LIVING IN TERROR

Recent studies by economists such as Piketty (2013, 2019) and Atkinson (2015) have contested the well-established view that post-war redistribution policies have been successful in the long term at slowing down the rise of structural inequalities. In reality, the claim goes, they have dealt mostly with reducing inequalities of income through redistribution and have left inequalities of wealth and capital ownership uncontrolled. These, according to their studies, have now risen in the developed world and reached levels more typical of 19th Century Europe. To make matters worse, perceptions of and attitudes towards fighting inequalities as unjust that Rawls saw as based on a wide consensus of citizens' "considered judgments" (Rawls, 1999, p. 17), have changed, leading to them being accepted as the justified and even necessary price to pay for economic growth and as a reward for merit. Economic arguments based on the need for incentives for raising productivity and the "trickle-down effect" have become widely accepted as if the price of economic efficiency should be disconnected from the demands of equity. Meritocracy has provided ethical arguments too. As John Roemer says, "today the most important problem for the social sciences of inequality is understanding how electorates have come to acquiesce to policies which increase inequality… and to try revealing the logic of the I would like to thank the editors of the Special Issue on Rawls for inviting me to develop ideas that I first presented in a previous paper published in French in 2016, "L'état-providence face aux inégalités et la démocratie de propriétaires: une comparaison entre Meade, Rawls, Ackerman et Piketty," Tocqueville Review, 2/2016), as well as in another paper in English in 2018: « Self-development and Social Justice ». I hope to be able to develop these ideas in a future book on property-owning democracy and its philosophical justifications.

If in the first half of this century war wrought its destruction mostly in Europe, it is the 'Third World' that has suffered its devastation in the second, none more so than countries in Africa. Conflict in the southern region of the continent has been of different kinds. Colonial wars of independence have occurred in Angola, Namibia, Mozambique, and Zimbabwe. Pretoria's destabilisation of neighbouring regimes, through military and economic power, is another type of conflict, and South Africa's own civil war a third. Each has been, or remains, bloody and destructive in their different ways. Hence Paul Moorcraft's title for his study of war and revolution in Southern Africa since 1945 invokes the Greek mythological figure Nemesis, the goddess of wrath, vengeance, and retribution. But the title does not just hint at the scale of destruction in the region, it suggests the overall theme of African Nemesis: war and revolution in Southern Africa, I945-200o. Namely, that those who have been subject to South Africa's brutality, inside the country and outside, will one day reach their nemesis, getting vengeance and retribution when apartheid collapses. As a journalist with an interest in military strategy, formerly based in Southern Africa, and one-time academic, Moorcraft has skills which combine well in this volume. He charts the emergence of South Africa as a regional power, militarily and economically dominant, and the militarisation of its domestic politics as a result of Pretoria's involvement in all three kinds of conflict. None of this is new, but Moorcraft's background adds new insights compared to many other analyses of the same phenomena. However, the book is weakest in its description of South Africa's civil war, which is, after all, political in nature not military. War and Society: the militarization of South Africa offers a better analysis of the domestic struggles. Although a few chapters deal with the Frontline states, most focus on the internal situation: the role of the Defence Force, the militarisation of political power, of the economy, and, most interestingly of all, of culture, with a final section on resistance. e volatile diamond market. All things consi ered, thi is a significant tribution to the literature n t only on Botswana, but also to the ield of the litical economy of third-world states. It deserves to b widely studied, and t to serve as a valuabl refer nce book, alt ough a second edition should l de some improvements. 340 REVIEWS

