Abstract

Liminality in the Ethnohistory, Culture, and Kinship of the Nagaibaks

Highlights

  • As the border has always been marked by mobility, Leed compared it with the concept of a “path” and defined the borderlands as a “world with its own logic, order, freedoms and restrictions, and not just the border between the inner and outer spaces” (Leed 1991, 79)

  • The Cossaks, a driving force of the Russian borderlands, were naturally associated with borderlands, campaigns, robberies, the atamans’ authority: “The Cossack community only looked solid from the outside, and from the inside it was a cauldron of different customs, interests, and ideas” (Golovnev 2015, 335)

  • According to Emma Georgievna from the village of Popovo, “When I was little, no one married Russians here; we went to Bolotovo and married Nagaibak women there.”12 The Nagaibaks from different villages of the same group are connected by a “web” of kinship: for example, when meeting one another, the Nagaibaks begin by looking for related lineages

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Summary

Introduction

Nagaibaks were a closed community based on alienation from other peoples, who, in turn, perceived the Nagaibak Cossacks as “strangers.” Being surrounded by two different cultures, Russian and Kazakh, Nagaibaks retained their particularity, expressed in isolation, including marital endogamy and reliance on kinshipneighborly relations. To demonstrate kinship technologies among Nagaibaks, it is convenient to define “kinship circles,” from the narrowest (family) to the broadest (connection with ethnically close peoples) (Belorussova 2017, 88–95).

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