Knoxville-Shasta Succession in California

The role of the ‘<i>Review of New Foreign Titles on Medical Science</i>’ in the library of the Chinese Academy of Medical Sciences

The development of biochemistry and molecular biology in China

Here the authors present another article from the series devoted to the work of libraries of academic institutions and their staff during the Great Patriotic War. The article bases on the documents found in the archive of the Library for Natural Sciences of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow and St. Petersburg Archives of the Academy of Sciences. The authors used the general scientific methodology, applying source study, archaeographic and analytical-synthetic methods of work with archival documents. This work is devoted to the grandiose event, preparation to which took place in in the last war months – the 220th anniversary of the USSR Academy of Sciences celebration. Preparation for this jubilee celebration was complex one, engaging various specialists and reflecting different directions of scientific development in the country. Large-scale book and rare archive documents exhibitions in which the best library specialists of the USSR Academy of Sciences took part displayed successes of the Russian science. These jubilee arrangements were to demonstrate the history of the development of science in Russia and the Soviet state power having won the severe war. When arranging jubilee celebrations the USSR Academy of Science librarians used the experience acquired while organizing famous scientists books’ exhibitions in the most difficult period of the Great Patriotic War. There were exhibited book treasures from the collections of academic libraries and archives as well as the results of studies of soviet scientists, foreign scientific publications that included native scientists’ articles. These exhibitions took place in Moscow and Leningrad – the cradle of the Russian Academy of Sciences. During this hard war period, the State allotted considerable resources for the jubilee arrangements, attaching great importance to international contacts of native scientists, showing their impact into the global science. The jubilee exhibitions revealed the big potential of the USSR Academy of Science libraries in spite of the enormous stuff and resources loss during the war. The experience of holding events on celebrating the anniversary of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR in 1945 may be useful in organizing work on the upcoming 300-th anniversary of the Russian Academy of Sciences in 2024.

Planning the future of plant systematics: Report on a special colloquium at the Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences.

THE early naturalists who led us into this modern age of biology, such as Darwin, Wallace and Cuvier, tinkered rather little with nature. Mostly, they looked, described, thought and hypothesized. Then they returned to nature to check their ideas. Always at the center of their thoughts lay the organism in nature. That method has been supplanted largely by a wave of science based upon experiments with living things. Where the earlier naturalist trained his eyes to see the sublety of his subjects the experimentalist of today may be more in tune with instruments than with animals. The man whom we salute here is living proof that the methods-simple ones, it seems-of the earlier naturalists are as valid today as they ever were. Carl L. Hubbs has reached the highest pinnacles of recognition in his field: election to the National Academy of Sciences (1952); receipt of the Joseph Leidy Award and Medal of the Academy of Natural Sciences, Philadelphia (1964); membership in the Linnaean Society of London (1965); the Henry Russell Award at Michigan (192930); the Fellows Medal of the California Academy of Sciences (1966); the American Fisheries Society Award of Excellence (1973); and the Shinkishi Hatai Medal of Japan (1971), for the most remarkable contribution to marine biology in the Pacific. Named in his honor have been five genera of fishes, one of lichens, 22 species of fishes, one bird, one whale, two molluscs, one crab, three cave arthropods, two insects, three species of algae, one species of lichen and one very dry Nevada lake.1 His works continue to be modern in every respect and he has used the observational approach

