Kopciuszek idzie na wojnę? Fallocentryzm a pseudofeminizm w baśniowej dystopii (na przykładzie Cinderella Is Dead Kalynn Bayron)

To the Editor.— I was disturbed by a comment made by Dr Anderson in her review of Michael Fumento's The Myth of Heterosexual AIDS . 1 With regard to one's risk of acquiring acquired immunodeficiency syndrome, Dr Anderson states that heterosexual persons in middle America do not ordinarily frequent the breeding ground for HIV [human immunodeficiency virus]. Unfortunately, class may eventually be more important than sexual preference or skin color. Why is it unfortunate that class be more important than sexual preference or skin color? Are we to presume from this statement that we are more fortunate when lethal diseases are confined to a certain skin color, or those of a certain sexual preference? There seems to be some significant underlying racism and intolerance to imply that we would all be better off as long as certain diseases do not cross into white persons in middle America. To paraphrase Martin

Visibility and invisibility are very meaningful words to the community of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex - LGBTTI. Compose this “alphabet soup” that represents the sex-diverse community means transit, lifelong, between invisibility and visibility. For lesbians and gays be visible implies publicly assume their sexual orientation; for transsexuals, transvestites, transgender and intersex people, visibility is compulsory at some point in their lives, since, unlike sexual orientation, which can be concealed by a lie by omission or by “closet”, the identity of Gender is experienced by people “trans” as a stigma that can not be hidden, as with skin color, for black men and women. In this paper will seek to analyze the performance of identities “trans” on the premise that free traffic between genders can not be treated as an issue linked to human sexuality, namely sexual orientation of the subject, but from a gender perspective, which will lead us to understand this issue as a fact linked to identity and not to psychological disorders. Also we analyze the contribution that the principle of fraternity can give to the exercise of such identities, taking into account the fact that freedom and equality (members of the French revolutionary triad) do not lend, isolated in both. With regard to methodology, we opted for the inductive approach method and procedure as the monographic method, using as a data collection technique the literature.

Why Identity Group Work Strengthens Our Capacity for All Liberation Work

Using representative data from the 2019 National Health Survey (PNS-2019), we aim to investigate whether violent physical and sexual victimization differs by sexual orientation in Brazil. This was a cross-sectional study using data from a nationwide household-based survey. The PNS sample was selected with a three-stage cluster sampling. Prevalence of individuals aged 18 to 64 years who had suffered physical violence in the previous 12 months and 95% confidence intervals (CI) were estimated according to sex and sexual orientation. Multivariate logistic regression models were used with physical violence in the previous 12 months as the outcome and self-declared sexual orientation, sociodemographic characteristics, and age of sexual initiation as independent variables. Odds-ratios (OR) were estimated to test associations with the independent variables. The same statistical procedures were used for analyzing lifetime sexual violence. Among the 70,361 participants, 2.2% of men and 2.0% of women self-declared to be homosexual/bisexual. Among homosexual/bisexual men and women, 13% and 16%, respectively, have suffered physical violence in the previous 12 months. Regarding lifetime sexual violence, prevalence was 6.4% among homosexual/bisexual men, with OR = 9.1 (95% CI [5.7, 14.4]) in comparison to heterosexual men. Among homosexual/bisexual women, prevalence reached 11.5%, with OR = 2.4 (95% CI [1.7, 3.4]) in comparison to heterosexual women. After controlling for sexual orientation, the greatest odds of suffering physical violence in the previous 12 months were found among young people, non-white, starting sexual activity <15 years old, and poor education. The risk of women suffering lifetime sexual violence was seven times greater than that of men (OR = 7.30; 95% CI [6.05, 8.80]). The findings indicate a complex scenario in which sex, sexual orientation, skin color, and poor education interact in violent victimization and highlights the insufficiency of public policies in implementing effective actions focused on overcoming the homophobic prejudice that persists in Brazilian society.

Purpose: Latino sexual minority men (LSMM) may experience oppression based on their ethnicity, sexual orientation, and migratory status, yet scientific literature is only beginning to explore the intersection of these experiences. This study examined mental health (MH) in relation to LSMM's experiences of intersectional oppression and affirmation. Methods: We conducted a secondary analysis of baseline data from a cohort study examining LSMM's (n = 290) health care engagement in Miami, FL, from February to September 2020. Latent class analysis (LCA) identified classes based on self-reported multiple identity discrimination (e.g., race, ethnicity, and skin color), sexual orientation stigma/affirmation, and migration-related stress. Logistic and linear regressions examined associations between class membership and anxious, depressive, post-traumatic stress, somatic symptoms, and overall MH burden. Results: The LCA revealed a three-class solution: (1) affirmed LSMM (73.8%), (2) LSMM with intersectional oppression (21.7%), and (3) LSMM with immigration stress (4.5%). The three classes varied in terms of multiple identity discrimination, sexual orientation stigma/affirmation, and migration-related stress. Compared with Class 1, Class 2 had greater conditional probabilities of reporting clinically significant depressive (p = 0.033) and post-traumatic stress symptoms (p = 0.031), and at least one MH concern (p = 0.018). Greater depressive symptoms (p = 0.007), post-traumatic stress symptoms (p = 0.049), somatic symptoms (p = 0.024), and clinically significant MH concerns (p = 0.018) were found among Class 2 than among Class 1. Conclusion: Findings identified three groups of LSMM based on their experiences of intersectional oppression and affirmation. Discrimination at the intersection of multiple identities, sexual orientation stigma/affirmation, and migration-related stress were associated with LSMM's MH outcomes, particularly among immigrants.

