Lost in Digital Translation: Forging a Common Approach to Technology in a Cross-Cultural Saharan Archives Initiative

Since the Taliban’s return in 2021, Taliban as a pro-Pashtun movement, have launched a systematic campaign against human rights in Afghanistan that affects all ethnic minority groups including Turkish minorities Kyrgyz Uzbeks Tatar Hazara Qizilbash. Taliban fighters have been accused of helping to forcibly evict Turkish minorities in northern Afghanistan, with the evictions targeting members of the ethnic mainly Uzbek, Turkmen and Hazara communities. Ethnic Uzbeks and Turkmen allege that Pashtuns seized their homes and land in the northern province of Jowzjan with the help of the Taliban. As a de-facto non-recognized government in Afghanistan by any States and the United Nations, the Taliban claims to be the de-jure government by the right of conquest of the capital in a civil war under the customary international law. On the other hand, the legal government of Afghanistan recognized by the United Nations, after its defeat in the civil war, still does not recognized as a government in exile with the capacity of signing international treaties by the United Nations. The recognition of the legal government of Afghanistan by the United Nations and the member States as the “government in exile” is the most important paramount to achieve the protection the Turkish Minorities from ethnic cleansing campaigns of the Taliban. The legality of the “government in exile of Afghanistan” within the United Nations legal system depends on the existing on whether Taliban is an occupying power in Kabul or not. This article aims to prove the existing legal background of the government in exile of Afghanistan for the first time int eh world. Keywords: Afghanistan, Taliban, Government in Exile, Kyrgyz, Uzbeks

Writing the history of Western Sahara can be difficult insofar as it means breaking the silence surrounding the territory and its population, the Sahrawi, whose existence as political subjects is often denied. In 1975, without consulting its inhabitants, Madrid ceded the territory of Western Sahara, a Spanish colonial possession since 1884, to the Kingdom of Morocco and the Islamic Republic of Mauritania. A first Sahrawi nationalist movement was born in the late 1960s, but the Spanish authorities harshly repressed it. In May 1973, the Polisario Front was born, and the United Nations recognized it as the legitimate representative of the Sahrawi people in May 1975. Until 1991, Libya and Algeria supported it in an asymmetrical war in which it defeated Mauritania (1979) and contained the Moroccan army. On September 6, 1991, Morocco and the Polisario Front signed an armistice under the auspices of the United Nations that provided for the establishment of a UN mission (MINURSO) and a referendum on self-determination. Thirty years on, however, the Sahrawi people remain divided: many have lived in refugee camps near Tindouf (Algeria) since 1975, some inhabit Moroccan-controlled areas (80 percent of the territory), and others live in the diaspora. On November 13, 2020, after a breach of military agreements by Morocco, the Polisario Front declared the ceasefire null and void. The war resumed and remains ongoing. Western Sahara has thus been at the center of a decolonization conflict since 1975. In this conflict, history has been brought into play to justify the legitimacy of one position or the other, often highlighting positions that do not take into account the complexity of political and social processes. The two sides have systematically interpreted the various events in light of the conflict, generating multiple, contradictory narratives. According to Sahrawi nationalists, for example, the Sahrawi people have existed since the dawn of history. In the refugee camps of Tindouf, one often encounters narratives according to which the rock art of the Western Sahara territory is a direct and uninterrupted testimony of a Sahrawi people who have existed since prehistoric times. From Morocco’s perspective, by contrast, the Saharan territory has always been part of the Kingdom of Morocco, as if Morocco always existed in this form and was not itself the result of a long historical process. Indeed, it is often forgotten that the parameters of territorial sovereignty in this area did not exist prior to European colonization—a reality obscured by Morocco’s claims. It is evident that writing the history of Western Sahara and its population is an impossible undertaking; it is therefore much more honest to propose a probable historical reconstruction, based on the rigorous interpretation of archival documents and testimonies collected within the framework of scientific research projects. Even so, such an undertaking can only ever be a subjective interpretation, mediated by knowledge but without any pretense of objectivity.