Income inequality is a pervasive problem in South Africa and particularly affects the Eastern Cape, where poverty levels remain high despite several efforts to address this societal issue. The datasets from 1499 households used for this study, were extracted from the 2021 South African General Household Survey. This study thus examined the distributional pattern of households’ income inequality in Eastern Cape, South Africa, through the use of exploratory data analysis and application of regression-based decomposition of inequality. The EDA results revealed that relatively older households are more concentrated than those young people, female-headed households were also predominant in the study area, while the majority of the households are Black South Africans. The magnitude of the monetary variables’ departure from the mean inferred clear evidence of a widened households’ income disparity or inequality in the study area. The decomposition analysis indicated the contributions of various socioeconomic factors to income inequality. The findings from the regression-based decomposition of inequality found household size, access to basic infrastructure services, possession of assets, internet communication facilities, and households’ population group, as the major drivers of the households’ income inequality in the province, while livelihood diversity has a relatively moderate proportionate contribution. On the other hand, factors such as age and gender of the household head, as well as households’ involvements in agriculture have a minor effect on the households’ income inequality. This paper finally concludes that the relative contributions of each factor contributing to inequality were deemed important for designing effective policy-relevant interventions which can be used to promote economic growth and to address this persistent challenge of income inequality in society.

The impact of HIV/AIDS on health, development, and security is nowhere more daunting than in southern Africa, where many claim that it has the potential to destabilize the entire region. In this article, the impact of HIV/AIDS on southern Africa, the factors contributing to the rapid spread of the disease, and how it is affecting the armed forces are highlighted. As an important regional economic and military power, how South Africa and more specifically, the South African armed forces manage the impact of the disease is of national and regional, if not global, concern. The various policy, human rights, human resources, health, and educational challenges facing the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) are discussed with specific reference to its impact on operational capacity and capability. Should the SANDF be unable to manage the disease efficiently, there may be a profound effect on peace and stability in the entire region.

South Africa has historically been ranked as one of the most unequal societies in the world and, while the country has experienced sustained positive economic growth since 1994, the impact of this growth on poverty, and particularly inequality, has been disappointing. Analysis using data from the 1995 and 2000 Income and Expenditure Surveys has found, for example, a significant increase in income inequality over the period and, further, that this increase in inequality eroded any significant poverty-reduction gains from higher economic growth. The release of the Income and Expenditure Survey 2005 enables us to examine changes in inequality over the decade between 1995 and 2005. Some preliminary analysis, however, shows a further increase in inequality over the second half of the period. This new result would possibly suggest that South Africa is now the most consistently unequal economy in the world. Critically, the persistent and increasing levels of inequality have been acting as a constraint ensuring that South Africa’s economic growth results in significant declines in household poverty levels. This study has two main objectives. Firstly, the study aims to identify the drivers of the reproduction of inequality in post-apartheid South Africa. The second objective is to examine what policy levers are available to help mitigate the impact of increased inequality in South Africa. Based on the identification of what is driving the increasing levels of inequality, appropriate policy interventions, including assessing the impact and sustainability of existing policies such as the increased provision of social grants, will be evaluated. We find that not only has income inequality remained high for the period under review, but it has also increased significantly between 1995 and 2005. Throughout the time period wage inequality has been the main contributor to the growing income inequality. For a more holistic representation of inequality, we consider the effect of increased public and private assets on non-income inequality. We find that there has been a universal decrease in non-income inequality in South Africa. We also find that the effect of income inequality has been to dampen growth, specifically pro-poor growth. While we found that social transfers have little effect on income inequality when we decomposed the various sources of income, when grant income is excluded as a source of income from total income we find that it is an extremely important supportive source of income and without it many households would experience negative income growth.

South Africa has historically been ranked as one of the most unequal societies in the world and, while the country has experienced sustained positive economic growth since 1994, the impact of this growth on poverty, and particularly inequality, has been disappointing. Analysis using data from the 1995 and 2000 Income and Expenditure Surveys has found, for example, a significant increase in income inequality over the period and, further, that this increase in inequality eroded any significant poverty-reduction gains from higher economic growth. The release of the Income and Expenditure Survey 2005 enables us to examine changes in inequality over the decade between 1995 and 2005. Some preliminary analysis, however, shows a further increase in inequality over the second half of the period. This new result would possibly suggest that South Africa is now the most consistently unequal economy in the world. Critically, the persistent and increasing levels of inequality have been acting as a constraint ensuring that South Africa’s economic growth results in significant declines in household poverty levels. This study has two main objectives. Firstly, the study aims to identify the drivers of the reproduction of inequality in post-apartheid South Africa. The second objective is to examine what policy levers are available to help mitigate the impact of increased inequality in South Africa. Based on the identification of what is driving the increasing levels of inequality, appropriate policy interventions, including assessing the impact and sustainability of existing policies such as the increased provision of social grants, will be evaluated. We find that not only has income inequality remained high for the period under review, but it has also increased significantly between 1995 and 2005. Throughout the time period wage inequality has been the main contributor to the growing income inequality. For a more holistic representation of inequality, we consider the effect of increased public and private assets on non-income inequality. We find that there has been a universal decrease in non-income inequality in South Africa. We also find that the effect of income inequality has been to dampen growth, specifically pro-poor growth. While we found that social transfers have little effect on income inequality when we decomposed the various sources of income, when grant income is excluded as a source of income from total income we find that it is an extremely important supportive source of income and without it many households would experience negative income growth.