Characterization of assortative mating in medaka: Mate discrimination cues and factors that bias sexual preference

Case law and implications of hacking

Since the advent of AIDS, discrimination has remained at the core of the experience of people living with HIV (PLHIV). PLHIV who belong to minority groups are exposed to discrimination not only on the grounds of their HIV infection but also because of rejecting attitudes towards drug users, homosexuals and black people. This article aimed to measure the frequency of discrimination and assess its correlates among PLHIV in France. We used data from a national representative survey, the ANRS-Vespa2 study, conducted in France in 2011 among 3022 male and female HIV-positive patients followed at hospitals. Respondents answered a face-to-face questionnaire documenting their health status and living conditions. Discrimination was documented during the previous two years on the grounds of HIV infection, gender, country of birth, skin colour, sexual orientation, place of residence, and substance abuse in a variety of contexts. For each context, we performed logistic regressions on discrimination, controlling for socio-epidemiological group, age, education level and employment status. Discrimination is frequently experienced by PLHIV in France (26%), particularly when applying for a job (24%), interacting with family (11%) or seeking health services (8%). Women from sub-Saharan Africa reported the highest levels of discrimination, whereas heterosexual non-African men reported the lowest. Men who have sex with men experienced levels of discrimination that fell between those of these two groups. The major perceived reason for discrimination was HIV status (13%). Nationality, skin colour and sexual orientation were cited by 5% each, whereas gender was cited by 1% of respondents. Our analyses show that discrimination is a frequent and cross-cutting experience with differences across the various contexts and among the diverse subpopulations. The intertwining of HIV-related stigma with sexism, racism and homophobia needs to be addressed to understand why discrimination against PLHIV persists when the disease itself has greatly evolved.

Despite the increasing body of literature surrounding online dating preferences, there remains a paucity of research that analyzes whether skin color influences the dating selection process. To fill this empirical gap, the present study uses data collected from 2,024 Asian dating profiles, including the skin tone of the daters, to assess the impact that skin color variation may have on the inter- and intraracial dating preferences of heterosexual males and females as well as gay males and lesbians. This research also examines whether skin tone has a pronounced effect on the relationship between sexual orientation and the willingness to date Asians, African Americans, and Latino/Latinas. The current findings suggest that darker skinned Asians are more likely to state a preference to date African Americans and Latino/Latinas compared to their lighter skinned counterparts; however, they are less willing to date another Asian. The results also document significant interaction effects between sexual orientation and skin color differences. Our findings are discussed in relation to the racial hierarchy of preference and privilege that are inherently linked to the longstanding concept of colorism.

ABSTRACTAnimals choose reproductive partners based on their sexual preferences which are established at a certain time point before, during, or after sexual maturation. The preferences are often divergent within a species, which suppresses gene flow between populations and may promote speciation. There are two strains of medaka (Oryzias latipes) that differ by a single transgene and mate assortatively depending on skin color. Here, we demonstrate that symmetrically biased (mutually exclusive) sexual preferences are (1) gradually established during growth depending on skin color and the color of surrounding fish, (2) strong enough to minimize gene flow between the strains at a population level, and (3) inflexibly retained after sexual maturation, even after weeks of daily mating with partners of the other strain. Thus, these laboratory strains of medaka are under premating isolation with the simplest genomic structure. They provide an empirical platform for assessing the complex and hypothetical mechanisms of speciation by mate choice.

This chapter draws a detailed panorama of micro-segregation in Rio de Janeiro. Starting with a spatial and historical overview of residential segregation related to income and skin colour in the city, we look into micro-segregation in formal and informal areas in Rio through different methods. We first explore perceptions of segregation in 24 districts through a large-scale survey. Second, we assess vertical segregation at the scale of residential buildings in some of the densest districts in Rio. We also analyse perceptions of segregation according to income, skin colour, political and sexual orientation across scales in formal areas. We find that perceptions of segregation levels vary across scales. Seen as high at the city scale, levels fall at the district and even more at the building scale. In turn, causes of segregation are predominantly associated with income and skin colour at the city and district scales, and more closely with political orientations at the building scale. Finally, our data on 24 districts in Rio shows mixed correlations between income and height in residence floors in formal areas. The inverse is the case in informal settlements. We find statistical evidence that those poorer and black within low-income groups are likely to live in higher positions of vertical favelas. We conclude with a discussion of these findings representing the challenging status of micro-segregation in Rio de Janeiro.