Aid agencies withdraw staff from Afghanistan as refugees flee to the border

Polityczna i pedagogiczna aktywność Janusza Jędrzejewicza na emigracji (1939–1951)

In the midst of the Second World War, the Allies acknowledged Germany's ongoing programme of extermination. In the Shadow of the Holocaust examines the struggle to attain post-war justice and prosecution. Focusing on Poland's engagement with the United Nations War Crimes Commission, it analyses the different ways that the Polish Government in Exile (based in London from 1940) agitated for an Allied response to German atrocities. Michael Fleming shows that jurists associated with the Government in Exile made significant contributions to legal debates on war crimes and, along with others, paid attention to German crimes against Jews. By exploring the relationship between the UNWCC and the Polish War Crimes Office under the authority of the Polish Government in Exile and later, from the summer of 1945, the Polish Government in Warsaw, Fleming provides a new lens through which to examine the early stages of the Cold War.

Africa’s Last Colony

Reviewed by: Diplomacy Arabic: An Essential Vocabulary by Elisabeth Kendall and Yehia A. Mohamed Mouloud Siber Elisabeth Kendall and Yehia A. Mohamed. Diplomacy Arabic: An Essential Vocabulary. Georgetown UP, 2020. 96 p. An Arabic-English dictionary, Diplomatic Arabic: An Essential Vocabulary encompasses most of the specific vocabulary used in diplomatic communication. Each entry begins with Arabic followed by its English translation. In their introduction, the authors acknowledge the growing, even urgent, need for publishing this type of material and follow it with a brief overview of its ten chapters, which are "internally ordered according to semantic field" (1). The first chapter, labeled "General," introduces a list of the principal vocabulary used in diplomacy. Some of these include diplomacy, the international order, principle/doctrine, colonialism, Arab World, The Middle East. This general listing continues in "Concepts and Practices," which is mostly theoretical. It deals with terminology commonly used in political science and philosophy: populism, neo-liberalism, Marxism, racism, utopianism, and others. The authors return to these chapters by dividing the words and expressions among the following chapters based on their lexical fields. "Diplomatic Service and Protocol" breaks away from theory and enumerates terminology mostly connected to diplomatic practice like diplomatic corps, ambassador, chief of protocol, form of address, diplomatic invitation. The "Organizations" chapter lists lexis endemic to inter/national and regional diplomatic organizations and entities and includes generic words like institution, organ, agency. As well, there are more specific terms like United Nations Organization, World Bank, United Nations Children's Fund, Amnesty International, European Union. The fifth chapter is devoted to vocabulary that connects diplomacy to "Elections and Government". It embodies a list of terms and phrases pertaining to government and the electoral process, including election, referendum, candidate, absolute majority, [End Page 231] Parliament. This chapter mostly relates to internal political affairs of countries. The sixth, however, is directly linked to a major objective of diplomacy, namely holding "Negotiations" among countries. It includes an informed list of words and expressions that describe negotiation as a major practice in diplomacy. Among these are negotiations, building consensus, consultation, mediation. "Treaties and Agreements" is allocated to the end-result of negotiations, namely reaching agreements and signing treaties and includes: agreement/treaty, declaration, commercial treaty, Free Trade Agreement, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and Geneva Convention. The seventh chapter, "Conflict Resolution and Defense," deals with another result of the diplomatic practice related to implementing peace within and among conflicting countries. It begins with the semantic of field of conflict with vocabulary like armed conflict, war crime, genocide, prisoner of war and moves to terms associated with their resolution like conflict mediation, dispute settlement, disarmament/demilitarization, peace keeping forces and so on. The last two, "Civil Society and Human Rights" and "Globalization and Economic Development" embody vocabulary related to a world where people enjoy fundamental human rights and economic prosperity or suffer the absence thereof. The lexis of the former is related to standards of civility and human rights like civil society, non-profit, volunteerism, human rights, United Nations Human Rights Programme, in contrast to their opposites, like human rights violations and crimes against humanity. "Globalization and Economic Development" includes globalization, global village, free market economy and their counter-parts like anti-globalization, cultural relativism along with words that describe world economic growth. At the end of Diplomacy Arabic, the authors include an Index in English of most of the entries to facilitate its use. The ten chapters offer an exhaustive list of words and expressions commonly used in diplomacy. The audience is not limited [End Page 232] to people who work in this area and "students [and scholars] of international affairs" (1). Reporters, human rights activists, business people, and others, whose practices are closely connected to the Arabspeaking world, can also use it. Since the entries start with Arabic and the Index is in English, Diplomacy Arabic is accessible to both English speakers using or learning Arabic and Arabic speakers using or learning English. It is devoted to communication contexts where relations are negotiated and agreements are reached, so it can help its users to avoid getting "lost in translation". Mouloud Siber Mouloud Mammeri University of Tizi-Ouzou Copyright © 2020 Rocky Mountain Modern Language Association...

