Les inventaires de Charles Ier d’Albret et de Marie de Sully

Situated in mid-nineteenth-century Boston culture, Genteel Rhetoric combines history and cultural studies to examine the shaping of nineteenth-century North American rhetoric and aesthetics. The practitioners of genteel rhetoric included many of the writers who belonged to the New England school: Ralph Waldo Emerson, James Russell Lowell, Oliver Wendell Holmes, Charles Eliot Norton, and Thomas Wentworth Higginson. Harvard graduates and students of Edward T. Channing, Boylston Professor of Rhetoric and Oratory from 1819 to 1851, these men were also influenced by the Unitarian rhetoric of Channing's brother, William Ellery Channing, as well as by orators such as Edward Everett. They were part of a larger North American refinement movement - a movement interrupted by the Civil War. Broaddus argues that the genteel and coherent voices with which these writers discuss literature and high culture break apart when they begin to write about material issues related to slavery, abolition, and war against the background of growing dissent between North and South. Genteel Rhetoric examines the writers as they live through and write about the Civil War - Emerson and Lowell from a safe distance, Holmes searching for his wounded son in Maryland, and Higginson in the thick of action as colonel of the First South Carolina Volunteers, the first regiment of former slaves in the Union army.

Nineteenth century baseball witnessed a whirlwind of change, and none of its participants was buffeted more than umpire. Up until Civil War, he was a ceremonial figure who sat in comfort of an easy chair and rarely was called upon to make a decision. By end of century, however, he was expected to be all things to all men and to be in all places diamond at once, which led to a dramatic expansion in requirements of position. One of most intriguing of his new requirements was great foot speed-a requirement that spurred world-record holder in 100-yard dash to join ranks of major league umpires during 1890s. This is story of how that odd episode came to pass.The early game's rules were structured so that umpiring generally required a minimum of effort. There were no called strikes or balls, and players strove to be honest about calling themselves out or safe since their reputation as gentlemen hung in balance. As a result, made decisions only relatively rare occasions when a player requested him to do so by calling out Judgment! And once match ended, no matter what, members of both nines regaled him with three hearty cheers.Befitting this role, one early player recalled that earliest umpires were accorded utmost courtesy by They were given easy chairs, placed near home plate, provided with fans hot days and their absolute comfort was uppermost in minds of players. To ensure his comfort, always received choicest bits of food and largest glass of beer-in case he cared for such beverage. he didn't, he needed but to express his desires in thirst-quenching line before game started- and he got it.1The umpire's chair was placed at a safe distance from home plate, and, according to another early player, on sunny days, he was entitled to an umbrella, either self-provided or a special one of vast circumference, fastened to chair and with it constituting one of fixtures of game. The had, in essence, best seat in house. Although he was free to get up and move about, the prerogative was rarely used.2 Who can blame him?But then a volley of rapid changes to game's rules and customs swept away all of comforts initially associated with umpire's position. Balls and called strikes were both introduced by end of Civil War, forcing umpires to make far more decisions than ever before. In turn, baserunners and fielders became less inclined to acknowledge an unfavorable result and began appealing for a ruling every play. Before long, it was taken for granted that would render a decision at end of each play. The consequences were revolutionary.At first, there was an effort to ensure that was treated with as much courtesy as ever. Sportswriter Henry Chadwick was an especially passionate crusader for civil treatment of umpire. After an 1866 game, he chastised Eckford Club of Brooklyn for asking a man ... to oblige them by acting as umpire only to have returned his kindness by disputing his decisions, and rating him all way home.... Why, thing is simply disgraceful.3 When National League was founded in 1876, its constitution warned: is sole judge of play, and is entitled to respect of spectators, and any person hissing or hooting at, or offering any insult or indignity to him, must be promptly ejected from grounds.But these high-minded principles proved unenforceable, and before long verbal abuse of became norm. As one sportswriter put it in 1879, If a man wants to find out how much he doesn't know and what a dishonest, mean, miserable cuss he really is,- let him a game of base ball and then stand around and hear losing club discuss him.4 Even physical intimidation and abuse were not unheard of. One newspaper editor, upon learning that a rival town's editor had nominated him to a game between two towns, replied that other man's reason for desiring us fatally injured is more than we can conjecture. …

