquisition of narrow-range rules summary of development. Part 8 Conclusions: a brief summary of the resolution of the paradox argument structure as a pointer between syntactic structure and propositions the autonomy of semantic representation implications for the semantic bootstrapping hyposthesis conservatism, listedness and the lexicon spatial schemas and abstract thought.

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