As the final product of a project dealing with the security implications of Asia's financial and economic turmoil, this report considers the sharp economic reversals suffered in the Asian region in 1997 and 1998 and the marked but widely varying evidence of significant recovery among the different countries of the region. The report then turns to the medium- and longer-term trends with respect to economic growth, military spending, and military investment in five countries in the greater Asian area: namely, Japan, China, India, South Korea, and Indonesia. The five countries were selected by agreement with the sponsors from a larger set addressed in RAND's previous analyses in 1989 and 1995 of long-term economic and military trends. India, a South Asian country, was included along with the four principal East Asian countries in light of its size and enhanced military prominence. Following the analysis of these longer-term economic and military trends, the report considers the security implications of these trends with respect to alternative security environments in the region, changes in the intraregional balance of military and economic power, and such other issues as prospects for multilateral security cooperation, support for forward-based U.S. forces in the region, and alliance burden sharing. While acknowledging the major uncertainties inherent in these as well as other forecasts, the authors use the gross domestic products (GDPs) and accumulated stocks of military capital as rough proxies for the respective economic and political power of each of the five countries, thereby drawing several inferences from the estimates including the following: Japan's relative economic and military power will diminish appreciably in the region over the 2000-2015 period. China's economic and military power will diminish somewhat relative to those of India. However, the absolute gap between China's GDP and military capital, and those of the other three countries will grow substantially.

In 2004 the United Nations University World Institute for Development Economics Research (UNU-WIDER) embarked on a large-scale research project on the ‘Impact of Globalization on the World’s Poor’ co-directed by Machiko Nissanke and Erik Thorbecke. The first conference was essentially conceptual in nature, meant to understand better the various mechanisms and channels through which globalization affects the poor either directly or indirectly. The other three conferences focused on each of the major regions of the developing world: Asia, Africa and Latin America. Theobjectivesofthisintroductionarethreefold:first,toreviewbrieflyhow the forces of globalization influence poverty in general; second, to describe and discuss the main transmission channels and mechanisms; and third to analyze the impact of globalization on Africa and present an overview of the six Africa case studies included in this issue. 1. The Impact of Globalization on the World’s Poor Globalization provides a strong potential for a major reduction in poverty in the developing world because it creates an environment conducive to fastereconomicgrowthandtransmissionofknowledge. 1 However,structural factors and policies within the world economy and national economies have impeded the full transmission of the benefits of the various channels of globalization for poverty reduction. In particular sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) hasbeenrelativelylessaffectedbytheforcesofglobalizationthanotherparts of the world. World income distribution continues to be very unequal and many poor countries particularly in Africa are stagnating. Moreover, there is much empirical evidence that openness contributes to more within-country

This study examines the power of Turkey and other states in the region and provides a comparative assessment of their current national, military and economic power. For Turkey and the other top military powers, future developments in population, economic power, military power and national power were examined. Forecasts of population, economic, military and national power of these top military powers are presented.