The purpose of this article is to analyze data on the functioning of the Jewish Community in Lvov during the years 1919-1924. The indicated problems will enable to show the functioning of the Jewish minority in the conditions of the reviving Polish state - both in socio-political terms, and in the organizational aspect. It is particularly important to show the Jewish minority opinion about the conditions of Second Polish Republic. Additionally, this article will help restore the memory of the individual members of the Jewish community in Lvov. The selected issue is a part of the research conducted on a larger scale, whose aim is to enrich knowledge and overcome the deficit of research in the science of politics on the concept of ethnic policy - proposed in the years 1939-1947 by the Polish government in exile. The fundamental finding of the analysis is the fact, that the Board accepted the Polish state and the dominant role of the Polish nation in the system of democratic political power.

Leonardo Casalino, Antifascist Italian Refugees in the US and the Mazzini Society. Among antifascist Italian émigrés who had found a refuge in the US in the 1930's, some liberal-socialists founded the Mazzini Society in 1939. This organization tried to imprint democratic antifascist values in the Italo-American community and to influence the Roosevelt Administration's policy concerning Italy and its political evolution after the defeat of the fascist government. Attempts were made to create a federation of all antifascist associations in the US and in South American countries. But, because it was unwelcomed by the Allies, the project to establish an Italian government in exile and to create an Italian legion of voluntary soldiers never materialized.

To understand the different developments that shaped the Yugoslav war crimes policy it is important to analyse the impact of international discussions on the Yugoslav criminal law and the Yugoslav involvement in the United Nations War Crimes Commission (UNWCC). During the Second World War two different institutions claimed to be the legal representatives of the Yugoslav people: The Yugoslav government in exile in London and the communist led AVNOJ (The Anti-Fascist Council for the National Liberation of Yugoslavia). With this in mind, this paper analyses Yugoslav war crimes policies from different perspectives and in different settings. It shows that the Yugoslav`s discussion about the punishment of war criminals was influenced by power struggles, geopolitical aims, and legitimacy. While Yugoslav government in exile got lost in internal nationalist struggles, it was the Yugoslav representative at the UNWCC, and the communist led State commission to investigate the crimes of the occupiers and their accomplices who took the active role and shaped the Yugoslav war crimes policy. In consequence the Yugoslav national law for prosecuting war crimes was developed from different sources: pre-WWII traditions, Soviet law, and the UNWCC.

An inter-humanitarian agency study of diabetes care and surveillance in humanitarian settings

Ihave no doubt that the fact that I am a politi cal scientist, and have developed a political scientist's approach to thinking about institu tions, has profoundly shaped my perceptions and conception of the United Nations. I think that when one studies the discipline for years, one develops categories that guide perception of reality, illuminating some aspects of it and perhaps de-emphasizing some others. I now see the United Nations as a political system. I spent the first six months of my tenure there rubbing my eyes and asking myself what was going on. I was sure that what was going on was not what was described in most of the books that I had read on the United Nations, which feature what political scientists call a formal, legalistic approach to the organization, includ ing organization charts, lists of subordinate and superordinate bodies, and formal functions. In the United Nations, as in most other political institutions, such books don't help much except as guides to locating offices. It soon became clear to me that I was watch ing what political scientists call power pro cesses?the processes that Harold Lasswell characterized as who gets what, when, and how. I observed that some countries exercise a very large share of control, other countries have some influence and some have none at all. I regret to tell you that the United States is?or long has been?in the last category. So I had two reasons for analyzing and diagnosing U.S. problems at the United Nations. The first reason centered on the political scientist's interest in understanding this important political system and its political processes. The other was the very practical obligation I felt as U.S. Perma nent Representative to the United Nations to try to move us from where we were?a nation virtually without influence over what happened to us there?to where we should be?a nation

