Klątwa w praktykach komunikacyjnych mieszkańców Grodziska Wielkopolskiego w XVIII wieku

Author's Introduction The articles in this cluster deal with aspects of an enormously rich and complex historical problem: the role of print and other media in political communication in Britain, from the Tudor period through the nineteenth century. They might be employed together in a course covering this large subject; but equally they lend themselves to separate use in other kinds of courses, dealing with problems ranging from conventional political history to the role of literacy in early modern society, the nature of early modern public culture or the rise of more open and ‘democratic’ forms of politics. Rather than trying to tailor this guide to a single course design I have tried to suggest a range of possibilities. The full cluster is made up of the following articles: 1. Mark Knights , ‘History and Literature in the Age of Defoe and Swift’, History Compass , 3/1 (2005), DOI: 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2005.00131.x . URL http://www.blackwell‐compass.com/subject/history/article_view?article_id=hico_articles_bsl131 . 2. Joad Raymond , ‘Seventeenth‐Century Print Culture’, History Compass , 2/1 (2004), DOI: 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2005.00131.x . URL http://www.blackwell‐compass.com/subject/history/article_view?article_id=hico_articles_bsl123 . 3. Mark Hampton , ‘Newspapers in Victorian Britain’, History Compass , 2/1 (2004), DOI: 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2004.00101.x . URL http://www.blackwellcompass.com/subject/history/article_view?article_id=hico_articles_bsl101 . 4. Jason Peacey , ‘Print and Public Politics in Seventeenth‐Century England’, History Compass , 5/1 (2007), 85–111, DOI: 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2006.00369.x . URL http://www.blackwell‐compass.com/subject/history/article_view?article_id=hico_articles_bpl369 . 5. Alastair Bellany , ‘Railing Rhymes Revisited: Libels, Scandals, and Early Stuart Politics’, History Compass , 5/4 (2007), DOI: 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2007.00439.x . URL http://www.blackwell‐compass.com/subject/history/article_view?article_id=hico_articles_bpl439 . 6. Brian Cowan , ‘Publicity and Privacy in the History of the British Coffeehouse’, History Compass , 5/4 (2007), DOI: 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2007.00440.x . URL http://www.blackwell‐compass.com/subject/history/article_view?article_id=hico_articles_bpl440 . 7. Andrew Walkling , ‘Politics and Theatrical Culture in Restoration England’, History Compass , DOI: 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2007.00453.x . URL http://www.blackwell‐compass.com/subject/history/article_view?article_id=hico_articles_bpl453 . 8. Joseph Black , ‘The Marprelate Tracts (1588–89) and the Public Sphere’, History Compass , (forthcoming). Author Recommends The relevant secondary literature is enormous but the following are suggested as surveys or preliminary guides to particular topics. 1. Jurgen Habermas , The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society , trans. Lawrence Burger with the assistance of Frederick Lawrence (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1989). A translation of Habermas's deeply controversial but highly influential theoretical study, first published in German in 1965. An extensive literature exists debating Habermas's theories and their usefulness to historical investigations. 2. Alastair Bellany , The Politics of Court Scandal in Early Modern England: News, Culture and the Overbury Affair, 1603–1660 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002). A study of how the involvement of high‐ranking courtiers in a murder became the subject of a famous scandal, through the ways in which it was reported and discussed in print and especially manuscript sources. 3. Brian Cowan , The Social Life of Coffee: The Emergence of the British Coffeehouse (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2005). A wide ranging survey of the development of coffeehouses and their role as centres of social interaction and political discussion. 4. Adam Fox , Oral and Literate Culture in England, 1500–1700 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2000). A ma

