Living together and apart: Reimagining care in a segregated neighbourhood of Santiago, Chile

Popularizing, Moralizing, and the Soul of American Science

9. Labinger, op. cit. note 1, 287. 10. See Harold Garflnkel and Harvey Sacks, 'On Formal Structures of Practical Actions', in J.C. McKinney and E.A. Tiryakian (eds), Theoretical Sociology: Perspectives and Development (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1970), 33766; and M. Lynch, Scientific Practice and Ordinary Action: Ethnomethodology and Social Studies of Science (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993). 11. It may be recalled that Nixon 'collaborated' in his own undoing by authorizing the tape recordings of his meetings and phone calls in the Oval Office. He reportedly did this in order to secure his place in history. See M. Schudson, Watergate in American Memory (New York: Basic Books, 1992). 12. Gilbert Ryle, 'The World of Science and the Everyday World', in Ryle, Dilemmas (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1954), 68-81, quote at 75.

With the advent of smart materials, ubiquitous computing, computational composites, interactive architectures, the Internet of Things, and tangible bits, HCI has increasingly recognized the role that non-computational materials play. As IT gets embedded in everyday objects, vehicles, and buildings, interaction design becomes not only a matter of designing interaction with digital objects but about how material arrangements work to create user experiences. What Robles and Wiberg [30] call ‘‘the material turn’’ in HCI has foregrounded both the materials from which we design interaction, and the design practice for giving form to material compositions under the notion of ‘‘craft.’’ As a direct consequence, ‘‘the material turn’’ is also a turn toward material interactions. In just about any design tradition, a deep knowledge about, and sensibility for, the materials being used is essential. By living in the world of the materials she uses, the designer sees potential and uses this knowledge in the act of design. Design then becomes a negotiation between form and function and between aesthetics and utility. In HCI, ‘‘the material turn’’ emerged from the concept of ‘‘tangible.’’ Ishii and Ullmer [18] talk about tangible interactions that bridge the digital and physical by creating graspable ‘‘bits’’ [12] that can be manipulated, accessed, and programmed [22]. Work on tangible interactions has helped inspire the re-examination of computation in more material terms (see [2, 5, 19, 24, 31, 35, 41, 43]). Computing is re-imagined as just another material, operating ‘‘on the same level as paper, cardboard, and other materials found in design shops’’ [2], and physical materials are now being re-imagined as substrates invested with computational properties (see e.g., [6, 26, 28, 29]). The result is the activation of existing properties of materials to create opportunities for interaction and experience. These two streams of re-imagination around computational and non-computational materials could be called ‘‘post-representational interaction design’’—or as we have chosen to call it here, material interactions. The notion of ‘‘Materiality’’ is now being applied in a number of different academic disciplines including physics [1], politics [4], philosophy [37], sociology [8, 9, 27], architecture [14, 39], and archeology [16]. It is of course not unusual that these disciplines use ‘‘materiality’’ to highlight the material dimensions of their object of study: It would, for instance, be hard to imagine archeology without materials being a central object of study. The interest in exploring computing through a material lens is also growing in computer science, media and communication studies, social technology studies, informatics, and HCI (see e.g., [7, 10, 15, 20, 21, 32, 33, 36, 40, 43]). These information systems-related areas have always focused on the immaterial dimensions of our world—on representations of things—and the differences between ‘‘real’’ and virtual, or ‘‘physical’’ and ‘‘digital.’’ It would seem that current developments in computing, such as cloud computing or ubiquitous computing, would take us even further away from the material. However, while Weiser [38] did envision a ‘‘disappearing’’ computer, he simultaneously envisioned computation as interwoven with the everyday world: ‘‘The most profound technologies are those that disappear. They weave themselves into the fabric M. Wiberg (&) Department of Informatics, Umea University, Umea, Sweden e-mail: mwiberg@informatik.umu.se

ABSTRACTBird-watching is an increasingly popular leisure activity. Previous research has taken for granted the identity of people who watch birds, often categorised by their level of skilled practice as ‘dude’, ‘birder’ or ‘twitcher’. Feminist geographers encourage us to explore identity work as an outcome of the reciprocal relationships between practices and place. Our feminist approach illustrates that the practices of bird-watching are always much more than categorising birds as species. This paper illustrates how the practices of bird-watching are integral to the making and remaking of sense of place as ‘home’ and ‘away’, to sustain identities beyond accepted categories of ‘dude’, ‘birder’ and ‘twitcher’. The creation and application of different types of ‘bird-lists’ helps to explain the ways in which practices of bird-watching facilitate making sense of place as simultaneously ‘home’, ‘away’ and habitat, as well as the identity work of home-maker, citizen-scientist and tourist. Our insights into these leisure practices of bird-watching are drawn from analysis of data gathered from 21 people who actively bird-watch and reside on the South Coast, New South Wales, Australia by combining research methods of talking, walking, drawing and photography.