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes 1 J. Nehru, The Hindu. 26 Oct. 1962. 2 See P. Willetts, The Non-Aligned Movement: The Origins of a Third World Alliance (New York, 1978), 2–45, and I. Abraham, ‘From Bandung to NAM: Non-alignment and Indian Foreign Policy, 1947–65’, Commonwealth and Comparative Studies, xlvi (2008), 195–219. 3 B. S. N. Murti, Nehru's Foreign Policy (New Delhi, 1953), 7; B. R. Nayar and T. V. Paul, India in the World Order: Searching for Major-Power Status (Cambridge, 2003), 115–58. 4 A. Appadorai, ‘India's Foreign Policy’, International Affairs, xxv (1947), 37–46; E. M. Hause, ‘India, Nonaligned and Noncommitted’, Western Political Quarterly, xi (1958), 387–9. See also T. A. Keenleyside, ‘Prelude to Power: The Meaning of Non-Alignment Before Indian Independence’, Pacific Affairs, liii (1980), 461–83. 5 A. Gupta, ‘The Song of the Nonaligned World: Transnational Identities and the Reinscription of Space in Late Capitalism,’ Cultural Anthropology, vii (1992), 63–79. See also C. R. Mohan, Crossing the Rubicon: The Shaping of India's New Foreign Policy (Delhi, 2003), 29–30; A. P. Rana, ‘Intellectual Dimensions of India's Non-Alignment’, Journal of Asian Studies, xxviii (1969), 299–312. 6 For ‘racially defined civilizational thinking’ as a colonial legacy, see Abraham, ‘Indian Foreign Policy’, 199–208. 7 For details of the discourse of imperial justice and its implications for the anti-colonial movement in India, see M. Mukherjee, India in the Shadows of Empire: A Legal and Political History, 1774–1950 (New Delhi, 2009). 8 See M. Mukherjee, ‘Justice, War, and the Imperium: India and Britain in Edmund Burke's Prosecutorial Speeches in the Impeachment Trial of Warren Hastings’, Law and History Review, xxiii (2005), 589–630. 9 For a discussion of this, see Mukherjee, India in the Shadows of Empire. 10 Mukherjee, ‘Justice, War, and the Imperium’, 589–630. 11 G. Prashad, ‘Whiggism in India’, Political Science Quarterly, lxxxi (1966), 412–31. 12 Edmund Burke, Speeches on the Impeachment Trial of Warren Hastings, (Delhi, 1987), i, 16. 13 For the Supreme Court, see M. C. Setalvad, The Rise of the Common Law (London, 1960), 1–62; B. N. Pandey, Introduction of English Law into India: The Career of Elijah Impey in Bengal, 1774–1783 (London, 1967), 131–48; R. Travers, Ideology and Empire in Eighteenth-Century India: The British in Bengal (Cambridge, 2007), 181–206; N. Hussain, The Jurisprudence of Emergency: Colonialism and the Rule of Law (Ann Arbor, 2003), 69–98; L. Benton, ‘Colonial Law and Cultural Difference: Jurisdictional Politics and the Formation of the Colonial State,’ Comparative Studies in Society and History, xli (1999), 563–88. 14 See S. Schmitthenner, ‘The Development of the Legal Profession in India,’ presented at ‘Conference on the Comparative Study of the Legal Profession with Special Reference to India’ Chicago, August 1967. 15 F. G. Hutchins, The Illusion of Permanence: British Imperialism in India (Princeton, 1967), 1–19. 16 H. Maine, ‘The Theory of Evidence’ in Village Communities in the East and West with Other Lectures, Addresses and Essays (London, 1876), 300. 17 The East India Company, which refused to recognize that the Supreme Court was independent of the state, stymied the attempts of Earl Cornwallis and Lord William Bentinck to set up independent courts. Eric Stokes, The English Utilitarians and India (Oxford, 1959), 140–233. 18 S. V. Desika Char (ed), Readings in the Constitutional History of India, 1757–1947, (Delhi, 1983), lviii. 