Thevet Revisits Guanabara

Reviewed by: Tales from the Haunted South: Dark Tourism and Memories of Slavery from the Civil War Era by Tiya Miles Rebecca K. Shrum Tales from the Haunted South: Dark Tourism and Memories of Slavery from the Civil War Era. By Tiya Miles. Steven and Janice Brose Lectures in the Civil War Era. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2015. Pp. xx, 154. $24.95, ISBN 978-1-4696-2633-8.) It has been fifteen years since the publication of Jennifer L. Eichstedt and Stephen Small’s Representations of Slavery: Race and Ideology in Southern Plantation Museums (Washington, D.C., 2002), which documented the absence and trivialization of African American lives and experiences at historic sites across the South. In the intervening years interpretative content about African Americans at southern sites has increased substantially through a relatively new type of tour: the ghost tour. In Tales from the Haunted South: Dark Tourism and Memories of Slavery from the Civil War Era, Tiya Miles explores this phenomenon, focusing on the Sorrel-Weed house in Savannah, Georgia; the Madame Lalaurie house in New Orleans, Louisiana; and Myrtles plantation in St. Francisville, Louisiana. Miles’s interest in this subject developed on a tour of the Sorrel-Weed house. There she heard a horrible yet beguiling story about a male enslaver and Molly, an enslaved woman, that ended with the suicide of the enslaver’s wife and Molly’s murder. The ghosts of these two women haunted the house, the guide claimed, and an evening tour told these ghost stories. As Miles recounts it, she “could not let the terrible story go,” and so she returned that night to hear the “supernatural story” (p. xvi). At each of these sites, visitors hear claims (often, Miles contends, unfounded) about enslaved African Americans whose ghosts haunt the premises. These stories, Miles argues, allow people to maintain a “safe distance” from history, which both gives listeners more room to imagine the horrors of slavery and enables them to avoid facing the consequences of such accounts by relegating the stories to the realm of “fancy” (p. 7). Although African Americans play significant roles in these tours, Miles concludes that “ghost tourism at historic sites of slavery appropriates African American history in a way that outweighs the value of inclusion” (p. 123). She observes, for example, a troubling pattern in the ghost tours’ reliance on African American religious expression—most often Voodoo but also the beliefs of Gullah and Geechee people—“to increase the level [End Page 240] of threat and titillation” (p. 119). These elements convey nothing about the complexity of the religious beliefs that have played a critical role in constructing black identity in America. Tales from the Haunted South is a page-turner, as Miles describes both the tours and her own apprehensive feelings as she ventured out to historic sites after dark to hear these scary stories. It is appropriate, then, that Miles considers why ghost stories are so beguiling. Her conclusion resonates far beyond sites associated with slavery, observing that “ghosts represent history in a way that feels like magic.... [T]he ghost story is an intensified version of the magic of historical interpretation writ large—the weaving of words, ideas, and events into a pseudo-spell that can spirit us back to days gone by” (p. 125). Finding ways to connect visitors with the past is a noble goal, but historic sites must be mindful of costs that can be associated with these methods. The tours that Miles experienced made clear the problems with how historic sites have incorporated African American history into ghost tourism. At the same time, African American experiences far too often continue to be excluded altogether from other kinds of tours offered at historic sites. In the tradition of Eichstedt and Small’s work, Tales from the Haunted South should serve as a call to historic sites to undertake the hard work of telling complex stories about the past that enable visitors to gain a deeper understanding of the complexity of African American lives under slavery. I highly recommend the book to public historians, scholars of slavery and its current-day legacies, and anyone interested in the gothic...

This chapter marks the transition from portent to actuality, addressing the prospect of political shipwreck in the troubled latter part of the sixteenth century by considering not only incarnations and reconfigurations of the suave mari magno commonplace but also shipwrecks that are narrated from the inside. It explores the distinction between the struggling ship in Lucretius and the eagerly spectated shipwreck of a political enemy in Cicero’s letters, taking account of the model of the ship of state as elaborated in Plato, Cicero, and medieval sources. It argues that the role of the spectator is most often not at a safe distance, and that the ethical relationship between the spectator and those on board is significantly developed from that in Lucretius. Through the work of three writers (Michel de L’Hospital, Pierre de Ronsard and Michel de Montaigne), it shows that the powerful metaphor of the ship of state struggling on troubled waters is itself articulated in a variety of ways during the political storm of the late sixteenth century—ways that, ethically speaking, variously implicate or exonerate the politician, poet or author. This chapter poses a series of questions concerning the difference between public and private spheres, the unique moral implications of civil war, and the author or poet’s own position, be it personal, political, or philosophical—or all three—with relation to what Montaigne calls ‘cet universel naufrage du monde’.

