La arquitectura sacra de Josep Maria Bosch Aymerich

To a first-order approximation we can place most worship services on a continuum between clarity and mystery, depending on the setting and content of the service. This liturgical space can be thought of as a combination of the physical acoustics of the worship space and the qualities of the sound created during the worship service. A very clear acoustic channel emphasizes semantic content, especially speech intelligibility. An immersive, reverberant acoustic emphasizes mystery and music. One of the chief challenges in acoustical design is the fact that both clarity and immersion are subjectively preferred by audiences, yet these two goals are almost mutually exclusive of one another. The movement along this continuum in liturgical space can also be seen in the religious contexts for many of the worship spaces constructed in the West in the last two millennia. In the case of religious ceremony, a free field acoustic environment provides more clarity and precision in the spoken word received from God and given to the congregation. Yet a diffuse field environment provides an embodied, otherworldly sense of the supernatural: the mystery of the faith received which cannot merely be put into words. This tension is perceptible in many of the religious controversies in the West during this time period. This article examines the history of the spaces used by early Western Catholic Christians as well as those of the traditions—Lutheran and Calvinist—that left the Catholic faith during the 16th century Reformation. By considering the stated goals of these traditions alongside the architectural and liturgical innovations they created, it can be seen that emergent liturgical spaces mirror the assumptions of their respective traditions regarding the proper balance between semantic and aesthetic communication during the worship service. The Reformed faiths' emphasis on the power of the Word is reflected in the liturgical space of their services, while the Catholic faith gave greater priority to the role of Mystery, in their liturgical space as well as their explicit theology. Once constructed, these spaces also aid the cultural transmission of the sung or spoken liturgy of each tradition to future generations.

The Archidiocese of Gwangju have kept up vigorous activities and cultures as local religion's medium and continued consideration of architectural aspects. The purpose of this study is intended to determine architectural characteristic features that appear on Catholic Dioceses of Gwangju and Jeon-nam. The research defines the architectural elements and characteristics that are influenced by the field survey and bibliography. The research is based on analysis of overall characteristics of architectural plan, elevational shape, and liturgical spaces of Catholic Church architecture in Dioceses of Gwangju and Jeon-nam. The Architectural plan have longer rectangular overall. By period have: 0.3:1 before 1950s, from 0.2:1 to 0.6:1 during 1970s, and two parts as 0.4:1 and 0.7:1 since 1980s. The major structural frames have brick masonry before 1950s and transfer to reinforced concrete method. As Roof shape, the cathedrals have gable roof before 1980s and transfer to flat roof since 1980s. The roof materials mostly make use of corrugated steel sheet From 1950s to 1970s, steel sheet and concrete during 1980s, and steel sheet since 1990s. The elevational materials consisted with red face bricks overall. The window style have semi-circular arch during 1950s and transfer to tall narrow rectangular since 1960s. As the characteristics of liturgical spaces, the ceiling shape have flat and semi-circular during 1950s, flat and trapezoid during 1960s, and varied shape since 1990s. the apse which tabernacle is located in have increased in number from 1990s and increased more during 2010s. the adoration chapel utilize during 1980s. The side aisle use mostly from 1980s to 1990s.

This thesis explores the transgressive representations of gender in the works of Emilia Pardo Bazán. In her short story “Cuento primitivo” (1893) and her novels Memorias de un solterón (1896), La quimera (1905), and Dulce dueño (1911), the myths and images that surround the figures of New Woman, femme fatales, and dandies expose the fear fin de siècle Spanish society felt toward these models that did not conform to the gender stereotypes expected of them. Their straying from the established norm was seen as the symptom of decadence and the herald of the destruction of the race. Each of the characters are marginalized in some way because of their gender or because they do not conform to the established gender order. Therefore, much of the theory used in this thesis is drawn from feminist sources including Elaine Showalter, Gilbert and Gubar, Laura Mulvey, and Hélène Cixous. I also incorporate psychoanalytic theory and its relationship to the preoccupation concerning masculinity and degeneration from the work of Freud, Neil Hertz, and Max Nordau. My analysis of the representation of these transgressive figures extends to art as well as many of the cultural myths or images that surrounded these men and women can be found in the paintings of the time, such as those from Santiago Rusiñol, Franz von Stuck, and Hermen Anglada-Camarasa. As a response to this problem of fin de siècle Spanish decadence, Pardo Bazán offers Spanish society a fairly unusual solution. She proposes a combination of the traditional in the form of the Catholic faith and the modern in the form of equality of the sexes. It is through this unique combination that she is able to integrate these foreign, subversive images of gender into Catholic Spanish society. She particularly celebrates the New Woman who demands to be seen as equal to man. Yet, the New Woman is foreign concept that she does not merely import to Spain; instead, she adapts her to fit within her culture. At the same time, she can promote a modern Spanish society without strict gender hierarchy yet still retain the essential Spanish-ness of Catholicism.