The purchasing power of historically invisible groups is growing and yet we continue to see instances of entertainment and leisure venues either outright denying access to them and/or at least degrading the service that they receive. We study this and other such discrimination and injustice against groups based on gender, religion, skin tone, body image, weight, sexual orientation, language, disability, and other demographic markers (Walsh 2009). We provide a historical perspective, discuss our qualitative methodology, present our findings, and conclude with some recommendations for marketers and researchers in supporting the transformation of the lives of consumers in oppressed groups and segments from positions of being discriminated against and experiencing marketplace injustice to a position of fair and equitable treatment in a marketplace reflecting social justice. We have developed a theoretical perspective on why these injustices are differentially perceived across groups. Thus, our research questions are as follows: To whom does Entertainment and Leisure Marketplace Discrimination occur and how? Do members of traditionally dominant groups and traditionally marginalized groups differ in the perceptions of Marketplace Discrimination? How are service provider reactions to allegations of Marketplace Discrimination perceived by members of marginalized groups? We collected primary data in the form of depth interviews and drew heavily from extant literature. Respondents represented various ethnoracial backgrounds, genders, sexual orientations, religions, etc. (cf. Motley and Henderson 2008; Motley, Henderson, and Baker 2003; Spiggle 1994). The coauthors and student collaborators interviewed people identified in multiple ways. The interviews were either conducted face-to-face or over the telephone, via the internet (e.g., Skype). Each interview was audio and/or video-taped and were between 40 and 90 minutes long. Interpretations of emergent themes were derived directly from interview transcripts, interviewer notes and the extant literature. The themes were independently developed by the co-authors and their research assistants, and while the labels differed, the interpretations overlapped. We believe that the emergent themes from our data are best captured by our theoretical framework: liberation psychology. At its core, liberation psychology concerns the interaction between individuals and society (McKown 2005). Liberation psychology assumes that oppression often includes a tacit acceptance of inequities by oppressors and oppressed. From this perspective, oppression reflects lack of awareness of societal conditions that maintain oppression. The key to overcoming oppression is thus the development of “critical consciousness” on the part of oppressed people, or an awareness of social and economic contradictions, particularly the conditions of social inequality. Adams, O’Brien, and Nelson (2006) focus on three central tenets of a Liberation Psychology analysis: adopting the perspective of the oppressed, recovering historical memory, and de-ideologizing everyday experience (Martin-Baro, 1994, p. 30). Liberation Psychology provides the perfect theoretical base to account for our marketplace discrimination data. We maintain that if more entertainment and leisure marketers adopted the perspective of the oppressed, they would be less likely to create/tolerate such circumstances. In addition, to the extent that marketers are able to Recover Historical Memory they would understand the context in which their traditionally marginalized customers put what they may believe are innocent mistakes. Lastly, by moving past feelings of guilt and confronting the issues head on, owners and managers of entertainment venues will be able to have a productive dialog with consumers about what constitutes fair treatment.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to assess field experiments of labour and product markets that have attached photos to identify applicants (in the case of labour markets) or sellers/crowd funders (in the case of product markets).Design/methodology/approachThe experiments seek to identify the contribution of attractiveness, race/ethnicity, skin colour, sexual orientation or religion to the behaviour of agents in markets. These experiments attach photos to CV to signal attractiveness, or the basis of being tested such as race/ethnicity, skin colour or religion.FindingsMany experiments report significant findings for the impact of attractiveness or the identity revealed on positive callbacks to applicants.Research limitations/implicationsThe issue considered here, however, is to what extent it is attractiveness or other perceived characteristics that may have had an impact on the behaviour recorded in the experiments. The results of the studies covered in this paper, to a lesser extent those of Weichselbaumer (2004) and Baert (2017), are compromised by including photos, with the possibility the responses received were influenced not only by the basis being tested such as attractiveness, race/ethnicity or religion but by some other characteristic unintended by the researcher but conveyed by the photo.Practical implicationsThere is evidence in the experimental work of a range of characteristics that photos convey of individuals and their impact on labour and product market outcomes such as success in obtaining a positive response to job applications and success in obtaining funding to finance projects in the product market. Suggestions are made for future experiments: evaluation of photos for a range of characteristics; use of a “no photo” application together with the photo applications; and evaluation of responses for any bias from unobservable characteristics using Neumark (2012).Originality/valueThis paper discusses for the first time three questions with some tentative answers. First, the researcher faces introducing further unobservable characteristics by using photos. Second, the researcher cannot fully control the experimental approach when using photos. Third, the researcher is able to accurately evaluate the impact of the photos used on the response/probability of call back. Field experiments using photos need to ensure they do this for the range of factors that have been shown to affect judgments and therefore potentially influence call back response. However, the issue remains whether the researcher has, in fact, identified all potential characteristics conveyed by the photos.