book reviews477 century Ireland.We are fortunate in having Patrick Fagan's edition. His footnotes provide valuable biographical information on the correspondents as well as cross references to related documents in the collection. Moreover, he includes a very comprehensive index at the end ofVolume II. Thomas F. Moriarty Elms College Chicopee, Massachusetts The Diocese of Killaloe. Volume I: In the Eighteenth Century; Volume II: 1800-1850; Volume III: 1850-1904. By Ignatius Murphy. (Dublin: Four Courts Press. 1991, 1992, 1995.Pp. 373,488, 527.) These three volumes by Ignatius Murphy on the history ofthe Diocese ofKiIlaloe in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries are not only a very significant contribution to knowledge, but they will long remain a rich resource for all who will venture to research and write about the modern Irish Church. The Diocese of Killaloe (pronounced likeWaterloo) extends in a broad band across the middle ofIreland from the Atlantic coast eastwards to include virtually all of County Clare, the northern third ofTipperary, and a large part of King's County. In the eighteenth century, Killaloe was one of the twenty-six dioceses that constituted the Irish Church, and while it was one ofthe largest in terms ofarea and population, it was among the poorest in regard to wealth and resources. The diocese was mainly rural, containing a considerable amount of mountain and bog and only a half-dozen towns of any importance, ff Killaloe was representative of anything, therefore, in the Irish Church in the eighteenth century, it was its poverty.This continued to be the case for the greater part of the nineteenth century, and especially in the western reaches of the dioceses.These three volumes , then, are a true witness not only to the courage but to the endurance of the Catholics of Killaloe between 1700 and 1900. The recent and untimely death of the author of these volumes at the age of fifty-five in 1993 was both a sad and a serious loss for Irish historical scholarship .When Monsignor Murphy initially conceived his history of the Diocese of Killaloe, he structured it in terms of two volumes—one on the eighteenth century and the other on the nineteenth century, and he published his first volume in late 1991.The enormous amount of material available for the volume on the nineteenth century, however, had resulted in a manuscript of twenty-five chapters , compared to the ten that had comprised his very substantial first volume. Monsignor Murphy then decided to divide his manuscript into two volumes, breaking his narrative at 1850, and in late 1992 he published his second volume , 1800-1850, which consisted of the first eleven of these twenty-five chapters . By that time, however, he had learned that he was seriously ill, and set to work to prepare his third volume, 1850-1904, for publication. He proposed to revise the remaining fourteen chapters, and then write a concluding chapter 478book reviews that would serve to sum the significance ofhis work on the nineteenth century. He was only able, unfortunately, to revise the first two chapters before his death, and never wrote the concluding chapter.The diocesan publication committee , which had been formed to see the third volume through the press, wisely decided, in consultation with Monsignor Murphy before his death, to publish the fourteen chapters as they then stood, and the third volume was finally published in 1995. The first of these volumes, on the eighteenth century, is undoubtedly Monsignor Murphy's masterpiece. It is in terms ofits conceptual framework and the great learning that informs it, a model of what an artful and thoughtful historical presentation ought to be. After a graceful prologue, which sets the scene, Monsignor Murphy opens his eighteenth century in 1697 with the passing of the first ofthe penal laws affecting the Church in the banishing of all those secular clergy, bishops, deans, and vicars general, exercising ecclesiastical jurisdiction in Ireland and all the regular clergy without exception, and closes it in 1815 with the end of the Napoleonic wars. During that extended eighteenth century,the Irish Church, and its microcosm in the Diocese ofKillaloe, emerged from the darkness of a severe persecution into the light of a...

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Verbal aggression (VA) is among the most prevalent forms of problem behavior in schools with detrimental effects for both perpetrators and victims, yet little is known about VA among students with emotional and behavioral disorders (EBD). Accordingly, we surveyed 279 teachers of students with behavioral disorders to examine the prevalence, frequency, locations, bystander presence and interactions, student responses, and teacher assigned consequences for verbal aggressiveness. A majority of teachers indicated daily student-to-student and student-to-adult VA with students frequently reporting, complaining, or seeking advice. Teachers noted that VA takes place in multiple locations, with at least one bystander present, and they observed victim verbal retaliation and physical assaults. Teacher responses included redirection and verbal warnings. Few teachers reported instruction of alternative prosocial behaviors. We discuss the potential implications of these findings and the impact teacher perceptions may have on strategy selection when addressing VA. We propose a few areas for future research including teachers’ level of concern about the harmfulness of VA, the intent to harm when students with EBD engage in VA, the need for specialized teacher training, and the development of a conceptual framework to inform an integrated and substantive view of the VA phenomenon.