Reviewed by: The American Civil Rights Movement, 1865–1950: Black Agency and People of Good Will by Russell Brooker David T. Ballantyne The American Civil Rights Movement, 1865–1950: Black Agency and People of Good Will. By Russell Brooker. ( Lanham, Md., and other cities: Lexington Books, 2017. Pp. xxx, 333. $100.00, ISBN 978-0-7391-7992-5.) Russell Brooker provides an accessible overview of the black freedom struggle from the Civil War to 1950. The American Civil Rights Movement, [End Page 771] 1865–1950: Black Agency and People of Good Will is a political science– influenced accompaniment to recent syntheses of the long black civil rights struggle, such as Stephen Tuck's We Ain't What We Ought to Be: The Black Freedom Struggle from Emancipation to Obama (Cambridge, Mass., 2010), though Brooker's account ends before African Americans made their most significant gains. His central argument concerns "people of good will"—black and white individuals who acted in African Americans' interests regardless of their motives. Black agency and pressure, not altruism, he contends, induced this conduct. The first half of his synthesis maps black activism alongside the behavior of these people of good will from 1865 to the racial nadir of the early twentieth century. The second half traces the struggle to 1950, when the southern caste system was "severely weakened" (p. xviii). The book concludes with an epilogue that reflects on connections between 1865 and 1950 and contemporary race relations. Brooker enumerates his major arguments at the outset, organizes chapters clearly, and writes in straightforward prose. He also quantifies shifting African American fortunes throughout his account, including helpful tables detailing Reconstruction-era African American college foundations, lynchings by race during "Redemption," twentieth-century black and white southern schooling data, and indices of the extent of racial segregation over time. Breaking with Tuck's nationally focused account and other scholarship examining racial unrest outside the South, Brooker portrays the civil rights struggle as a mostly southern phenomenon. His nonsouthern treatment includes shifting northern public opinion on race throughout the period, nationwide post–World War I race riots, legal decisions concerning racially restrictive covenants, and the activities of northern civil rights organizations in the South, not elsewhere. Yet while the North was a "safe haven" for African Americans in comparison with the Jim Crow South, the American civil rights struggle concerned more than destroying southern racial apartheid (p. xxi). Incorporating scholarship that examines nonsouthern civil rights struggles and that questions the nonsouthern racial consensus around the mid-twentieth century—like Thomas J. Sugrue's Sweet Land of Liberty: The Forgotten Struggle for Civil Rights in the North (New York, 2008)—would bring nuance to Brooker's analysis and enable him to explain with greater authority the subsequent nationwide white reaction to race that he hints at in the epilogue. Closer engagement with more recent historiography would also strengthen Brooker's discussion. First, Brooker'suse of civil rights movement to define activism between 1865 and 1950 welcomes a consideration of recent debates over the periodization of the civil rights movement—relevant works include Jacquelyn Dowd Hall's "The Long Civil Rights Movement and the Political Uses of the Past" (Journal of American History, 91 [March 2005], 1233–63) and Sundiata Cha-Jua and Clarence Lang's "The 'Long Movement' as Vampire: Temporal and Spatial Fallacies in Recent Black Freedom Studies" (Journal of African American History, 92 [Spring 2007], 265–88). Yet in Brooker'stelling, thisworkissimply "about the civil rights movement … before it [the term] got capitalized" (p. xii). Second, given the book's justifiable emphasis on the centrality of violence in infringing on black freedoms, recent military-focused Reconstruction scholarship [End Page 772] would offer a counterpoint to Brooker's argument on the use of force to preserve black rights. The book's later portion effectively details civil rights gains and organization through the 1940s. Though social, economic, intellectual, and political developments undoubtedly weakened Jim Crow segregation by midcentury, Brooker might have engaged with works that problematize the relationship between World War II–era and later civil rights activism, such as Robert Korstad and Nelson Lichtenstein's "Opportunities Found and Lost: Labor, Radicals, and the Early Civil Rights Movement" (Journal...