One of the key objectives of the TeO survey was to collect information on all types of discrimination (sex, ethnicity and skin colour, age, religion, sexual orientation, etc). For this purpose, questions about perceptions and experience of discrimination were asked in different sections of the questionnaire. This chapter approaches discrimination by using different indicators referring to representations of discrimination, self-reported experience of discrimination and situations involving discrimination in various areas of social life. The subjective and more objective reported occurrences of discrimination are analysed by gender, generation and ethnicity. We obtain important findings which demonstrate that 1) ethnic and racial discrimination is the most prevalent form of discrimination reported in the survey; 2) visible minorities are the most frequent targets of discrimination, mainly based on their ethnicity and skin colour; 3) in their self-reported experience of discrimination, ethnic minorities tend to underestimate rather than exaggerate its frequency. Experience of discrimination and of othering are also highly correlated and there is a significant impact of religion, for Muslims, on the risk of reporting discrimination.

In 1985, Virginia Goldner wrote an article for the Family Therapy Networker entitled Warning: Family Therapy May Be Hazardous to Your Health. In this one tongue-in-cheek title, Goldner captured a major theme and source of controversy in the discourse surrounding marital and family therapy over the last decade. This debate centers around the idea that some clients may not be well-served and, in some cases, may be harmed by marital and family therapy. More specifically, at the heart of this debate is the premise that marital and family therapy as traditionally practiced is oppressive to specific constituencies. In the last 10 years, questions have been raised and criticism leveled concerning biases in marital and family therapy that have ignored and, in some cases, pathologized three groups: women in families, racial-ethnic minority families, and gay and lesbian families. Although the critiques of the field of marital and family therapy's treatment of gender, race and ethnicity, and sexual orientation evolved independent of one another with no common theoretical framework, similarities exist in the criticisms offered and questions posed about the biases that exist in marital and family therapy. The purpose of this review article is to look at similarities in the critiques emanating from these different quarters and to examine the impact these critiques have had on the field of marital and family therapy. In addition, areas in which work is still needed will be identified. Prior to examining these critiques in greater detail, one point should be noted. Discussions of the treatment of minority families in marital and family therapy have often been clouded by an inconsistency in terminology. The term ethnicity is most frequently found, but is often used somewhat interchangeably with the term culture. Although there is a great deal of overlap in the terms culture and ethnicity, they are not synonymous; culture is broader in scope than ethnicity (Preli & Bernard, 1993). The term race, however, is less frequently used and often is treated as simply one component of ethnicity. Hardy and Laszloffy (1994) propose that the relative silence around race, achieved by subsuming it under ethnicity, is a way of marginalizing race and downplaying the domination of the White perspective in models of family therapy. Yet race--particularly skin color--is often a defining aspect of the experience of ethnic identity for people of color. In an effort to recognize that ethnicity is much more than just race, but that race assumes a primacy in structuring peoples' experiences, both race and ethnicity are used throughout this article, with the term racial-ethnic used where grammatically appropriate. CRITIQUES OF MARITAL AND FAMILY THERAPY Any cursory review of journals, workshops, and conference programs will reveal that the topic of marital and family therapy's insensitivity to, and in some cases, oppression of certain groups has been a dominant theme in the field in the last decade. Certainly, the feminist critique of the treatment of gender in the field was the most extensively articulated during this time (e.g., Goodrich, Rampage, Ellman, & Halstead, 1988; Luepnitz, 1388; McGoldrick, Anderson, & Walsh, 1989, Walters, Carter, Papp, & Silverstein, 1988), but a substantial body of literature also addressed the treatment of racial and ethnic minority families (e.g., McGoldrick, Pearce, & Giordano, 1982; Saba, Karrer, & Hardy, 1991; Tseng & Hsu, 1991). Although less systematic attention has been given to gay and lesbian families in mainstream family therapy research and treatment journals, the topic has been a controversial one and has been addressed with greater frequency in marital and family therapy book chapters (e.g., Brown & Zimmer, 1386, Goodrich, Ellman, Rampage, & Halstead, 1990; Sanders, 1993). These critiques of marital and family therapy have varied in the specific aspects of therapy that are thought to be insensitive or oppressive, yet all share a t common concern that the field has perpetuated the status quo. …