Love, honour and God: Pashto writings of early modern times

Reviewed by: Japanese Warrior Prints 1646-1905 Nam-Lin Hur (bio) James King and Yuriko Iwakiri, editors. Japanese Warrior Prints 1646-1905. Brill. 2007. 408. US$154.00 In understanding the warrior prints (musha-e) that flourished in Japan, we need two sets of materials: the warrior prints themselves and the historical tales of war (gunki monogatari) from which these prints were drawn. The warrior prints emerged in the mid-seventeenth century and came to an end in 1905 - the year the Russo-Japanese War was concluded. [End Page 448] Japanese Warrior Prints 1645-1905 contains a finely selected group of representative warrior prints that visualize heroic samurai figures who coloured the critical moments of Japanese history. This collection of illustrations, which is presented chronologically and accompanied by well-documented renditions, offers a rich repertoire of visual representations of heroism. It is worth noting that these prints not only entertained readers but also helped to support the woodblock-print industry in early modern and Meiji times. The editors of this volume, James King and Yuriko Iwakiri, have done a wonderful job in locating, collecting, classifying, and cataloguing a wide range of warrior prints. This publication will surely serve as a comprehensive introduction to Western readers who might ask why and how the Japanese people became so infatuated with heroic warriors and their tales, which stretch from the Shōmonki (Chronicle of Masakado, 940) to the Taiheiki (Chronicle of the Great Peace, c. 1340-67) in early modern times. Interestingly, the background of warrior prints is found in ancient and medieval times, but the prints themselves were a product of early modern times. One might wonder about this. The editors do not directly tackle this question but, rather, focus on the details of the comings and goings of the artists who produced the prints as well as the artistic styles and literary and theatrical ramifications of these pieces over time. In the historical trajectory of warrior prints, the Sino-Japanese War (1894-95), which was followed ten year later by the Russo-Japanese War (1904-05), proved to be a turning point in that the previous heroic samurai and their much-cherished sword fights were replaced with modern military officers and the unprecedented machinery of war. This produced a new genre, often referred to as sensō-e (war pictures). As King and Iwakiri point out, 'Whilst musha-e as a genre was often infused with nostalgia, sensō-e are propaganda pieces, advertisements of the military triumphs which glorify the courage and determination of the "modern" Japanese army and navy.' Still, this new genre of sensō-e reflected, to some extent, the traditional sentiments of heroic tales, all of which featured acts of bravery conducted against insurmountable odds. To be sure, in early modern times the warrior prints could not escape government censorship. But the most critical challenge, and the one that eventually ended the tradition of warrior prints, was, understandably, 'the new lithographic and photographic technologies which allowed war reportage to be circulated more immediately and, in the opinion of many, more realistically.' Modern technology delivered the death knell of the warrior prints, which had been embedded in a superhuman heroism that refused the limits of time and space. But the termination of warrior prints did not mean the demise of warrior culture, which has been carved deep into the collective psyche [End Page 449] of the Japanese. In early modern times, for example, Empress Jingū (and, by extension, her son Emperor Ōjin), who had, according to legend, conquered the ancient Korean kingdoms, brought the Japanese to the height of national pride. She was certainly a military hero. Similarly, the high points of the Sino-Japanese War and the Russo-Japanese War at the turn of the nineteenth century, which were thoroughly exploited for representation in warrior prints, decisively elevated Japan to the status of a great power. It is ironic that the flowering of warrior prints in these years presaged their demise. Still, the heroic images of warrior prints continued to survive until 1945, albeit through a different medium. Japanese Warrior Prints 1645-1905 offers a valuable graphic introduction to the enduring power of warrior culture in Japanese history. Nam...