Introduction: Beyond Illustrations: Doing Anatomy with Images and Objects Carin Berkowitz (bio) This forum engages with a central component of medical science and medical practice—the visualization of anatomy, pathology, and disease. It is about the collaborations among surgeons, medical men, and anatomists that were necessary to visualization, and about the authority bestowed upon an image or object that stands for a part of the body or a disease, and also bestowed upon the author of that object or image. It considers aesthetic choices and their social and epistemic contexts and consequences. But it is also about our practices as historians. How do we move beyond thinking of images and objects as simply illustrative? How do we pursue historical inquiry with them? And what are we responsible for conveying about their making and purpose in the images we ourselves display in our books and articles? This introduction provides a brief outline of the themes that structure the three articles collected here and begins to frame answers to such questions. Identity, Expertise, and Authorship in Anatomical Specimens and Drawings This forum highlights the importance of contexts of use in understanding visual displays in anatomy, in part by beginning historical inquiry with objects. Anatomy has long been studied through specimens and drawings, its objects serving to encapsulate a body of knowledge as well as delimit a subject under study.1 In some cases, these objects became a part [End Page 165] of collections that aimed to be comprehensive and to capture nature’s diversity in serial, where in others they were representative, standing in for the “normal” or “optimal.”2 Sometimes they were paired with case histories, or sometimes, when specimens came from those still living, even debuted at scientific societies with their former bodies—the patient and what was formerly his arm or leg or tumor appearing side by side.3 In those instances, specimens served as research material. In others, they were used for teaching. Anatomical specimens and anatomical models have always been important in the classroom, as have illustrations, often based on those specimens.4 The great anatomy collections of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries—those of Frederik Ruysch, of John and William Hunter, of La Specola in Florence, and of Surgeon’s Hall in Edinburgh—were built up as teaching collections. The history of these early collections suggests that they served many functions. Sometimes they taught a citizenry about order and discipline, enlightening them;5 in other cases, they were used [End Page 166] to teach anatomy and natural philosophy;6 and in still other cases, they were accumulated as oddities.7 The nature of teaching collections changed over the course of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Collections slowly became more comprehensive as normal anatomy came to occupy the center of collecting missions, rather than the peculiar, the curious, and the extraordinary. And with pathology increasingly recognized as an independent field within anatomy, such collections began to present an ordered pathology in much the same way as they provided an ordered view of nature through anatomy.8 As Domenico Bertoloni Meli describes in his article (“The Rise of Pathological Illustrations: Baillie, Bleuland, and Their Collections,” pp. 209–42), access to diseased bodies for the making of illustrations and specimens increased steadily over the eighteenth century, with techniques for representing those bodies visually becoming highly developed in countries where dissection was relatively uncommon. By the early nineteenth century, anatomy and disease had become fundamentally interrelated through pathology. Still, representing pathology systematically through illustrations or specimens presented problems that the representation of normal anatomy did not: problems of number of bodies (incomparably more were required for the making of a systematic atlas or collection of pathology), of organization, and of a new aesthetics of disease illustration.9 Features like texture and color that were crucial in pathology drawings presented new technical as well as stylistic challenges. Through the triangulation of different kinds of representation—some of which preserved color and appearance, others of which enhanced features the student was being trained to see, and others of which captured texture—representations [End Page 167] of pathology came to define and constitute anatomically located disease. Those drawings that conveyed anatomical and pathological...