19 A. C. Banerjee, English Law in India (New Delhi, 1984), 123–7, 139–58. 20 H. S. Cunningham, Earl Canning (Oxford, 1891), 171. See also M. Maclagan, ‘Clemency’ Canning (London, 1962). 21 For the Governor General's relationship with the Secretary of State, see A. P. Kaminsky, The India Office 1880–1910 (London, 1986), 123–58. 22 See W. Dalrymple. The Last Mughal, The Fall of a Dynasty: Delhi, 1857 (New York, 2006), 398–411. 23 For the symbolic significance of the durbar of 1877, see B. S. Cohn, ‘Representing Authority in Victorian India,’ in idem, An Anthropologist among the Historians and Other Essays (Delhi, 1990), 632–82. 24 For the implications of the events of 1857 for British policy in India see Hutchins, Illusion of Permanence, 79–100; T. R. Metcalf, Aftermath of Revolt: India, 1857–1870 (Princeton, 1964), 92–327; idem, Ideologies of the Raj (Cambridge, 1994), 28–159. 25 In 1859, the British government republished Burke's speeches from the trial of Warren Hastings: E. A. Bond (ed), Speeches of the Managers and Counsel in the Trial of Warren Hastings (London, 1859). 26 Minute, Dufferin, November 1888 [London, British Library, Oriental and India Office Collections, Dufferin Papers], MSS Eur. F 130/1199; emphasis added. For Dufferin, see S. Gopal, British Policy in India, 1858–1905 (Cambridge, 1965), 152–79. 27 Ibid. Emphasis added. 28 Stephen, letter to editor. The Times. 4 Jan. 1878, 3. Emphasis added. For Stephen in India, see L. Stephen, The Life of Sir James Fitzjames Stephen, bart, K. C. S. I., a Judge of the High Court (London, 1895), 237–76. 29 See, e.g. B. Chandra, Indian National Movement: The Long-term Dynamics (Delhi, 1988), 1–5; P. Chatterjee, Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World; A Derivative Discourse (New York, 1986), 36–53; A. R. Desai, Social Background of Indian Nationalism, 6th ed. (Bombay, 2000), 288–357. 30 Report of the Twenty-first Indian National Congress held at Benares on the 27th, 28th, 29th and 30th December, 1905 (London, 1906), 6. 31 Report of the Fourth Indian National Congress held at Allahabad on the 26th, 27th, 28th and 29th December, 1888 (London, 1889), lv. Emphasis added. 32 H. F. Owen, ‘Towards Nation-Wide Agitation and Organization-The Home Rule Leagues, 1915–1918,’ in D. A. Low (ed), Soundings in Modern South Asian History, (London, 1968), 159–95. 33 M. K. Gandhi, ‘Practicing Lawyers’ [Young India, 30 March 1921], in Young India, 1919–22 (New York, 1923), 367. 34 See Mukherjee, India in the Shadows of Empire, 150–80. 35 D. D. Basu, Commentary on the Constitution of India (Being a Comparative Treatise on the Universal Principles of Justice and Constitutional Government with Special Reference to the Organic Instrument of India), 3rd ed. (Calcutta, 1955), i, 402–4. 36 J. Nehru, Visit to America (New York, 1950), 29. 37 For India at the United Nations, see R. Berkes and M. Bedi, The Diplomacy of India: Indian Foreign Policy in the United Nations (Stanford, 1958), 1–139; T. R. Reddy, India's Policy in the United Nations (Rutherford, 1968), 11–88; S. Rana, ‘The Changing Indian Diplomacy at the United Nations,’ International Organization, xxiv (1990), 48–73; R. Singh, ‘India's Initiatives in the United Nations,’ Indian and Foreign Review, xv (1977), 13–14; S. A. Kochanek, ‘India's Changing Role in the United Nations’, Pacific Affairs, l, (1980), 48–68; M. Bhagwan, ‘A New Hope: India, the United Nations and the Making of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,’ Modern Asian Studies (2008) doi:10.1017/S0026749X08003600, 1–37. 