The starting point of this study concerns the origins of the polycentric nature of contemporary cities in the western area of the Netherlands, commonly known as ‘the Randstad’. Within the disciplines of planning and urban design the Randstad is considered a textbook example of a polycentric urban hierarchy. Yet, although quite a popular topic, very little is actually known about the driving forces that have given shape to existing urban hierarchies throughout the world. Moreover, the Randstad has also been dubbed ‘Holland’s paradox’ because of its assumed reversed evolution from a primate city hierarchy focused on Amsterdam in early modern times, to a polycentric hierarchy in the 19th century. Why do urban hierarchies change over time and which factors were decisive for the rise of the polycentric Randstad? This study consists of two parts and six chapters. Part I explores the determining factors of change within urban hierarchies. The first chapter gives an assessment of the usefulness of existing theory and ends in confusion: firstly, historiography turns out to be a medley of explanations that are heterogeneous and sometimes even contradictive. Secondly, comparisons of the long-term development of multiple towns are lacking, which makes it difficult to come up with a theoretical approach. In order to make such comparisons and ascertain the impact of certain factors on urban hierarchies over time, it’s necessary to look at the development of a group of towns over a long time-span. Therefore, in the second chapter, simple statistics are compared with existing theory and literature. To do so, demographic data for the nine towns of Amsterdam, Haarlem, Leiden, Delft, The Hague, Rotterdam, Dordrecht, Gouda and Utrecht were compared from their first appearance in the 13th century until the end of the 20th century by projecting their demographic hierarchy in a graph and on a map. In this manner explanations were measured on their applicability for the case of the Randstad. This explorative exercise results in both a description of long-term change in hierarchy in the Randstad and a theoretical approach. Long-term change in the urban hierarchy of the Randstad roughly proceeded in three phases. In the Middle Ages there was a polycentric hierarchy wherein the oldest cities, Utrecht and Dordrecht, were dominant. Although all towns in Holland grew rapidly in the 14th century, by the 1560s one of the youngest and smallest towns, Amsterdam, suddenly took the lead. In the second phase, between 1560 and 1795, a monocentric hierarchy developed with Amsterdam as a primate city. In this dynamic period, where many towns changed ranks, severe growth followed by shrinkage occurred simultaneously with sharpening inequality between towns. In the third phase, between 1795 and 2000, the hierarchy became polycentric once more, with a group of large towns taking the lead. This was mostly due to the extraordinary growth of Rotterdam and The Hague. In contrast with the second phase, the parallel appearance of sharp growth and inequality did not coincide with change in ranks. As a conclusion of part I, in chapter 3 the three determining factors for change in urban hierarchies over time are identified. Urban hierarchy is interpreted as a functional division of tasks between multiple centres, which is the result of differences in the towns’ competitive positions over time. The potency of a town’s competitive position is primarily determined by the interaction of (1) its properties on the one hand and (2) the conditions on the international market on the other. Additionally this interaction is structurally influenced by (3) contribution of a sovereign government. Governments can stimulate or disadvantage towns, but have done so in different ways. Part II further concretizes this approach by further investigation of the third factor. Here, governmental contribution to long-term change in urban hierarchies is given priority over the other two determining factors. Chapters 4, 5 and 6 focus successively on the constitutional periods of the Middle Ages (1200-1560), the Early Modern Age (1560-1795) and the Modern Age (1795-2000). These periods correspond to the three phases in long-term change in the demographic hierarchy from chapter 2. The aim of part II is twofold. Firstly, to identify and compare the manner in which sovereign government has been able to influence the towns’ competitive positions from the 13th until the end of the 20th century. Which trends are discernable in the toolbox of competitive advantages and their distribution by the sovereign government? How can governmental influence on change in urban hierarchies best be characterized? Secondly, if possible, to point out which governmental measures presumably contributed to change in urban hierarchy in general and, specifically, to the rise of the polycentric Randstad. Which measures show the most plausible correlation with change within the urban hierarchy? In order to identify competitive advantages for each constitutional period, a further look at the functional division of tasks, the economic context, and the governmental organization is taken in chapters 4, 5 and 6. Subsequently an impression of the distribution of so-called competitive advantages over the nine Randstad towns is sketched. At the end of each chapter the competitive advantages of a period are summed up, and their distribution is compared to the demographic hierarchy of chapter 2, to assess their impact. My research has resulted in the following conclusions to the aforementioned questions. During the Middle Ages a town’s competitive position could be stimulated with (1) international trade policy (safe conducts, trade agreements), (2) national economic policy (protectionist measures, staple- and minting policy), (3) exceptions of generally applied restrictions (town charters, toll exceptions), (4) distribution of governmental institutions, (5) donations of land property and kingly privileges, (6) granting of infrastructural concessions and awarding (7) urban autonomy. Heavy taxing and prolonged warfare were competitive disadvantages. In the early modern era (1) international trade policy, (2) distribution of governmental institutions and (3) infrastructural concessions were part of the toolkit. Heavy taxing was once more a disadvantage. During the modern era simulative measures were (1) funding of infrastructure, (2) industrial policy, (3) distribution of governmental institutions, (4) national spatial planning and (5) popular housing policy. Building restrictions were a negative for a town’s competitive position. The toolbox of sovereign government in general consists of three basic types of competitive advantages. Firstly, instruments that were aimed at the competitive position of one town exclusively, like staple rights, town charters, toll exemptions, donations of property and rights, urban autonomy and the distribution of governmental institutions. Secondly, instruments that were aimed at the region as a whole, like national and international economic policy. Third are side effects or collateral damage of other governmental policies, like prolonged warfare, heavy taxing and building restrictions stemming from spatial planning policy. The last category often turns out to be disadvantageous for towns’ competitive positions. Sovereign government didn’t apply the same variety of measures at every period. The overall package moved from a rather versatile toolbox in the 13th and 14th centuries to an increasingly limited one in the early modern period. In the 15th and 16th centuries, a discernable trend towards diminishing the variation in competitive advantages sets in, resulting in a rather limited toolbox in the 17th and 18th centuries. After a short expansion of instruments in the first half of the 19th century and a subsequent phase in the second half of the same century, where the number of instruments again strongly declined, the 20th century once again showed a governmental toolbox of various nature. On the long term, infrastructure and the distribution of governmental institutions were permanently part of the competitive advantages-toolbox; although before the 19th century sovereign government virtually never initiated the construction of infrastructure. Throughout most of the investigated period international economic policy and taxing played a role. Local exceptions like town charters and urban autonomy were exclusively medieval phenomena while spatial planning and popular housing policy are only found in the modern period. During the Middle Ages exclusive competitive advantages and common measures were both applied. Almost all nine towns seem to profit from this, although Dordrecht was generally more privileged than others. From the 15th century on exclusive privileges gradually disappear and more collective measures are taken, from which Amsterdam seems to profit. In the early modern era, the overall majority of measures taken were collective ones aimed at the common interest of towns or the region. Nonetheless, somehow Amsterdam seems to have profited above average without exception. In the modern era so many ‘collective’ stimulating measures were taken that this resulted in rather different competitive positions spatially. The distribution can best be characterized as a continuous strive for balance. Looking at the distribution of competitive advantages, governmental activity was variable throughout the entire period. Lots of competitive advantages were distributed in the 13th, 14th, early 17th and early 19th centuries. Subsequently governmental involvement gradually increased and in the 20th century government had its hands full continuously. In sharp contrast, distribution in the 16th and in particularly the second half of the 17th and 18th centuries was rather sparse. Strikingly, other measures than instruments that were explicitly aimed at the towns’ interests show the biggest correlation with change in the demographic hierarchy as shown in chapter 2. In the Middle Ages structural warfare coincided with the marked rise of Amsterdam and recession in the others; tax pressure in early modern times correlated with the decline of towns with industrial profiles; and 20th century demographic decline related to building restrictions in modern times. In general, the governmental role to change in urban hierarchy can best be understood as a facilitative one. The abovementioned centers of gravity in the distribution of competitive advantages coincided with periods of economic expansion and demographic growth in towns. This was the case in periods of urban expansion in the 13th-14th centuries and the 17th century. Only in the 19th century did governmental action precede urban growth. Although side effects in general seem to have been decisive, there’s one marked exception to the rule. The head start of the three biggest towns, and the catching up of Rotterdam and The Hague, does correlate with the construction of (inter)national infrastructure and the distribution of governmental institutions between the 1850s en 1950s. This means that the rise of the polycentric Randstad, exceptionally, was created by conscious use of aimed governmental instruments! This study concludes with a striking hypothesis. Via the description of the governmental organization in each period, by accident attention is drawn to the fact that by bargaining over tax funds, towns themselves gathered political influence in the 15th and even power in the 17th-18th centuries. The rise of urban power coincides with stagnation in the distribution of competitive advantages and the disappearance of exclusive instruments out of the governmental toolkit. This, firstly, gave rise to the suspicion that, once in power, urban representatives preferably avoid the stimulation of opponents’ competitive positions. When combined with the fact that, after disabling towns financially and politically, sovereign government in the second half of the 19th century pursued a policy wherein they kept aloof of dominant Amsterdam and stimulated other large towns, a second hypothesis can be formulated. Could it be that the rise of the polycentric Randstad wasn’t coincidence, and that Holland’s paradox was the result of a deliberate reckoning with an old political elite?