INTRODUCTION TO RELIGION AND POLITICS IN IBERIA In the overwhelmingly Roman Catholic “consensual” Iberian region, religion and politics has generally hinged on the issue of clericalism versus anticlericalism. The Roman Catholic Church plays a leading role in the political and social fabric of Portuguese and Spanish society, so it has quite naturally engendered both unbridled loyalty and fierce opposition among the population in each nation. The clerical/anticlerical cleavage has long been a major aspect of Iberian politics and society, but in recent years, its salience has declined under democratic rule in Portugal and in Spain. This chapter will approach the question of religion and politics in the Iberian peninsular by examining the emergence, development and evolution of the clerical/anticlerical cleavage in both Portugal and Spain. It will first present a brief overview of the religious composition in each nation, then discuss three key phases of the religion and politics relationship in the twentieth century in each country, and conclude with some thoughts on what may account for the narrowing, or perhaps even the eclipse, of the Iberian clerical/anticlerical divide in recent years. A BRIEF OVERVIEW OF RELIGION AND POLITICS IN IBERIAN SOCIETY The Religious Composition of Portugal The population of Portugal (which includes those living on Portuguese territory on the European continent and in the Atlantic islands of the Azores and Madeira) numbers approximately ten million people. Some 97 percent of this population is at least nominally Roman Catholic, and most baptisms, marriages, and funerals are performed according to Roman Catholic ritual.

The Catholic Church has played and continues to play a key role in the evolution and confi guration of the Spanish education system. Today, more than 21% of compulsory education pupils study at Catholic schools and this fi gure does not appear to be falling. In this article, after a few short preliminary notes on the role of Catholic institutions in the education system, we will focus on an analysis of the challenges being faced today by the Catholic Church and the responses offered by the various Catholic institutions. First, we focus on an analysis of Church‐State relations. The consolidation of the role of the Church in the education system has been the subject of one of the most virulent controversies in Spanish society over the last century. Opposition between the conservative sectors (with which the Church has mainly been identifi ed) and the progressive sectors of the political and social sphere has turned the educational fi eld 1 into a major scenario for confrontation. The Second Republic and Franco’s Dictatorship that followed were the most decisive moments in a confrontation that has calmed somewhat in times of democracy. However, although arguments today are not as heated as they were of old, disputes between the conservative and progressive sectors continue to affect both the educational policies and confi gurations of the Spanish governments. These constant ideological battles make it diffi cult to establish a climate for dialogue in which the situation of education can be approached from within a stable political and social climate. Today therefore, Catholic institutions are facing the challenge of creating a climate for dialogue capable of promoting improvement in education that reaches beyond its most immediate interests. Second, we focus on an analysis of the challenges facing moral and religious education in a plural and secularised society. The process of Spanish secularisation has been violent and confl ictive. From 1939 until the end of the 1970s, Spain

The article considers the changes in the position of the Catholic Church in Spanish society caused by the democratic transition. The beginning of the reign of Juan Carlos I was marked by the rethinking of the dialogue between the state and the Catholic Church. The king introduced the initiative to revise the provisions of the Concordat, thereby limiting the power position of the Spanish Catholic diocese. This decision looks like an intention to divide the history of Spain into Franco and democratic periods in the political and public consciousness. But the full-fledged democratization of society would have been impossible without the modernization of the church institution. The Constitution of 1978, being the main law of the country, reflects the state's attitude to religious issues, emphasizing the secular status of Spain and the pluralism of religion of the Spaniards. Despite the restrictions imposed on the Catholic Church, caused by the transition to democracy, the position of the religious institution remains high due to the pressure of the historical memory of Spain, in which Catholicism is a nation forming factor. As a result, the democratization of the Catholic Church was successful, and the church institution took a harmonious position in the conditions of democratic Spain.

Introduction to the Special Issue <i>Catholicism and Gender in Modern Spain</i>^†

The Spanish Inquisition was established as an official body blessed by the Roman Catholic Church, because the Catholic rulers Isabella and Ferdinand were determined to rid Spain of any heretics or non-Catholics. The greatest impact of the inquisition was the banishment of Islam from Spain. Spain has been a vibrant civilization for six centuries, serving as the shield of other religions. There was no divine guidance left untouched, or even a small group of believers left. It has resulted in Islam being delayed in Christian Europe for several decades. Even though Muslims have come to Europe in the last two centuries, Islam has been practiced as a personal religion of worship and prayer, but never as a government that has protected and enriched the lives of all religions, as we have seen during the Muslim rule of Andalusia. The aim of this paper is specifically to discuss the policies of the Spanish Inquisition on the Muslims in Andalusia. Muslim policies are discussed in great depth compared to other groups, because they were the majority and most resistant to policies. The analysis of the impact of the Inquisition is important to understand how Islam was eradicated from the Spanish society and later re-emerged as a significant presence in Spain.

The last decades of XIX century in Spain, framed between the failure of the revolution of 1868 and the disaster of 1898, constitute a decisive and controverted stage in the social transformations that, although limited and delayed, culminated the century with women�s participation in politics. The revolutionary enthusiasm of the Sexenio defended the rights of all citizen without aiming to undermine the foundations of the hegemonic class and women�s role as wives and mothers in society. The permanence of the structures of the old Regime, as well as the social control carried out by the Catholic Church, prevented the formation of strong social movements in favour of women�s equality. This was the main reason why Feminism arrived with delay in Spanish society and when it did, the socioeconomic circumstances complicated its spreading and development.