Media and/as History in Eighteenth-Century Literature Rachael Scarborough King (bio) In 2016, a relatively innocuous question posted on Twitter took off as a viral meme. "Without revealing your actual age," music publicist Eric Alper asked, "what [is] something you remember that if you told a younger person they wouldn't understand?" On its face, this question is not about media technology. But as the eventually more than thirty thousand responses began to pour in, users interpreted the prompt through a media-historical lens. One answer: "Mimeographed handouts at school." Another: "Not being able to be on the Internet and landline phone at the same time." Or, more generally, "Technology that isn't easily portable." To a remarkable degree, the commenters understood memory as shaped by technology and history as a process of technological progression. In her new book The Invention of the Oral: Print Commerce and Fugitive Voices in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Chicago, 2017), Paula McDowell shows how this modern theory of the intertwined trajectories of history and of media technologies first emerged in eighteenth-century responses to changes in print. Developments in the marketplace for print both led to theorizations of what we now call "oral culture" and projected that culture into the past—even though orality and printing remained inseparable. As McDowell writes, "Eighteenth-century Britain witnessed the emergence of a tremendously influential cultural narrative of orality and literacy that remodeled a reciprocal, living relationship as a nostalgic historical fiction of 'then' and 'now' " (26). The newly omnipresent status of print, which was often received with ambivalence rather than valorization by contemporaries, threw into relief the particular characteristics of the spoken word: "Heightened reflection on oral discourse was part of a historic coming-to-terms with the power and spread of print" (26). Our now-intuitive idea of "new" media displacing the "old" first appeared, McDowell argues, in eighteenth-century discussions of the relationship between speech and print. [End Page 533] In other words, the eighteenth-century version of the know-your-age Twitter meme would be Daniel Defoe's claim about the 1660s in the opening of A Journal of the Plague Year (1722): "We had no such thing as printed News Papers in those Days, to spread Rumours and Reports of Things. . . . But such things as these were gather'd from the Letters of Merchants, and others, who corresponded abroad, and from them was handed about by Word of Mouth only."1 This passage is the backbone of McDowell's reorienting analysis in chapter 3 of Defoe's "contributions to emergent, developmental narratives of media shift still with us today: particularly, the model whereby an orality that is in fact coexistent with and inseparable from print is ideologically relegated to the past" (98). With her characteristic attention to the non-elite figures who are often written out of literary history, McDowell shows how Defoe, in working to shore up the printed bills of mortality on which plague statistics were based, erased the "women searchers" who were the first line of reporting in cases of plague. These often old, often illiterate women represented the problematic orality that disseminated both potentially deadly rumors and the plague itself, since, "like most of his contemporaries, Defoe believed that plague effluvia were spread by breath" (109). Although Defoe likely knew that his claim about the lack of newspapers in the 1660s was inaccurate, and although he was unable to completely obscure the reliance of printed genres on oral reporting, his ongoing comparisons between media of transmission "set up a key structuring binary of the text: the opposition of a backward past associated with orality to a new, print-oriented modernity associated with the collection and reproduction of accurate statistics and true report" (97). For McDowell, Defoe becomes "as much a theorist of print as a propagandist for it" (98), positioning the medium as not only more reliable than speech but also more modern. While most studies of eighteenth-century "oral culture" have focused on the later eighteenth century, with its rise of debating clubs, open-air preaching, and the elocutionary movement, McDowell thus begins in the late seventeenth century with theological debates between Protestants and Catholics about the status...