Around the time when People’s Republic of China was established in 1949, the leading Communist Party emphasized that the minority nationalities must have their autonomy, and also tried hard to settled autonomic regions for minority nationalities. However, in preventing from local nationalism and racial segregation, the central committee of CCP provided leading cadres of these minority regions only symbolic positions rather than real authority. So it goes without saying that it was very difficult for the local politicians to have real power. However a person named Ulanfu （1906∼1988）, led Inner Mongolia’s CCP for a long time, was quite an exception. From World WarⅡ to the beginning of KMT-CCP civil war, Ulanfu had served as one of the main persons in charge of the Inner Mongolia’s CCP. After the Inner Mongolia autonomous region had been established in 1947, he became the leader single-handed in charge of the party, the local government, and also the army force. Ulanfu kept his post till the beginning of the Cultural Revolution. Since the years from 1937 to 1966 was the most critical time in which Ulanfu directly affected Inner Mongolia, therefore the author chose this period as her research range. The research took an approach as ‘leadership behavior’. In order to understand Ulanfu, a Mongolian politician sandwiched by the central committee of CCP, his own people, and local powers preceded him, the author used multiple role theory to exam Ulanfu’s role conflict, transference, and integration in various times. The paper includes seven chapters. ChapterⅠ: ‘Introduction’. ChapterⅡ to Ⅵ: the Inner Mongolia’s modern history which was divided into five periods such as ‘the Sino-Japanese war (1937~1945)’, ‘the earlier KMT-CCP civil war (1945~1947)’, ‘the later KMT-CCP civil war (1947~1949)’, ‘the transition to socialism (1949~1956)’, and ‘the construction of socialism (1956~1966)’. Ulanfu’s multiple roles in different periods were carefully scrutinized, analized and finally concluded in chapterⅦ. His behaviors were summarized in sequence as follows: (1)Multiple roles mainly Influenced by his superiors, and secondarily roles of ‘Persuasiveness’, ‘Integration’, and ‘Consideration’ (2)Compromise (3)Role integration and actions under local circumstances

What happened to Alexander the Great’s empire when he died, and to the generals and companions that had conquered that empire with him? How did they begin to develop their own power and positions after his death? Alexander’s Successors and the Creation of Hellenistic Kingship reconstructs how the development of royal ideologies led to five powerful new kingships after Alexander’s death. It reveals how ideological performances and ongoing competition among the post-Alexander elite created the reality of the long-lasting institution of Hellenistic kingship, which would last for generations and even centuries as the model for autocratic power in the ancient world. A parallel study, Royal Traditions and the Consolidation of Power by Alexander’s Successors, then examines the innovative new traditions of royal ideology that were developed in the consolidation of the new Hellenistic kingships. Ranging from the early regencies and civil wars after Alexander’s death to the formation of multiple independent kingdoms and beyond, the generation of Alexander’s successors (323-276 BC) is comprehensively investigated. With a comparative perspective and detailed studies of diverse evidence, this is the first dedicated study of the beginnings of Hellenistic kingship and the first to put these beginnings in an international context. Alexander’s Successors and the Creation of Hellenistic Kingship examines the development of early Hellenistic kingship by the Successors of Alexander the Great across the period 323-276 BC. Focusing particularly on royal ideology and its impact, it draws the main actors of the period into a joint analytical framework and argues for the emergence of Hellenistic kingship as an international phenomenon. The book examines topics such as: how we can frame a unifying approach to Hellenistic kingship and the importance of ideological performance and competition; the articulation of superior status in the early post-Alexander years, via a detailed study of Craterus’ monument at Delphi; the use of heroic paradigms of rulership and imitatio in the establishment of authority; the creation of Hellenistic kingship via the use of symbolism such as the diadem and the staging of royal accession; and the ideological value of concepts such as ‘spear-won land’ in the emergence of new kingships. Together, these studies demonstrate how a shared vocabulary and syntax of royal ideology developed in the early Hellenistic world, constituting an emergent koine of Hellenistic kingship. Furthermore, the period of Alexander’s Successors had a formative longer-term impact on the development of Hellenistic kingship as a whole, and indeed royal histories beyond this. A companion volume, Royal Traditions and the Consolidation of Power by Alexander’s Successors, explores a range of additional topics to develop this picture further.

