Abstract
AbstractThe verbláta‘let/make’ in Icelandic provides a unique opportunity to understand the behavior of symmetric versus asymmetricdat‐nomconstructions, as well as the nature of nominative‐accusative case alternations. In this paper, we take a close look atlátaand examine a set of cases wheredat‐nomverbs are embedded underláta, resulting in the otherwise nominative object becoming accusative in some cases and remaining nominative in others. We propose that phase extension of an Appl head underlies both the availability of accusative in an embeddeddat‐nomverb and the possibility of A‐moving a nominative object past the dative to the subject position. We further hypothesize that the base‐generated position of the verbal root in the syntax underlies the lexical difference between symmetric and asymmetricdat‐nomverbs.
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