The distributional history of Bufo debilis insidior Garman and Opheodrys vernalis blanchardi Grobman in Kansas is examined. Several records of each species are eliminated from the state. While the presence of B. debilis in the state is considered valid, the presence of 0. vernalis in Kansas is questionable. The distributional status of several of the rarer species of reptiles and amphibians in Kansas is not clearly understood (Rundquist and Collins, 1977; Rundquist, 1977; Collins, 1974). Recent information has been obtained that may further elucidate the status of two species (Bufo debilis and Opheodrys vernalis) in the state, and is presented below. Museum designations for specimens are as follows: Academy of Natural Sciences, Philadelphia (ANSP), California Academy of Science (CAS), Kansas State University (KSC), University of Kansas (KU), Museum of Comparative Zoology, Harvard (MCZ), University of Michigan (UMMZ). Bufo debilis insidior Girard Western Green Toad Smith (1932) published the first extensive account on Bufo debilis in Kansas. He listed records for Greeley, Grant, Hamilton, Logan, Morton, and Barber counties. These records were further substantiated in an unpublished distributional work by Brumwell (ca. 1933). The Barber and Hamilton county records were based on literature records by Cragin (1894). Cragin evidently preserved no specimens of this species from Kansas. His comments are as follows, 'The species was observed a few days later in great abundance and activity (during rainy weather) in Morton county, Kansas, and the southern part of Hamilton county. I have also collected a single specimen in the western part of Barber county, Kansas, also. Two of Smith's records were based on specimens that no longer exist. He based the Greeley County record on 'K.U., 1 spec. This specimen cannot be located in the herpetological collection or catalogue at the Museum of Natural History at the University of Kansas. The Logan County record is based on KSC 50This content downloaded from 157.55.39.27 on Wed, 07 Sep 2016 05:55:07 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms TRANSACTIONS OF THE KANSAS ACADEMY OF SCIENCES 55. The collection at Kansas State University, Manhattan (formerly Kansas State College), no longer exists (J. T. Collins, pers. comm.). Collins (1974) lists records for Morton, Grant, Greeley, and Logan counties. Preserved specimens of B. d. insidior exist for Morton, Grant, and Logan counties. A specimen in the collection at the California Academy of Science (CAS 17266) formerly listed as B. d. insidior is actually an example of Bufo w. woodhousei. Although Collins listed a Greeley County record, this was due to a printing error, as he had previously identified that specimen (CAS 17266) as B. woodhousei. The Logan County record is based on one specimen in the University of Michigan collection (UMMZ 67442), not the KSU collection as previously reported. The exact locality and collector of this specimen are unknown. Thus, three valid county records for this toad are available from the state: Logan, Grant, and Morton counties. It is possible that the western green toad does occur in Hamilton and Greeley counties, but until voucher specimens from these counties are found, they should be considered valid rec-

American AnthropologistVolume 116, Issue 1 p. 244-247 OBITUARY Linda S. Cordell (1943–2013) Judith A. Habicht-Mauche, Judith A. Habicht-Mauche [email protected] http://anthro.ucsc.edu/faculty/index.php Department of Anthropology, University of California, Santa Cruz, Santa Cruz, CA, 95064Search for more papers by this author Judith A. Habicht-Mauche, Judith A. Habicht-Mauche [email protected] http://anthro.ucsc.edu/faculty/index.php Department of Anthropology, University of California, Santa Cruz, Santa Cruz, CA, 95064Search for more papers by this author First published: 24 March 2014 https://doi.org/10.1111/aman.12086Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Volume116, Issue1March 2014Pages 244-247 RelatedInformation