Previous articleNext article FreeBook ReviewA World Not to Come: A History of Latino Writing and Print Culture. Raúl Coronado. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2013. Pp. x+574.Judy M. BertonazziJudy M. BertonazziRowan University Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUSFull Text Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditEmailQR Code SectionsMoreLanguage is the unending soul of all of our desires and discontents. For Raúl Coronado, the printing press became the medium through which Tejanos in the early nineteenth century articulated their desire to claim a felt sense of shared Latino identity within the Spanish, and later US/Mexican, territories now known as the Texas/Mexico borderlands. A World Not to Come begins during the historical period of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries when Napoleon overthrew King Charles IV and his heir, Fernando VII, causing the creation of Spanish juntas in its empires and the vacillations between patriarchy and revolution, and between scholasticism and modernity, which were fueled by printing press technology.A World Not to Come narrates the creation of a Tejano identity as a series of communicative texts (visual, aural, and written) that had Enlightenment and Hispanic ideological origins: “As the eighteenth century lurched toward the nineteenth, books, pamphlets, broadsheets, and manuscripts launched a discursive war against Spanish imperial rule. These texts may have targeted Spain’s specific reign over America, but they were birthed throughout the Atlantic world: in London, Philadelphia, France, the Caribbean, and even Spain herself” (7). Thus, Coronado’s historical lens reveals the origins of Latino writing and print culture as a meeting of competing power structures in the modern world system: Anglo America, European empires (especially Spain), and Spanish America (New Spain, which would become Mexico and the US Southwest).Notably, the author trains his eye on the rise of the Tejano social imaginary through the influence of both print culture and New Spain’s inclination toward oratory of printed works recited in town centers and churches.1 A printed document was disseminated when it was read aloud, therefore, the “ideas conveyed were mediated by the discursive world of each listener: murmurs, gasps, whispers, and gossip could quickly transform the intent of the text” (273). It would seem, then, based on Coronado’s narrative point of view, that Latino oratory gave print culture its ideological purposes via a “live” performance, a civic drama performed by a pregonero or town crier and “announced” by “a drum, trumpet, or church bells” (270). These print culture documents, therefore, were an extension of the townspeople’s public personas. As Coronado notes, print culture in the Spanish colonies of North America was reliant on the oral culture that was a “universe of signs that were all meant to be interpreted, from religious rituals to ceremonial processions, theatrical displays, music, and dance” and would reflect the orality of Spain’s literary texts as works spoken, not read silently (217).Coronado narrates the role that the printing press played in the social acceptance of revolutionary ideas—both revolutionary via American (US) and French revolutionary ideals and those expressed by Spain’s Enlightenment thinkers such as Valentín de Foronda and diplomats such as Casa Irujo and Diego María de Gardoqui Arriquibar. However, the printing press, for Coronado, was not the cause of social imaginaries in New Spain, which the author emphasizes on more than one occasion. Instead, the printing press aided in an already developing social imaginary produced by political documents that were orally disseminated directly to the people in an organic relationship between print and oral cultures. The author emphasizes the importance of Tejano sovereignty as a basic right but is careful to note that sovereignty was sought for the pueblo over the rights of individuals. This emphasis on the pueblo marks the key difference in New Spain’s social identity compared to Enlightenment ideals of individual rights and the public sphere, which were expressed by the Western European episteme influenced by Rousseau, Descartes, and Locke.Those familiar with Raúl Coronado’s scholarship will find A World Not to Come a helpful foundation for reading his current scholarship on early Latino literature from the late eighteenth century to the 1940s. His work is vital to scholars of Latino/a studies for its breadth and depth of archival research. It is important for scholars of hemispheric, transnational/trans-American studies because of its extensive examination of conflicting New World histories through the lens of New Spain (Mexico, the US Southwest, and Central America) and its position between Anglo American/British colonialism and Spanish colonialism.The archival research alone is of value to the Latino/a scholar of pre-twentieth-century writing and its development from oral discourses. The cited material is written in the original Spanish alongside English translations. There are seventy-two illustrations dispersed throughout the book that coincide with in-depth discussions of the historical and social contexts surrounding the historical figures who have contributed to Tejano intellectual production. Four appendixes of archival materials include the author’s transcriptions and translations of key texts, such as those written by nineteenth-century Latino political leaders José Antonio Gutiérrez de Lara and José Álvarez de Toledo, and by the Governing Junta of Béxar, as well as an anonymous account of the violence enacted on Tejanos by the brutal General of Eastern Interior Provinces Joaquín de Arredondo.Coronado leaves readers with a brief discussion of the rhetoric of oral culture during this time period and how it may have influenced the print culture of the day, which is perhaps the book’s most notable limitation. A World Not to Come does, however, remind readers of the origin of much contemporary scholarship on the convergence of cultures, the formation of a Latino modernity, and the budding social imaginary that stood against the dominant influence of Anglo American Protestantism, as well as “growing racial violence, and the continuing displacement of Tejanos” (353), which ultimately thwarted the prominence of a Latino public sphere in the US Southwest.Notes1. Social imaginary is defined in Coronado’s book via Charles Taylor’s definition: “the ways people imagine their social existence, how they fit together with others, how things go on between them and their fellows, the expectations that are normally met, and the deeper normative notions and images that underlie these expectations” (Charles Taylor, A Secular Age [Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007], 171). Previous articleNext article DetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Modern Philology Volume 114, Number 1August 2016 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/685935 Views: 235Total views on this site HistoryPublished online May 27, 2016 For permission to reuse, please contact [email protected]PDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.