38 India and the United Nations: Report of a Study Group set up by the Indian Council of World Affairs prepared for the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (New York, 1957), 27. 39 In 1946, the British government viewed relations with the United Nations purely in relations to national sovereignty and power. To the suggestion that the struggle between Congress and the Muslim League over the formation of Pakistan should be referred to the United Nations, the Foreign Secretary, Ernest Bevin, stated: ‘If the Government of India or His Majesty's Government took the initiative of appealing to the Security Council … they would in fact have abandoned their sovereign authority over India and would have invited the United Nations Organization to assume that responsibility. The political consequences of this action would obviously be incalculable’. Minute, Bevin, 14 June 1946, in The Transfer of Power 1942–7, ed. N. Mansergh and P. Moon (London, 1970–83), vii, 930. 40 See speech, Nehru, ‘Invasion of Kashmir,’ 25 Nov. 1947, and, press conference, Nehru, ‘Reference to United Nations,’ 2 Jan. 1948, in [J.] N[ehru, India's Foreign Policy:] S[elected] S[peeches, September 1946-April 1961] (New Delhi, 1961), 443–9. For the Kashmir dispute, see S. Ganguly, Conflict Unending: India-Pakistan Tensions Since 1947 (New York, 2002), 15–30. 41 Note that the plebiscite in Kashmir had been proposed by Nehru himself in 1947 in consultation with the viceroy, Earl Mountbatten. See, broadcast, Nehru, ‘On Kashmir’, 2 Nov. 1947, in The Essential Writings of Jawaharlal Nehru, ed. S. Gopal and U. Iyengar (Delhi, 2003), ii, 329. 42 United Nations, General Assembly, Fourth Session, Official Records, 222nd Plenary Meeting (21 Sept. 1949) (Lake Success, 1949), 10. 43 B. S. Gupta, ‘India and Disarmament’ in Indian Foreign Policy: The Nehru Years, ed. B. R. Nanda (Delhi, 1976), 238–40. 44 Speech, Nehru, ‘Appeal to the U.S.A and the U.S.S.R,’ 27 Nov. 1957, NSS, 201–2. Emphasis added. 45 Speech, Nehru, ‘Suspension of Nuclear Tests,’ 22 May 1957, NSS, 196. 46 This proposal was made in the course of the Korean War as a way to end the war. See Swadesh Rana, ‘The Changing Indian Diplomacy at the United Nations’, International Organization, xxiv, 1 (Winter 1970), 61; Berkes and Bedi, Diplomacy of India, 109–10. See also, L. Pan, ‘Fighting with Formulas over China: Japan and the United Kingdom at the United Nations, 1961–1971’, International History Review, xxxi (2009), 329–55. 47 Speech, Nehru, ‘An Evolving Policy,’ 22 March 1949, NSS, 43. 48 Broadcast, Nehru, ‘Future Taking Shape,’ 7 Sept. 1946, NSS, 3. 49 See K. P. S. Menon, ‘India and the Soviet Union’ in B. R. Nanda ed., India's Foreign Policy, 137. 50 For India's role in Korea, see Berkes and Bedi, Diplomacy of India, 105–39. 51 Quoted in M. Brecher, India's Foreign Policy: An Interpretation (New York, 1957), 11. 52 Brecher, India's Foreign Policy, 11. 53 M. Brecher, India and World Politics: Krishna Menon's View of the World (New York, 1968), 114. 54 Speech, Nehru, ‘Suspension of Nuclear Tests,’ 22 May 1957, NSS, 196. 55 India. Parliament: Lok Sabha Debates, Third Series, (24 Apr. 1962) (New Delhi, 1962), i, col. 679. Emphasis added. 56 Brecher, India and World Politics, 8 57 Speech, Nehru, 20 Aug. 1958, NSS, 78. 58 Menon often spoke admiringly of the way in which the British had dismantled the Indian Empire. Brecher, India and World Politics, 312. 59 Brecher, India and World Politics, 306. 60 India, Constituent Assembly, Debates, 1947, ii, no. 5 (New Delhi, 1967), 1262. 