We are our own subjects. How our subjectivity becomes entangled in the lives of others is and has always been our topic. (Denzin 27)This article reflects on the process of disclosing the ethnographic self, particularly in relation to the use of e-mails and social networking sites, such as Facebook. Previous work has examined virtual ethnography as the main research method or its place within a mixed method approach (Orgad; Hine, Virtual Ethnography; Fay; Greschke). My focus lies on the voluntary and involuntary intertwining of physical ethnographic work (i.e. going to a specific location to immerse oneself in a culture) and the virtual relations formed with informants in the course of such fieldwork. Connecting with informants on Facebook has brought a new dimension to the active approach of impression management that is encouraged in traditional texts on ethnography and participant observation (Hammersley and Atkinson; Taylor and Bogdan; Ellen). Examples are drawn from my experience of three phases of geographically located fieldwork for my thesis on Spanish- and English-language media and the Cuban-American community in Miami, Florida, and from online “repercussions” of my physical presence in the field.In an ideal (research) world, the process of immersing oneself in a culture, studying and understanding its values, dynamics and symbolism is paired with professional and personal distance and reflexivity. Most of the time, the reality of fieldwork does not adhere to this ideal (Kleinman and Copp). Data collection does not take place in a void. On the contrary, it is a personal, emotional, embodied and challenging experience in which the researcher’s persona is highly involved: “If informants are people and have rights that affect ethical practice, ethnographers are also human and have identities that affect research practice” (Brewer 99).The researcher’s identity has a strong influence on the research process, but the same holds true the other way around. Ethnographic encounters have an effect on the ethnographer’s sense of identity or sense of self. The researcher’s identity, just like the informant’s, is ever-changing and in a constant process of negotiation that continues throughout the ethnographic experience. As Sarah Pink (47) points out, individuals not only position themselves and their identity in relation to others, but also in relation to objects and discourses (see also: Miller).Therefore the process of relating to the field does not end with physically removing oneself from it (Coffey). Dealing, relating and “coming to terms” with the field and those we encounter is much more complex. The assumption made that the researcher would not be influenced by this, meaning that the field has no impact whatsoever on the one collecting data, has been challenged severely, often by feminist scholars among others, over the past decades (Hey; Roberts; Berger).Establishing and positioning oneself and one’s role in the field can be a daunting process (Lindner). It can be informed by fears of acceptance, uncertainties about conventions not (fully) understood yet and the underlying dynamics one still hopes to uncover. The process of role(s) and identity negotiation of the researcher in the field goes on when writing the field, going through field notes and making sense of what we have experienced (Okely). So even though strict temporal and spatial boundaries might never have existed to the extent ethnography textbooks would have us believe, the use of e-mails and social networking sites have brought the field even closer to home. I have structured the following reflections on disclosing the ethnographic self in face-to-face conversations, that is, exposures made while being physically present in the field, and those taking place online. However, it is worth remembering that this is an artificial distinction as they are clearly interlinked and can overlap in time. Disclosure in Face-to-Face ConversationsWith establishing and negotiating one’s identity in the field and fieldwork relations comes the question of how much to disclose of oneself. How much should informants know about me? There are obvious ethical requirements: Every researcher should be clear about scope and aim of the research project, institutional affiliations, the way data will be stored and used (Mauthner et al.). But beyond that, how much of myself do I have to expose? What stands in the way of a straight-forward answer is the undefined nature of relationships of those we meet in the field: “Fieldwork relationships are at once professional and personal, yet not necessarily readily characterized as either”(Coffey 39).Arguably, there is not one right way to proceed, as it depends on the kind of field the researcher is finding herself in, her personality, role, identity and the type of relationship she wishes to establish with informants. The process of relationship-building to the field as a whole as constructed in the ethnographer’s mind and to individuals in the field is of course ongoing and very likely to evolve and change over time. This applies not only to the relationships built but also to the researcher’s sense of self and how he or she relates to those encountered in the field. It is partly in and through these encounters that the researcher’s understanding of self is influenced, shaped and negotiated on a continual basis. During three phases of fieldwork in 2006, 2007 and 2008 I interviewed over 40 Hispanic journalists, media executives and active members of the Cuban-American community in Miami, Florida. How much was I willing to disclose of myself during these encounters and subsequent e-mail exchanges? Should I correct informants when they wrongly assumed I was British because I was based at a British institution? Do they need to know why I have chosen to research this particular topic and them as a group, why I was based at a Scottish university and what brought me to the U.K. in the first place? The answers were no secrets, but neither was I comfortable to share them with all informants I met in the field. Gender and age-related dynamics came into play here with the majority of interviewees being male and significantly older than me (Easterday). At times, I was uneasy when it came to talking about myself. While I defined the majority of my initial relations as mostly, though not entirely, professional, some interviewees did have a different take on this. In particular, I felt that one interviewee who after the interview started asking me personal questions about my move to Scotland, clearly overstepped an invisible line, although it would have been perfectly alright from my perspective to ask him questions similar, though different in tone, within the context of an interview. A further aspect of disclosure within the context of ethnographic work is the open discussion of the research process with informants. Although this can be very fruitful, it can also be source of scorn and end in closed doors, especially in the highly polarised field I was researching: Once interviews were finished, some interviewees would ask whom I had interviewed previously—maybe just out of interest, maybe to go on and suggest future interviewees. I had never considered in detail what kind of reactions interviewees might have by my naming of previous contacts because for one, reactions had so far been positive and secondly, all interviewees had some understanding of what research entails and that I would naturally want to speak to as many people and as many “sides” as possible. In one particular case, though, the interviewee showed clear disapproval of my talking to a journalist at a well-known Miami-based newspaper. At the time, I did not take this minor condemnation very seriously, but in retrospect it turned out that this interviewee could have been a valuable source for further information and contacts. It taught me that it is wise to hold my cards closer to my chest in such a sensitive environment. This does not mean, however, that secrecy and constant striving towards a neutral position is always the best way to proceed, nor a believable position to hold as Kloos (511) found out: “One of the clergymen in Eastern Flevoland asked me once: ‘Do you have any opinions of your own?’”Virtual Exposure and DisclosurePrevious studies underlined that relationships forged and maintained online mirror offline everyday-life contacts, interests, concerns and vice versa. (Castells; Miller and Slater) For ethnographers whose informants have ready Internet access, this can bring significant advantages as well as challenges. Contacting informants whom I had heard about but not yet met in person by e-mail proved an extremely useful approach. An e-mail allowed me to say a few words about myself and introduce my research project. If there was no response to the e-mail, I was much more comfortable to call the person at this stage—rather than before an e-mail had been sent. E-mails proved a very successful way in contacting informants, thanking people after the interview and exchanging further information that had been touched upon in conversation. What surprised me, however, was that e-mails were also used by interviewees to contact me months after I had been in touch with them and had physically left the field. On a couple of occasions, interviewees sent me information that they thought was essential for my research or, in fact, asked me to fill out a questionnaire and comment on matters relating to my research topic. My role in the field and my relation to informants had turned from researcher to research participant, or interviewee in this case.While e-mails offer a rather controlled environment when approaching informants, other information about the researcher might be more unpredictable and harder to control or manage. I sometimes found myself wondering what information about me informants would find when they Googled my name. How would they combine and make