This article explores the intersection between religion and the city as they appear on sidewalk life. According to the urban planner Jane Jacobs, the sidewalk becomes both the infrastructure that governs and influences city life, and a space that reflects the vibrancy of human life. This article takes as its focus a particular street in the Los Angeles area known as Vermont Avenue. This street was described in the LA Times (Cruz & Schwencke) by a detective in 2014 as “death alley” due to the high homicide rates that had taken place in it since 2007. Such a phrase is close to the biblical term “death valley,” which can be seen in expressions like: “the valley of the shadow of death” (Psa. 23:4, English Standard Version). At times, within such biblical passages that refer to death, there is also mentioned a passing through, or a transformation from death to life. On Vermont Avenue, or ‘death alley,’ its sidewalks and streets became spaces where death occurred. But is there a way to redefine these sidewalks and streets? To question such narratives of death this article uses walking methods and visual sociology—including photography and spatial semiotics as explored by Roman Jakobson—to explore religion on the streets and to consider how Vermont Avenue can be reframed as a street or road possessing narratives of life. The psalmist said: “I walk through the valley of the shadow of death,” thus, the valley is meant to be passed through; death is a reality, but it is not a static narrative. Through the process of walking through this street, I consider how urban churches and religion on the streets embody what I term an urban gospel poetics, which reminds us of how such urban churches draw on Christian themes to fight against death and urban violence.

The thesis that genetics brings with it new medicalisation possibilities, which will strip of us of our ability to recognise ourselves and others without reference to the codes imprinted in our DNA remains a popular theme in medical sociology. The advent of next generation sequencing (NGS) (the promise of cost efficient molecular analyses of all the components of an individual's genome) is giving new stimulus to debates about a post-human future where social position, identity and inequalities derive primarily from what such analyses disclose about our make up. In this context, Latimer's book is a very timely and important contribution to such debates, proposing we should take greater care in understanding how the new genetics is changing the relationship between medicine and science, between medicine, science and society and between medicine, science, society and the individual. Some may argue that because the book's research predates the emergence of NGS that it cannot speak to what futures may emerge in light of its move from science fiction into healthcare practice, but as important to the validity and long term contribution of the book is its approach to conceptualising how the new genetics comes to be a part of medicine and social life. The book draws from long term ethnographic research Latimer has undertaken in the laboratories, clinics and academic worlds of genetics. Her particular focus here (in this book at least, other research has looked at other arenas where science, medicine and human life co-exist) is on the work of paediatric genetics, where problems in child development trigger genetic investigations through both molecular analyses of blood and also close examination of the child's body – known as dysmorphology. Latimer's approach is situated within science and technology studies, in particular actor network theory, drawing from observations of clinic life and interviews with key actors (primarily medical) to explore the practices, fields, assemblages and circuits that constitute genetics. Her key argument is that science does not win out over medicine as the authority in diagnosis, instead they work together to explore the puzzles in front of them. A core agenda Latimer has is to give the clinic – and the actors present within it – credit for its role in shaping the influence of genetics. She rightly argues that the boundaries between the fields of the research laboratory and the medical clinic are far more defuse than often recognised. Not least because they are co-located in terms of funding, physical location and the actors within them (emphasised once more by the new NHS funded 11 Genomics Medicine Centres in the UK). Several key benefits in understanding emerge from Latimer's way of analysing the worlds of contemporary genetics. First, it acknowledges the many uncertainties of genetics. Much of what emerges from the combination of molecular analyses and dysmorphology are correlations/associations between phenotype and genotype. Following the analyses of the lab into the clinic and the consultation between geneticist, patient and family draws out the uncertainties embedded in diagnostic practice. There is little reason to suggest that such uncertainties will diminish with NGS, instead there is every reason to suggest they will increase. Second, it stresses the importance of materiality, in particular the fleshiness of actual bodies, as well as virtual displays of them. Several writers have zoomed in on the importance of the display of genetic variation made possible by NGS and its predecessors, to argue that the medical gaze is becoming virtual. Such arguments lose their significance when the virtual display moves into the material worlds of the clinic and the patient's broader intimate and family life. Finally, drawing the lab and clinic into the analyses through ethnographic research also brings in a crucial set actors often marginalised in abstract discussions of genetics and medicalisation: the patient and those around them. In Latimer's analyses this is primarily the family, who's personal and social history become part of the diagnostic process. As this occurs the family become participants in shaping the meaning genetics will have for them and their child. As NGS moves into clinical practice, it will remain crucial to retain considerations of what patients and those around them bring to the diagnostic process and then how genetics comes to have a role in their life. As Latimer and others carry on their investigations of the interface between the lab and the clinic in the future, what would be great to see is more focus on bringing family life (including children's perspectives as either patients or significant others) into that interface by travelling further into the everyday material worlds where people will continue to make sense of and live with the codes and information of their DNA.