he most recent extant studies on Korean communication were carried out in the 1990’s. Thus, the purpose of this study is to test and thereby update research on Korean in contrast to American communication practices. Students in Korea and the US filled out questionnaires testing their direct, indirect, immediate, verbally aggressive and communicatively apprehensive communication. This study quantitatively tested the impact of culture on direct, indirect communication as well as verbal aggressiveness and communication apprehensiveness. Results showed that Koreans use less direct and more indirect communication than US Americans and that Koreans were also more communicatively apprehensive and less nonverbally immediate than their US American counterparts. Tests on culture and verbal aggressiveness were not significant.

The present study tests a conceptual framework guided by the social disorganization theory, which examined whether neighborhood deterioration was correlated with perceived hopelessness, and coping strategies (i.e., defending behavior and a display of a tough demeanor). We also examined whether, within the context of social disadvantage, some coping strategies were correlated with aggressive behavior, which might be associated with peer victimization. The study sample consisted of 502 African American youths in low‐resource communities in Chicago’s Southside. Results indicated that neighborhood deterioration was positively associated with hopelessness (B = .138, p = .006), tough demeanor (B = .137, p = .042), and peer victimization (B = .158, p = .011). Also, hopelessness was positively associated with peer victimization (B = .109, p = .025). Defending behavior was positively associated with physical aggression (B = .110, p = .009) and verbal aggression (B = .047, p = .019). Moreover, tough demeanor was also positively associated with physical aggression (B = .217, p < .001) and verbal aggression (B = .169, p < .001). Furthermore, verbal aggression was found to be positively associated with peer victimization (B = .766, p = .019). Overall, findings point to a more nuanced and complex relationship between neighborhood conditions and peer victimization among urban African American youth. An understanding of the coping strategies of urban adolescents in dealing with peer victimization encounters can shed light on the complexities of adolescent peer dynamics in urban areas.

This chapter examines verbal aggression (VA) in e-sports, focusing on Honor of Kings (HoK) as a case study to explore its gendered dynamics and broader implications for workplace inclusivity and staff development. Through thematic analysis of player experiences, the study identifies key factors contributing to VA, including gender stereotypes, anonymity, and competitive gaming culture. The findings reveal that female players disproportionately experience gendered hostility, mirroring exclusionary patterns found in professional and educational settings. VA's impact extends beyond individual experience, affecting teamwork, communication, and career participation. The chapter also explores strategies to mitigate VA, such as gamified training programs, structured communication practices, and AI-driven moderation tools. By integrating insights from e-sports into staff development frameworks, this research provides actionable recommendations for fostering inclusive digital and professional environments.

There is a lively ongoing debate, led by Stephen Epstein and Sheilagh Ogilvie, about the economic effects of institutions (particularly guilds) on the pre-industrial economies. The focus of the controversy is an article published by Ogilvie in which she points out that there is a new trend, as Epstein puts it, a ‘modern consensus’, aimed at the ‘rehabilitation of guilds’. Based on her study of the Württemberg worsted industry and supplemented with a variety of examples from all over Europe, she develops a theoretical framework outlining the reasons for the economic inefficiency of the guilds. She challenges the view that guilds had a tangible effect on market failures with regard to (1) product quality, (2) innovation and (3) training. She also examines (4) the link between guilds and social capital. This article suggests that the first two issues are the most relevant for an analysis of the economic effects of the activities of the Silesian merchant guilds on regional growth in the eighteenth century. The focal point of this argument is the difference between craft guilds and merchant guilds and thus refers back to the earliest studies by Ogilvie on corporative institutions.