The History of the German Association for Crystal Growth

Research on Socialization Problems of Endowment Insurance in China

Alfalfa hay exports have substantially increased since 2007 with 99% being shipped from western ports (Putnam et al., 2013), and likely more than 95% of it originating from seven western states (Putnam et al., 2015). This paper determines the dynamic price relationships among alfalfa markets in those western states. Of particular interest is to identify the price discovery process between the spatially separated alfalfa hay markets of Arizona, California, Idaho, Nevada, Oregon, Utah and Washington. Alfalfa hay is the nation’s fourth largest crop in terms of total acreage (USDA NASS, 2013). In each of these seven western states, alfalfa is among the top three most important crops in terms of acreage. For many years, the dairy industry in these states has been the dominant market for alfalfa hay. The dairy industry continues to be a major market with alfalfa being the largest feed component for them (more than 50%), and these western states produce approximately 41% of all US production of milk in 2012 (U.S. Dairy statistics). However, the recent surge in alfalfa hay exports is resulting in a new major market for alfalfa hay and may be changing the price discovery process in these markets. The objective of this study is to examine and elucidate the center of price discovery for alfalfa among the seven mentioned western states, by identifying the causal and dynamic price relationships. The concentration and scale of dairies varies considerably by state, and obviously there are spatial differences relating to distance to the ports. Understanding the evolving nature of alfalfa hay prices in these spatially separated markets should have important risk management and policy implications.

Estimating the Fair Insurance Premium for Dungeness Crab Yields in the Western U.S. Coast

New Books

Platte River Road Narratives: A Descriptive Bibliography of Travel over the Great Central Overland Route to Oregon, California, Utah, Colorado, Montana, and Other Western States and Territories, 1812-1866

Platte River Road Narratives: A Descriptive Bibliography of Travel over the Great Central Route to Oregon, California, Utah, Colorado, Montana, and Other Western States and Territories, 1812-1866