Women in Uganda have had a complex relationship with the state. During the precolonial period, there were two main types of political organization: kingdom states and “nonstate” segmentary societies. Most women in kingdom states were left out of the patron–client relationship system and accessed resources through their husbands, brothers, and sons. A small number of royal women, particularly within Buganda, had significant political power. Less is known about women in precolonial segmentary societies because of the relative lack of sources. In the mid-19th century, long-distance traders arrived in Buganda, bringing Islam and a heightened demand for slaves. The state treated enslaved women as commodities that could be sold or traded at any time. When European explorers and missionaries arrived shortly thereafter, they brought Christianity, as well as their own ideas about gender, many of which limited women’s power. After the British declared a protectorate over Uganda in 1894, missionaries worked closely with the new colonial government to educate women for domesticity. Daughters of the elite learned to become helpmates to their future husbands, who, in turn, were the functionaries of indirect rule. The colonial period also saw the advent of the club movement, which trained women to be good wives and mothers. After World War II, women’s clubs became increasingly political. Through the Uganda Council of Women, members learned to influence public opinion and government policies. However, very few women participated in formal politics at this time. After Uganda gained independence in 1962, women’s issues became increasingly central to the state. Nonetheless, activists struggled for autonomy in a political landscape that was chaotic and increasingly authoritarian. The militarization of the state, coupled with frequent and unpredictable regime changes, made women’s lives more difficult. Although more women have been elected to office and appointed to cabinet-level positions in the early 21st century, civil war and political instability have presented numerous challenges to women and their livelihoods.

‘How the Steel Was Tempered' by Nikolai Ostrovsky is a seminal Soviet novel that follows Pavel Korchagin, a young man from a Ukrainian village, as he becomes a hero of the Russian Civil War and a symbol of Communist ideals. Translated by R. Prokofieva, the story charts Pavel's journey from a rebellious youth to a dedicated Communist fighter and, finally, a paralyzed writer. The novel explores themes of sacrifice, resilience, and ideological commitment, portraying Pavel's personal suffering and steadfast beliefs. Set against the early 20th-century Russian Revolution and Civil War, it serves as both a historical account and Communist propaganda. Celebrated in the Soviet Union for its inspirational portrayal of Communist ideals, the novel's impact on Soviet and post-Soviet culture is significant. Despite its propagandistic elements, its universal themes of perseverance and dedication resonate with readers. This review aims to highlight the novel's enduring impact and significance in Soviet and post-Soviet culture, emphasizing its blend of historical narrative and ideological commitment.

In 1991 Jack A. Goldstone published an important book, Revolution and Rebellion in the Early Modern World, in which he boldly charted a new way to explain the basic causes of revolution throughout Eurasia from the sixteenth to the nineteenth centuries. Goldstone attempts to explain the periodic waves of early modern state crises, rebellions, and civil wars in widely divergent cultures and geographic settings by developing an intriguing model of state breakdowns which he applies primarily to England, France, the Ottoman Empire, and China. Goldstone views the crises of large agrarian absolute monarchies mainly as the result of a single basic process: prolonged population growth in the context of relatively inflexible economic and social structures, eventually resulting in rapid price inflation, sudden shifts in resources, and rising social demands on a scale that most agrarian-based bureaucratic states found overwhelming. Simply put, long-term population and price in-creases have helped push rigid political, economic, and social institutions into crisis. Since the publication of Goldstone's work, there has been a positive response to it from many historians and social scientists. So far, however, no one has attempted to test Goldstone's model by applying it to a state break-down which the author did not include in his study. In my own research I have discovered that Goldstone's model may apply to Russia even though he did not focus on it. In this article I hope to demonstrate that his work helps explain Russia's Time of Troubles (1598–1613) and that the Russian test case helps validate Goldstone's model as an important contribution to comparative history.