De wortels van de Randstad. Overheidsinvloed en stedelijke hiërarchie in het westen van Nederland tussen de 13de en 20ste eeuw

De wortels van de Randstad. Overheidsinvloed en stedelijke hiërarchie in het westen van Nederland tussen de 13de en 20ste eeuw

In the (post-)modern Western world, “archaeological” sites, especially sites that contain ruinous buildings, are often regarded as places of great importance; they can give people a sense of belonging to certain ethnic groups, religious worldviews, or civilizing missions. Since the rise of nation-states, these sites time and again came to symbolize a combination of national, cultural, and political origins. Sometimes a ruin was also regarded as a prefiguration of future prosperity, or even as a place that symbolizes a parallel or even lost world. But the spectrum of meanings connected to these places is much greater than this. This can become clear if we look at the ways ruins were depicted and explained in the early modern time in Europe, and in the context of Western colonial expansion.1 During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries in Europe, ruins—“real” ones or so-called follies in landscape gardens—often figured in allegorical explanations that contained strong moral or religious connotations. They functioned as “memento mori”-signs or as warnings against decay and decadence. Western travelers in the non-Western world in early modern and modern times, who encountered “archaeological” sites with ruined buildings seem to have given them more or less the same meaning as they used to do with ruins closer to home.

EnglishRuling the country and in the country. On the process of state formation in early modern limes. For more than a decade, the concept of has been very popular when it comes to describing processes of statebuilding in early modern times. Schennach's contribution outlines the genesis of this theoretical concept inspired by research activities on early modern good police (guie Policey), by discussions on the myth of absolutism and by new cultural history. The paper illustrates potentials and deficits of this approach by using the example of the so-called Kammerprokurator in the Austrian Hereditary Lands. It can be shown that the concept of has its limits, tends to blend out the repressive aspects of ruling in early modern times. It can only be seen as complementary to works which analyse the development of administrad ve and constitutional structures in the long run. Englishhistory of administration, constitutional history, statebuilding, early modern times, negotiating power

EnglishRuling the country and in the country. On the process of state formation in early modern limes. For more than a decade, the new concept of "negotiating power" has been very popular when it comes to describing processes of statebuilding in early modern times. Schennach's contribution outlines the genesis of this theoretical concept inspired by research activities on early modern "good police" (guie Policey), by discussions on the "myth" of absolutism and by "new" cultural history. The paper illustrates potentials and deficits of this approach by using the example of the so-called Kammerprokurator in the Austrian Hereditary Lands. It can be shown that the concept of "negotiating power" has its limits, tends to blend out the repressive aspects of ruling in early modern times. It can only be seen as complementary to works which analyse the development of administrad ve and constitutional structures in the long run. Englishhistory of administration, constitutional history, statebuilding, early modern times, negotiating power

This chapter will examine the general theme of forced labor performed by Europeans overseas during early modern times, that is, from 1500 to roughly 1800. First, a general overview will discuss who formed this labor pool and why. Second, a look at the possible totals of forced laborers will suggest the level of impact or social control forced labor represented in a given society. Third, an outline of how various European powers used forced labor during early modern times will reflect how multifaceted this subject was and where it overlapped with related themes, such as the military. Finally, I will turn to the specific case of the Portuguese as an in-depth example of this process. In doing so, I will underline similarities and contrast the differences between the Portuguese use of forced labor and how other early modern European powers used these same marginal figures in their societies. Because of large geographic and thematic gaps in the literature, this chapter is far from complete – even when we limit its scope to Europeans. In spite of this, I hope to provide a broad view of aspects of forced labor performed by them.