61 India and the United Nations, 33, 144. 62 M. Brecher, ‘Non-Alignment Under Stress: The West and the India-China Border War,’ Pacific Affairs, lii (1979–80), 612–30. 63 Speech, Nehru, ‘The Concept of Panchsheel,’ 17 Sept. 1955, NSS, 99. For the relationship with China, see J. Rowland, A History of Sino-Indian Relations: Hostile Co-Existence (Princeton, 1967); D. Woodman, Himalayan Frontiers: A Political Review of British, Chinese, Indian, and Russian Rivalries (New York, 1969); W. F. Van Eekelen, Indian Foreign Policy and the Border Dispute with China (The Hague, 1967); Y. Y. I. Vertzberger, Misperceptions in Foreign Policymaking: The Sino-Indian Conflict 1959–1962 (Boulder, 1984); S. Ganguly, ‘India and China: Border Issues, Domestic Integration, and International Security’ in F. Frankel and H. Harding (ed), The India China Relationship: What the United States Needs to Know (New York, 2004), 103–33. 64 Brecher, India and World Politics, 150. 65 J. Brown, Nehru: A Political Life (New Haven, 2003), 330. 66 Brecher, India and World Politics, 151. 67 Lok Sabha Debates, Third Series (24 Apr. 24, 1962) (New Delhi, 1962), i, col. 653. 68 J. Nehru, Jawaharlal Nehru's Speeches (New Delhi, 1964), iv, 231. 69 C. Schmitt, The Concept of the Political, trans. G. Schwab (Chicago and London, 1996), 52. 70 For Indira Gandhi, see T. Drieberg, Indira Gandhi: Profile in Courage (Delhi, 1972), 146–81; P. N. Dhar, Indira Gandhi, the ‘Emergency,’ and Indian Democracy (New Delhi, 2000); and D. Moraes, Indira Gandhi (Boston, 1980). For India's foreign policy during under Gandhi, see S. Tharoor, Reasons of State: Political Development and India's Foreign Policy under Indira Gandhi, 1966–1977 (New Delhi, 1982); T. V. Kunhi Krishnan, The Unfriendly Friends: India and America (New Delhi, 1974), 13–116, 160–211. 71 After the PRC tested a nuclear device in October 1964, calls began for India to build its own bomb. See G. Perkovich, India's Nuclear Bomb: The Impact on Global Proliferation (Berkeley, 1999), 60–2. 72 R. Guha, India after Gandhi: The History of the World's Largest Democracy (New York, 2007), 456. 73 Perkovich, India's Nuclear Bomb, 161–90. 74 Speech, I. Gandhi, 7 March 1983 in Final Documents of the Seventh Conference of the Heads of State or Government of Non-aligned Countries, Annexure II (New Delhi, 1983), 5. 75 Guha, India After Gandhi, 664. See also C. R. Mohan, Crossing the Rubicon, 1–28.

Refugee health nursing.

We present data on how faculty and students at Seton Hall University use scholarly articles and books, how the library can present its findings to stakeholders, and how librarians can learn from these findings to better meet user needs. The data were gathered using questionnaire surveys of university faculty, graduate students, and undergraduate students as part of the IMLS Lib-Value project and based on Tenopir and King Studies conducted since 1977. Many questions used the critical incident of the last article and book reading to enable analysis of the characteristics of readings, in addition to characteristics of readers. Seton Hall’s e-journal collection is vital to its users, supporting faculty research and teaching and student coursework. However, high use of books from non-library sources suggests some deficiencies in the collection. Findings show an opportunity to brand library material to clearly distinguish it from what is perceived as ‘free on the web’, examine use of both print and e-books, and work with professors to increase student awareness and use of library resources.