Work-related stress and health—risks, mechanisms and countermeasures

2009 Choice Outstanding Academic Title Crime in most urban areas has been falling since 1991. While the decline has been well-documented, few scholars have analyzed which groups have most benefited from the crime decline and which are still on the frontlines of violence-and why that might be. In Unequal Crime Decline, Karen F. Parker presents a structural and theoretical analysis of the various factors that affect the crime decline, looking particularly at the past three decades and the shifts that have taken place, and offers original insight into which trends have declined and why. Taking into account such indicators as employment, labor market opportunities, skill levels, housing, changes in racial composition, family structure, and drug trafficking, Parker provides statistics that illustrate how these factors do or do not affect urban violence, and carefully considers these factors in relation to various crime trends, such as rates involving blacks, whites, but also trends among black males, white females, as well as others. Throughout the book she discusses popular structural theories of crime and their limitations, in the end concentrating on today's issues and important contemporary policy to be considered. Unequal Crime Decline is a comprehensive and theoretically sophisticated look at the relationship among race, urban inequality, and violence in the years leading up to and following America's landmark crime drop.

Academics, criminal justice professionals, and news outlets have warned that gang-associated youth use social media to taunt rivals and trade insults in ways that cause offline retaliation. But there is surprisingly little empirical research investigating how gang-associated youth deploy social media in gang conflicts. Criminal justice professionals routinely overstate the violent effects of social media challenges, which further exacerbates criminalization, racial stereotyping, and social inequality. Drawing from two years of ethnographic fieldwork on Chicago’s South Side, this study asks how gang-associated black youth use social media to challenge rivals. Bridging traditional theories of urban violence with emerging media scholarship, I argue that social media disrupt the key impression management practices associated with the “code of the street.” Specifically, gang-associated youth exploit social media to publicly invalidate the authenticity of their rivals’ performances of toughness, strength, and street masculinity. Challengers do so through “cross referencing,” “calling bluffs,” and “catching lacking.” Each strategy differs in its likelihood to catalyze physical retaliation, which is a function of the amount and depth of counter-evidence necessary to refute a given challenge. These findings carry important implications for addressing urban violence, gangs, and inequality in the social media age.

Although urban areas are diverse and urban inequities are well documented,surveys commonly differentiate intimate partner violence (IPV) rates only byurban versus rural residence. This study compared rates of current IPVvictimization among women and men by urban residence (informal and formalsettlements). Data from the 2014 Kenya Demographic and Health Survey, consistingof an ever-married sample of 1,613 women (age 15–49 years) and 1,321 men (age15–54 years), were analyzed. Multilevel logistic regression was applied tofemale and male data separately to quantify the associations between residenceand any current IPV while controlling for regional variation and other factors.Results show gendered patterns of intra-urban variation in IPV occurrence, withthe greatest burden of IPV identified among women in informal settlements(across all types of violence). Unadjusted analyses suggest residing in informalsettlements is associated with any current IPV against women, but not men,compared with their counterparts in formal urban settlements. This correlationis not statistically significant when adjusting for women’s education level inmultivariate analysis. In addition, reporting father beat mother, use of currentphysical violence against partner, partner’s alcohol use, and marital status areassociated with any current IPV against women and men. IPV gets marginalattention in urban violence and urban health research, and our results highlightthe importance of spatially disaggregate IPV data—beyond the rural-urbandivide—to inform policy and programming. Future research may utilizeintersectional and syndemic approaches to investigate the complexity of IPV andclustering with other forms of violence and other health issues in differenturban settings, especially among marginalized residents in informal urbansettings.