Трансформация Мира: История xix Века. Главы из Книги

Introduction. In the conditions of the acute phase of the Russian-Ukrainian war, the «historical» front acquires special signifi cance. This requires constant focus on all parts of the historical and legal process, which will allow to reproduce as clearly as possible the historical and legal reality of a particular period. The importance of analyzing the general principles of Ukrainian and Moscow law of the early modern period is due to the fact that it was at this time that the basic characteristics of law were established, which have largely not lost their relevance to this day. The aim of the article the defi nition and analysis in the context of state and political development of the general foundations of Ukrainian and Moscow law, in particular based on the architectural idea of power in early modern times. Results. At the time of the Lublin Union, the Volyn, Kyiv, and Podil voivodships had «their» right, the core of which was the law of the ancient Russian state. During the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, statutes, land law, German law. As part of the Commonwealth, the decisive infl uence on the legal life of all Ukrainian voivodships is Rusky, Podilsky, Volyn, Kyiv, Podilsky, Chernihiv (since 1634) had a common Commonwealth state and legal matrix, social communicative practices and processes. Thus, among the components of the public-law mechanism of the Commonwealth are the following: election of the king; contractual procedure for registration of relations between the monarch and the political people (nobility) in the form of pacta convent, the principle of nihil novi; equality of rights of all the nobility, regardless of property status; sejm practice, etc. His important factors were also the «Westernization» of Orthodoxy, the common European educational space, the development of cities and urban law. Against this background, the concept of the Russian / Ukrainian people, who settled in their specifi c lands, is being formed. The state and legal legal development in the territories of Vladimir-Suzdal and Moscow principalities is analyzed and it is stated that at the end of the 16th century. in Muscovy, the concept of autocracy was fully established as the only possible one. At the same time, Moscow society suff ered from Moscow’s piety, caused by state terror and extreme conservatism, which contrasted sharply with the intense theological theorizing of the West, stagnation, and isolation. Attention is drawn to the cultural activities of Ukrainian fi gures (Petro Mohyla, Sylvester Kosiv, etc Conclusions. The above shows that at the end of the sixteenth – the fi rst half of the seventeenth century. Ukrainian and Moscow law demonstrates diff erent sets of basic principles, which, at the same time, have a stable and lasting character, which gives grounds to speak of them as legal canons. In Moscow, the foundation of such a right-wing canon of power building includes the following elements: the indistinguishability of power and religion, the elevation of the monarch and his sacralization equally distance his people from him - all his states, which are equal to lawlessness. Enshrined by the Conciliar Code (1649) which was in force until the fi rst half. XIX century., Rigid hierarchical power-legal model of the king (power) – the rest (citizenship), in which the infi nity / infi nity / immensity of monarchical power led to «leveling the value of proportion and measure» on all the swords of Moscow society. The legal canon of building power in the Ukrainian lands in early modern times is determined by the traditional role of the monarch as a mediator between the sacred and the profane, and the social order was built between two centers of power – secular (monarch) and religious (The Pope), and social progress – urban development , universities, in the broadest sense of civil society – was due to competition between it and religious tolerance, which echoed the noble ideology of «golden liberties». And the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth demonstrated a generally atypical type of state-power relations in Europe at that time, which was characterized by the absence of a state monopoly on violence, and thus social practices that in various ways contributed to maintaining peace and tranquility. Key words: Ukrainian law, Moscow law, Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth,Muscovy, legal canon, state and legal development.

This study will explore the contexts of the lexical semantic change of the word zǒu “走, to walk” through the concepts of metonymy and metaphor. By examining the documents from ancient times, middle times to early modern times, this study has found that zǒu “走, to walk” in ancient times meant “to escape”. During the Wei Jin Southern and Northern Dynasties, the meaning became “to run”. In early modern times, the major meaning of “to walk” appeared. The semantics of the word zǒu “走, to walk” in ancient times, middle times, and early modern times has not changed much in basic concepts, following the general concept of “starting point → path → ending point”.KeywordsPolysemyAncient ChineseMetaphorMetonymy