Print, Manuscript, and Oral Literary Cultures:The Case of Eighteenth-Century Irish Song Moyra Haslett (bio) When the "Meeting of the Harpers" was organized in Belfast in the summer of 1792, its principal aim was to record and thus preserve Irish tunes that might otherwise disappear with the deaths of the harpers themselves. While the impetus was shaped by antiquarian interests of the late century, the context of the 1790s provided obvious political motives too. (The meeting was held in the Belfast Exchange Rooms from 11–13 July so as to coincide with commemorative celebrations of the fall of the Bastille.) The Irish language tutor who was to transcribe the lyrics of the songs did not attend (we don't know why), but the musician who transcribed the tunes, Edward Bunting, would go on to publish three volumes of what he called the "ancient music of Ireland" (1796, 1809, 1840), the product of many decades of research transcribing and notating Irish melodies from performances in rural Ireland and the first sustained attempt to document Irish-language song. Beyond the three published volumes, then, are the more extensive manuscripts, held by Special Collections in the library of Queen's University Belfast, and beyond those manuscripts the vanished performances themselves, which the print and manuscript records shadow. This essay reflects on issues arising directly from the Arts and Humanities Research Council-funded "Irish Song Project" conducted at Queen's [End Page 349] University (2012–2015), which, in seeking to investigate the historical development of the different repertoires of Irish song, drew upon the evidence offered by print and manuscript cultures and supplemented these with an attempt to catch something of oral culture through performance practice as late as the emergence of audio technology in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.1 As full a survey as possible of song before 1850, with a particular focus on song-tunes, was made in order to see if there were continuities of tradition and cultural practice between songs and song traditions. Although the Bunting collection at Queen's University provided the core resource, a systematic survey of songs in manuscript and print held in many libraries was attempted. The resulting online database (www.irishsongproject.qub.ac.uk) offers an indicative sample of just over two hundred songs. Selecting songs for inclusion brought difficult issues of weighting and balance into question. How could we ensure that the vibrant culture of Irish-language song in particular would be properly represented? Stretching the parameters of the survey to 1850 allowed the project to draw upon early-nineteenth-century interest in Irish song, represented most significantly in the collections by Bunting, James Hardiman, George Petrie, William Forde, Henry Hudson, John Edward Pigot, and James Goodman. Quite a few songs got published by wending their ways into Anglophone culture, particularly in the form of ballad operas or in collections of song-tunes in the eighteenth century. The tune specification for "Eibhlin Aruin" in Charles Coffey's ballad opera The Beggar's Wedding (Dublin, 1729) indicates its existence thirty years before its first appearance in a Gaelic manuscript. The popular song "Come haste to the wedding" was included in the Dublin-performed pantomime A Trip to the Dargle or the Irish Wedding (1762).2 And the tune "Cremona" is one of many Irish airs included in the London-printed Aria di Camera (c. 1730). Since musical notation is rare in early manuscripts, certainly until Bunting's project of transcribing traditional airs, these sources are particularly significant. Engraved sheets of musical notation were often too costly for Dublin printers: while prestige publications of psalms and several notable prints of Irish tunes did include printed music, the vast majority of song-texts, including ballad opera texts, appeared without their accompanying melodies. And no Dublin printer in the early eighteenth century owned a Gaelic font, so Irish-language texts had to be anglicized unless they were published abroad. Increased attention to bilingual crossings in eighteenth-century Ireland is evident in a number of recent works.3 But while previous studies of music in eighteenth-century Ireland have noted a number of songs and airs that traverse the traditionally perceived divisions of religion and...