Chronic-degenerative diseases, psychosomatic diseases and urban violence are some of the examples that constitute today serious aggravations of epidemiological in the Brazilian population. Although communicable diseases, whether endemic or epidemic, are still quite relevant in terms of public health problems, new diseases and even known old ones appear in other environmental and social contexts. The intervention through the health services, find limitations in urban inequalities, social exclusion, migrations, etc, as several authors point out. Identifying vulnerabilities has been a major challenge for health managers, practitioners and researchers in the field.

This article calls into question how different the parallel ontologies of meat are in terms of the realities they enact. It argues that while biofabricated animal material is expected to transform the production and consumption of meat, the material’s ontologies reinforce existing interrelationships between the dominant meat culture and the law. Additionally, the expectations surrounding biofabricated animal material vests the material with transformative power, even though it does not challenge the structural factors, namely law and culture, which underlie the exploitation and commodification of animals. I begin by delineating the co-constituting relationship between law, the realities of meat production and consumption, and meat culture. I then unpack the interface between different ontologies of meat and consider why the contest has taken place in legal terrains. From here, I consider the key expectations that have assigned transformative power to biofabricated animal material. I suggest that these expectations work to reinforce existing meat culture, and the configurations of power that benefit from it, as supported via legal instruments.

I argue that the fostering of ‘digital citizens’ in Norway is a societal project involving many actors, including parents, kindergartens and schools. The present article explores how migrant mothers in Norway experience handling their children’s use of digital media. Through institutional ethnographic exploration, I discover the ideals and conceptual terrains of what I have identified as the ‘digital Bildung’ discourse, consisting of dominant understandings of education, parenting, digitalisation and citizenship in Norwegian society. When performed in educational institutions, digital Bildung is formalised and organised by ruling texts, like government policies and curricula, but a main part of children’s digital Bildung is confined to the private sphere and entrusted to the judgement of parents. The findings indicate that migrant mothers may find it especially difficult to live up to, or challenge, the dominant understandings and practices of digital Bildung.

This study aimed to discuss the actions of women leaders in favelas in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, regarding the health promotion of people residing in territories affected by urban violence and inequalities. The understanding of social determinants of health (SDH) is not unequivocal and challenges us to expand our practices in health promotion and equity. A mixed-methods study was conducted with 200 women living in 169 favelas of Rio de Janeiro between 2018 and 2022. Questionnaires and semi-structured face-to-face interviews followed by thematic analysis were conducted. The analysis focused on the socio-demographic profile, community activism, and health promotion strategies undertaken by these groups, expanding knowledge on the experiences of these leaders in confronting social injustices. Results showed that participants performed health promotion actions in their communities by 1. strengthening popular participation and human rights, 2. creating environments favorable to health, and 3. developing personal skills towards social participation in policy design through mobilizing health services and third-sector organizations. With the limited presence of government public agents in these spaces, participants assumed roles as managers of local demands, and, by means of resistance, intersectionality, and solidarity, they transformed this micro-power into the potential for social transformation.

Dozens of boutique auto shops in Guatemala City fortify cars against varying levels of threat, from 9 mm pistols to military grade assault rifles. Mechanics line windows, wheels, and even skylights with bulletproof materials, promising an almost impenetrable vehicle amid a decidedly violent Central American city. In response to this growing confidence not just in Kevlar but also the intimacy of artisanal labour, this paper engages the culture of armoured cars to open an ethnographic window into the construction of trust amid a social context rife with urban violence, political corruption and economic inequality. As extended fieldwork evidences, mobile fortification reorients social relationships towards the imperative to trust – auto shop owners, mechanics and even the cars themselves – while also expanding the footprint of those who supposedly occupy the wrong side of a security wall.