Migrations have always been an essential part of the history of Europe and the Balkans. Few people realize how many ethnic and religious groups in the Balkans participated in migrations not only during the modern times but also during the ancient, medieval and early modern times. This article focusses on the Ottoman period of Balkan history. Migrationsare understood in a broader sense: as migrations from one country to another and as migrations from one culture to another (in form of changing the religion and/or the language and the identity). Both forms of border-crossing were often interrelated: People who converted from Christianity to Islam in the Ottoman provinces had no cause to emigrate und those who emigrated had no cause to change their religion. In many parts of the Islamic Mediterranean world we find converts (“renegades” as they were called by Christians). Most of them changed their religion voluntarily. But it often took one, two or more generationsuntil the converts accepted their new religion wholeheartedly. In the meantime they were regarded as crypto-Christians, who had formally converted to Islam, but practiced Christianity in private life. These crypto-Christians (or Poturi as they were called in Bosnia) were a widespread phenomenon. By changing places or changing cultures (voluntarily or forcibly) new experiences and often new identities were shaped. Balkan history is for a great part a history of movements. But so far, there has beenno attempt to systematize the migration of southeastern Europe from the early modern period to the 20th century beyond national-historiographic, nationallinguistic, or microregional approaches. Not even the beginnings of a synthesis of the migratory events are on the horizon. This has to do with the national focus of historical scholarship and the inclination tointerpret an ethnic group (the alleged nucleus of a modern nation) as an everlasting, eternal phenomenon. Apart from the fact that there is no consensus how to define an ethnic group we should consider the fact that the composition of ethnic groups has often changed as a result of spatial and cultural migrations. For most people in early modern times ethnicity was an empty category (in contrast to religious affiliation). And the designations used in early modern travel books also resist clear ethnic interpretation (e.g. “Greeks”, “Turks”, “Vlachs”, “Saxons”, “Serbs” etc.). Not everyone, who identified himself to travelers as a “Greek”, because as an Orthodox Christian in the Ottoman Empire he was subject to the Patriarchate in Constantinople or used Greek as the lingua franca of merchants, was ethnically Greek. The selfsame is true for other designations which were derived from a former state, a region or a profession. And those who nowadays speak a štokavian idiom and are Catholics(=Croats) are not necessarily the descendants of those who spoke štokavian and were Catholics in the 16th century. And so on. The (biological) continuity of an ethnic group cannot be proved (nor refuted). So, the study of pre-modern migrations breaks the chains of national narratives and demands a new approach beyond fixed ethnical (or national) ascriptions.

The construction of Chinese Economics began in early modern times. Some scholars discussed its system construction then, however, the current academic circle has not paid enough attention to this field. For the first time, this article systematically investigates the exploration of the research content construction of Chinese Economics in early modern times. By focusing on the achievements which have theoretical consciousness and are in line with the understanding of Chinese Economics at that time, this article in-depth mines the first-hand literature, classifies them into four categories, that is, with several theoretical and practical issues as the main components, with “philosophy-theory-policy”as the main component, referring to the “Das Kapital” system as the main component, and referring to the classical economics “Quartering” as the main component, and analyzes the points put forward by scholars with different theoretical backgrounds from the late 1920s to the 1940s. This article mainly draws the following conclusions: First, the exploration has established a basic framework for the research content of Chinese Economics in the early modern context, covering a series of economic issues which include the historical evolution of China’s economy, the nature of China’s society, the operation of China’s economy, China’s production relations, industrialization and rural economy construction, fiscal and financial reforms and so on. Second, an important logic on system construction embodied in this process is that, based on absorbing the existing economic theories, the key point is to deeply explore the unique problems in the historical background of China’s economy and society that transformed from tradition to modern ones. Third, the early modern exploration failed to build a recognized mode of the research content which could be followed. The direct reason is that there was a lack of theoretical abstraction and refinement of the economic issues. The fundamental reason is that early modern China was short of a social background of basic stability and owned a backward economic research level. All these kept it away from the establishment of a mature and systematical economics.The academic value of this paper could be concluded in three aspects: First, it proposes a research framework based on system construction, especially on the research content, and forms a new perspective to integrate the works of early modern Chinese Economics.Second, it closely surrounds the category of Chinese Economics, and excavates a series of first-hand historical document, thus expanding the literature in this field.Third, it systematically shows the achievements and progress of early modern Chinese Economics on the research content, and provides enlightenments for accelerating the construction of the Socialist Political Economics with Chinese Characteristics.