The Decline of Magic: Britain in the Enlightenment

Acting out Crusoe:Pedagogy and Performance in Eighteenth-Century Children's Literature Andrew O'Malley (bio) Well before Robinson Crusoe and the robinsonade became dominant features of the children's fiction landscape in the Victorian period, eighteenth-century writers for children explored the pedagogical utility of Defoe's most famous novel with a mix of enthusiasm and caution. Victorian robinsonades were, as many critics have remarked, primarily boys' adventure tales, championing empire, colonial expansion, and the masculine ideal of rugged, self-sufficient individualism.1 Eighteenth-century pedagogical writers tended to consider Robinson Crusoe in terms of its value to the promotion of the emerging middle classes' ideals, singling out in the novel the moral qualities they thought most necessary to inculcate in the rising generation: thrift, perseverance, industry, and piety, for instance. Many of these authors, however, expressed reservations about the kinds of impressions the soft wax of the child's mind might take from a story of sea-faring adventure. Eighteenth-century pedagogues regarded Crusoe as admirably independent, yet the children whom they would have become like him had paradoxically to be dissuaded from aspiring to an independence that threatened parental authority and social order. Sarah Trimmer's somewhat mixed feelings about Robinson Crusoe were undoubtedly shared by many of her contemporaries. Reviewing the book for her Guardian of Education, Trimmer praised it for "shewing what ingenuity and industry can effect, under the divine blessing" and for acting as "a stimulus to mental and bodily exertion, and patient perseverance" (298). It was a book, however, that required parental supervision or at least a child reader with a "mind and temper [that] have been properly regulated," in other words, one who had already been successfully interpellated as the type of self-regulating subject that much eighteenth-century pedagogy [End Page 131] was geared toward producing. Trimmer's famous anecdote of the two boys who "in consequence of reading the History of Robinson Crusoe, set off together from their parents' houses, in order to embark on some ship, with the hope of being cast on an uninhabited island" demonstrates the period's anxiety over the child's insufficiently mediated consumption of Defoe's narrative (298). The mother of one of these boys dies from the "anxiety of mind" his departure causes in her. While Defoe's novel rightly demonstrates "the misery that follows the breach of filial duty," this valuable lesson, it seems, is "commonly overlooked, when the curiosity of the mind is strongly excited, and the feelings powerfully engaged, by the circumstances of the story" (298–99). The concerns Trimmer expresses in her review of Robinson Crusoe are revealing on a number of counts, and point to two issues that were central to didactic writing in the late eighteenth century. The first has to do with a kind of experiential, and I would suggest theatrical, exemplarity: a preferred didactic method in the period, but one that presented certain challenges to educators. Behavioral and textual models for children needed to excite a desire for emulation, but emulation could easily go astray if not properly moderated. The second issue concerns the lessons children were expected to learn from stories such as Robinson Crusoe, specifically how to negotiate between the desirable individualism and independence exhibited by a solitary man on an island and the potentially radical rejection of authority and proper subordination this figure could imply. This concern had particular urgency for readers in the necessarily dependent state of childhood, and required that children's adaptations render the story compatible with the dictates of social and familial hierarchy. Such eighteenth-century adaptations of Defoe's novel as Joachim Campe's The New Robinson Crusoe and Madame de Genlis's "The Children's Island" both employ performance in their versions of Crusoe's story, which strengthens its pedagogical effects, while yoking the story's individualism and independence to social and familial well-being. In so doing, they provide insights into why and how their source novel became so successful as to generate the countless adaptations and robinsonades that would claim a central place in the canon of children's literature.2 Trimmer expresses in her review a desire, on the one hand, to see...

The subject of verbal aggressiveness seems to be marginalized in the context of business correspondence. Our paper sets out to fill in this niche, as it exposes the linguistic patterns of this phenomenon within business letters. The study commences with a conceptual framework within which the most relevant theoretical findings applicable to business correspondence in general and to verbal aggressiveness in particular are foregrounded. Next, through a descriptive approach, it presents a series of linguistic markers to identify the morphological, syntactic, and semantic constructions for the expression of aggressiveness. For this purpose, the article scrutinizes authentic business letters in English, German, and Hungarian, and then it juxtaposes data contrastively to conclude that offensive emotions materialize in relatively similar linguistic structures in these languages, i.e. through verbs and modal verbs of obligation, necessity, and impossibility, verbs in the first-person singular, conditional and result clauses, and time adverbials. Furthermore, given the linguistic characteristics of the aforementioned languages, business letters also exploit specific tools, such as inversion, fronting, and the emphatic “do”, to communicate hostile and threatening messages. Due to the large variety of linguistic resources provided, we deem that verbal aggressiveness alters, reshapes, and enriches the business discourse. It therefore deserves a proper place in the rhetoric of business correspondence.