“A Fair Share: Reflecting Essays on Economic Inequality in South Africa” explores the multifaceted issue of economic inequality in South Africa, delving into its historical roots, current manifestations, and potential solutions. Edited by Nico Keyser, the book comprises essays from various experts, addressing topics such as income and wealth disparities, the impact of urbanization, land distribution, the role of banks, service delivery, health inequalities, and education. It aims to provide insights and policy recommendations to foster a more equitable society. Main Themes Economic Disparities and Their Roots Chapters: 1 (Introduction), 2 (Measuring Inequality), 3 (Income and Wealth Inequality), 5 (From Van Riebeeck to Ubuntu: Exploring South Africa’s Land Legacy) Sectoral Analysis of Inequality Chapters: 4 (Cities are at the Centre of South Africa’s Wage Inequalities), 6 (Are Banks Doing Enough to Address Inequality?), 7 (Service Delivery Inequality), 8 (Socioeconomic Inequalities in Health), 9 (Education and Inequality) Policy Recommendations and Future Directions Chapters: 10 (Income Inequality, Employment, and the Informal Sector), 11 (The Case for a ‘Workable’ Basic Income Grant for Addressing Income Inequality), 12 (Economic Inclusion and Inequality), Conclusion “Why all the fuss about economic inequality? Why does economic inequality matter? Is it just a political theme used to support (or win over) the have-nots?” “The theories on inequality are imperfect and dynamic, and the measurement of inequality is multidimensional.” “The land is thus an example of historical injustices colliding with demands for contemporary fairness.” “At its core, such a state bank is seen by the South African government as a key enabler to address the inequality problem in South Africa as part of their broader developmental policy agenda.” “South Africa is known as one of the countries with the most income inequality globally.” These quotes capture the essence of the discussions in the book, highlighting the critical issues and debates around economic inequality in South Africa.

Social cohesion is both an end, as well as a mean, to achieve other economic and developmental goals. As an end, a more cohesive society can be thought of as a peaceful place to live in. As a mean, social cohesion has various economic and developmental implications. Therefore, nurturing social cohesion can be a desirable objective and knowing about different determinants of social cohesion can be helpful in this regard. Ethno-linguistic diversity and socioeconomic deprivations have been identified as such determinants in the existing literature. Well-functioning institutions can also be good predictors of social cohesion in a society. They can help to mitigate the negative effects of diversity on social cohesion. However, hardly any study has empirically investigated the moderating effects of institutions on social cohesion. The current study has tried to fill this gap. For this purpose, a cross country analysis has been done by employing the Least Squares Dummy Variables (LSDV) technique for empirical estimations. Institutional quality has been measured with the help of an index that has been constructed by taking into account the political, legal, and economic dimensions of institutional quality. The results suggest that diversity, income inequality, and globalization have negative whereas institutional quality has positive effects on social cohesion. The use of the interactive term of institutional quality with diversity, income inequality, and globalization reveals that institutional quality works to nullify the negative effects of diversity, income inequality, and globalization on social cohesion. .

Income inequality and comorbid overweight/obesity and depression among a large sample of Canadian secondary school students: The mediator effect of social cohesion

SINCE THE COLLAPSE of the Portuguese empire in southern Africa in the 1 970s South African national security policy has undergone a radical evolution. After the initial surprise at the rapidity with which this took place faded, the Pretoria government attempted to frame a modus vivendi with the newly independent states. The basic assumption of this policy was that the black states' commitment to the end of apartheid was primarily rhetorical and was intended more for domestic political consumption than as a framework for foreign policy. Thus, it was believed in Pretoria, these economically fragile states would be willing to temper their anti-apartheid rhetoric and actions in exchange for financial, managerial and technological assistance from South Africa. By the 1980s, however, it was clear that this was not true. As black frustration within South Africa grew, so had regional support for the African National Congress (ANC) and other black nationalist groups. Since one of the major strengths of the Pretoria government, its economic power, had not proved effective in tempering support for the anti-apartheid movement, a conscious decision was made by the South Africans to turn to their other forte, military power.1 Thus, over the past five years, South Africa has pursued an increasingly aggressive and militarized approach towards its neighbours. This has taken a variety of forms, including direct military incursions and commando raids by the South African armed forces.2

Understanding the Implications of Mitochondrial DNA Variation in the Health of Black Southern African Populations: The 2014 Workshop.

Income inequality and deaths of despair risk in Canada, identifying possible mechanisms