This article examines the development of Onmyodo in the early modern period of Edo Japan. Although much of the focus on Onmyodo has been on the ancient and medieval periods, early modern Onmyodo had a completely different historical meaning due to various social developments in the Edo period. First, the Tsuchimikado family gained official recognition from the shogunate so that all divination activity required licensing from them. Second, calendar creation and astronomical observations, formerly the responsibility of the Imperial Court's Onmyodo Bureau, shifted to a new "office of astronomy" created by the bakufu. This system, in which religious practitioners such as those affiliated with Onmyodo were incorporated into the bakufu's ruling framework, was dominant during the Edo period but was systematically dismantled by the Meiji government in the late nineteenth century.KEYWORDS: Tsuchimikado family-calendar-warrior Onmyodo-Shosha negi kannushi hatto-shuinjo-manzai(ProQuest: ... denotes non-US-ASCII text omitted.)The first academic study of Onmyodo ... (the way of yin-yang) was Saito's study of Onmyodo in the Ocho period. For a long time, this was the only available reference work (Saito 1915). It covered nearly all the basic topics in Onmyodo: Chinese Onmyodo texts, the organization of the Onmyodo Bureau in the ritsuryo ... system of governance, tenmondo ... (astrology) and divination, rekido ... (calendar studies) and divination, ideas surrounding the use of natural disasters and auspicious signs in politics, and so on. The next serious academic work to appear was Murayama's general overview of Japanese Onmyodo (1981), the first comprehensive overview of Onmyodo history, covering ancient to early modern times. With the publication of this book, scholars were given a resource that covered Onmyodo not only of the Heian period (794-1185) Imperial Court, but also the Kamakura period (1185-1333) and Muromachi period (1336-1573) warriors, the general populace, and early modern times. However, it is clear that Murayama's primary interest was in Heian period Imperial Court Onmyodo: he held warrior Onmyodo to be an imitation of it, and the popularized Onmyodo of the masses to be its skeletonized version. Murayama's view of Onmyodo history maintained that the content of Onmyodo was gradually emptied out in each era following its peak in the Heian period, with it falling into ruin at the end of the medieval era. According to his view, in the medieval and early modern eras, Onmyodo lost its substance and became vulgarized with the passage of time.After the publication of Murayama's book, naturally the next generation of scholars criticized his work, using it to drive their own research forward. Among them, some argued that the peak of Onmyodo was not during the Heian period, but the Muromachi period. Yanagihara Toshiaki and Imatani Akira drew attention to the fact that the onmyoji ... (Onmyodo practitioner) Abe Ariyo ?? ... carried out national prayers under Muromachi shogun Ashikaga Yoshimitsu ... that resulted in him being promoted to the Second Junior Court Rank (junii ...). Thus, they concluded that the era of Yoshimitsu was "the golden age of Onmyodo" (Yanagihara 2002, 123-40; Imatani 1990).1 As for scholars working on early modern Onmyodo, since Murayama barely covered the topic, they did not directly criticize his work. However, this does not mean they shared his view of Onmyodo history. Through their research, it became clear that early modern (early Edo) Onmyodo had a completely different historical meaning than its previous forms (Endo 1994; Murayama 1992; Hayashi 2005; Umeda 2009). Two landmark events in its history include the following. First, thanks to recognition by the shogun Tokugawa Tsunayoshi ... in 1683 through a shuinjo ... (letter bearing the shogun's vermillion seal), the Tsuchimikado ... family (descendants of the Abe family) began to manage onmyoji throughout Japan. They recognized religious practitioners and entertainers as onmyoji, certified their activities, and created an onmyoji social status group. …

The surrounding area of Bubbling Well Road in early modern times, Shanghai, served as an important transportation hub connecting the western and central districts of Shanghai’s International Settlement. It also marked the beginning of a half-century trend of profit-oriented private gardens. The development process from rural outskirts to bustling commercial areas is exemplified by the area of Bubbling Well Road, making it significant for the study of urban transformation in early modern times in Shanghai. In this work, private gardens in the vicinity of Bubbling Well Road are examined as hierarchical elements of urban subdivision using the layering approach of the Historic Urban Landscape. Based on summarizing the trajectory of different types of private gardens under urbanization, typical time nodes were extracted and then horizontally correlated with the process of urbanization to elucidate the hierarchical logic underlying the symbiotic interaction between private gardens and cities. The results show that private gardens have created new hot spots and gathered a lot of popularity for the Jing’an Temple area, prompting this area to gradually evolve from a traditional town to a “backyard garden” of Concession dominated by the entertainment industry. Through the rapid development of the modern entertainment, commerce, and real estate industries, the Jing’an Temple area successfully embraced the trend of developing Concession to the West while achieving transformations in business models and urban style. Finally, with the assistance of the transitional entertainment space, such as profit-oriented gardens, the Jing’an Temple area has successfully undergone a transformation into a modern entertainment industry hub and solidified its commercial status as the “consumption circle” of Shanghai. We systematically investigated the significance of the urban subdivision layer in relation to the temporal changes in the urban environmental structure and the evolution of spatial organization patterns at the macro level; this helps deepen the historical urban landscape approach from an ideological framework level to the practical level.