Clark, James Connecticut's Fife & Drum Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 2011, 196 pp. ISBN 978-0819571410, $26.96 (hardcover). parade audience in New England may be startled to hear a group with only high-pitched, flute-like fifes and accompanying drums, especially if they are not from New England. Their curiosity may be further aroused when they see large drums attached to the performers' legs and the heads of the instruments struck by a drum stick gripped upside down in the left hand--contrary to contemporary marching drum practice. pieces performed and visual image are very different from today's brass-heavy marching bands; audience members may consider the group unique and untraditional, even anachronistic. This is wrong thinking. fife and drum corps has been around a long and is the predecessor to contemporary high school bands, military bands, and drum and bugle corps. It is an active type of ensemble. James Clark, in Connecticut's Fife & Drum Tradition, seeks to preserve the uniqueness of the tradition as it has appeared in Connecticut. Connecticut, the third smallest state of the United States, is named after the long, tidal river that divides the state in half. Connecticut River, known for a wealth of history, marks an eastern boundary line to western Connecticut's rich music heritage. Clark, an active ancient fife and drum participant since 1965, recounts the legacy of large 17 to 19 snare drum corps and its fifes in Connecticut. He includes historical discussions of the fife--evolved from the medieval pipe--and the modified fourteenth-century rhythmic patterns, known as rudimental drumming. Clark also includes the social and historical significance of drum and fife groups in the Revolutionary and Civil War militias. Clark arranges his chapters in largely chronological order beginning with the Origins of the Fife and Drum during the Medieval Era, then proceeds to A New Nation, Early National Period and Civil War, The Connecticut Fifers and Drummers Association, Ancient Corps, and Contemporary Tradition. Clark explained concepts such as open drumming--a relaxed, smooth drumming technique (p. 48)--within the chapters addressing Connecticut's music heritage. publication enables readers to make contemporary connections to several ideas, including rhythm tempi such as quick time, equivalent to modern cut time tempi. Though Clark explains the fife and drum tradition through the eyes of fairly recent participants, he contextualizes their comments with discussions of ancient and modern corps. discussion provides a thorough overview of the larger drums and sticks, rudiments, militia calls, the march repertoire, and how ancient fifers played the melodic line. Older groups began with militia members but grew to using trained musicians following the wars. In contrast, more modern fife and drum corps used smaller drums, performed different music styles, and utilize tonal structures to divide fifers' musical lines into harmonies. Clark's work includes illustrations of period notation, discussions of out-of-print music, and provides a connection to General Friedrich Wilhelm von Steuben, George Washington's military training officer. Songs such as the College Hornpipe, transcribed during the American Revolution in Rhode Island by Thomas Remington, enable readers to examine early notation. well-placed pictures of historical ensembles and performers tell the story of the corps tradition more effectively than any narrator. Clark's connection to Connecticut's heritage icon, Nathan Hale, provides interest not only for Connecticut natives, but connects to scholars of early American history. …

American Eras: Primary Sources is a fascinating, student-friendly reference that's patterned after the Gale's award-winning American Decades: Primary Sources series. Like its predecessor, each volume of American Eras: Primary Sources offers full or excerpted primary sources representing a diversity of views that provide insight into the seminal issues, themes, movements, and events from each era. Also included are concise contextual information, notes about the author, further resources, and full color photos and illustrations. The following eras are covered: Early American Civilization, Exploration to 1600; The Colonial Era (1600-1754); Revolutionary Era (1754-1783); Development of a Nation, (1783-1815); Reform Era & Eastern U.S. Development (1815-1850); Westward Expansion (1800-1860); Civil War and Reconstruction (1860-1878); and Development of the Industrial United States (1878-1899). The primary sources fall into the following categories: the arts, business and the economy, education, fashion and leisure, government and politics, law and justice, lifestyles and social trends, media, medicine and health, religion, and science and technology. Providing unique perspectives and a wealth of understanding are oral histories, songs, speeches, advertisements, letters, laws, legal decisions, newspaper articles, cartoons, and recipes.

The Mississippi River Valley has played a huge role in the evolution of American history and culture, from the time of the Mississippian mound builders, through European colonialism, the early American republic and Civil War, to the modern-day civil rights movement. In this wide-ranging work, historian Michael Allen examines America's great river valley through the lenses of history, economics, folklore, literature, movies and television, and music—country, blues, gospel, jazz, and rock and roll.

While the monarchy tried to define revolt and enforce its conception of civil conflict in early seventeenth-century France, the local nobles of southwestern France asserted their own definitions and usages of revolt. These nobles used four principal strategies in their formulations of "revolt" : labeling other nobles as rebels and attempting to distance themselves from revolt, constructing the idea of initiative against disorder to justify their actions, claiming that they were conducting a holy defense of their faith and church, and asserting rationales of non- revolt to negate the idea of revolt and establish a logic for their participation in civil conflict. These strategies formed part of a "culture of revolt" that defined nobles' experiences in early seventeenth-century civil warfare.