Religion in New Spain

Juan de Horozco’s 1588 Tratado dela verdadera y falsa prophecia (“Treatise Concerning True and False Prophecy”) intersects with at least three topics that have been central themes in Ann Matter’s scholarship: visionary culture, female prophecy, and the subtle manifestations of apocalypticism through the centuries of Christian thought and practice. The Tratado was an influential manual that Horozco wrote to help confessors discern spirits, and it has received particular attention from historians for its discussion of female visionary experiences. In this essay, I call attention to Horozco’s own betrayal of an apocalyptic outlook in the Tratado, and his use of medieval prophetic traditions such as the Erythraean Sibyl to interpret the challenges and possibilities facing both the Catholic Church and Spanish society in his own day. Horozco’s Tratado reminds us that, even at the end of the sixteenth century, apocalypticism continued to give voice to the anxieties and hopes of ecclesiastical authorities, and had not become exclusively a voice of protest from the margins of church and society.

The introduction of Education for Citizenship into the Spanish school system has given rise to a strong controversy with the Catholic Church and other conservative actors in Spanish society, who claim that the students’ moral education is an exclusive realm, reserved for families. Challenging these criticisms, this article points to the reasons that justify both the substantive content of the subject and the competence of democratic government with regard to civic education.

Previously untapped, Catholic Church records document historic networks among free black communities in Havana, Matanzas and other Atlantic ports. In earlier centuries, membership in overlapping religious and military corporations advanced their interests and gained them status in Spanish society. The slave revolt of Saint-Domingue, the Cuban sugar boom and the rise of abolitionist activity, however, caused their position to deteriorate rapidly in the nineteenth century. The alleged conspiracies of Aponte in 1812 and La Escalera in 1844 ruined them. Leaders were executed and hundreds more were deported in an Atlantic diaspora. Ironically, the well-recorded connections these groups maintained in the military and the Catholic Church allowed Cuban officials to target them and neither previous loyalty nor service could save them.

REAL and imagined resemblances and relationships between animals and human beings have preoccupied writers from earliest times, and they have utilized animal imagery constantly throughout literature for derogatory, satirical, or sympathetic purposes. In contemporary Hispanic literature Ram6n Sender, Juan Jose Arreola, and Julio Cortizar, among others, have concentrated on the theme; but none has so consistently used animals iconoclastically as Juan Goytisolo. Goytisolo no doubt believes that Spanish society is a menagerie, a kind of backward jungle, inhabited by herds of sheep easily victimized by dictatorship, capitalism, tourism, the Catholic Church, and sexual frustrations. Spaniards suffer all of the savage aspects of animalistic living without any of the positive benefits to be derived from a more primitive and forceful life containing sexual and sadistic elements which help one to cope with a cruel and violent world. If the atmosphere of Spain is bestial, it is only natural that animals reside there. As the author ridicules the

Conflict between the Left and Catholicism has played a major role in twentieth-century Spanish politics. The Church in Spain, as elsewhere 'in its historic heartlands', has served as the bulwark of order, representing one of the most important obstacles to the legitimation of the parties of the Left and to their accession to power. Controversy over its place in society contributed decisively to the outbreak of the Civil War. After the Franco victory in 1939, the Church and Catholicism served as the principal ideological pillars of the regime. Despite the important socio-structural changes of the last four decades, the Catholic Church's presence and influence continue to generate tension in Spain. Thus, even today, as Juan Linz has noted, 'religion continues to be the decisive variable in accounting for the moderate and conservative electoral choices of the voters. In fact, it is a more important factor than social class.' The Left has been forced to devise a strategy for dealing with the Catholic phenomenon in Spain. A first line of attack, in line with the anti-clerical tradition of its Latin European counterparts, was a call for a frontal assault on the Church. The Anarchists, Communists and Socialists pursued this strategy in the years preceding the Civil War and for the first two decades of the Franco regime. Eventually, under the impetus of changes taking place in Spanish society and among Catholics, as well as of lessons learned from having allowed the Right to exploit religion in its favour, a less conflictual alternative emerged. Socialists and Communists—the Anarchists having lost their prominence in the Left by the 1950s—inclined their parties toward more flexible postures. As we shall see, the degree of interest and innovation in policy was not the same among the two parties, but both sought to break the marriage between Catholicism and social/political conservatism. This essay will analyse the evolving policies and attitudes of the Socialists (PSOE: Partido Socialista Obrero Espanol) and Communists (PCE: Partido Comunista de Espana) with respect to Spanish Catholicism. The first section explores the role of the Church and subculture in Franco Spain and discusses the reasons for and extent of their evolution. The second section focuses on the PSOE and PCE analysis of and response to that phenomenon, and the final section assesses the efficacy of those policies and the place of the Catholic Church and subculture in Spain today.