Abstract
This paper documents a recent sound change in Klamath of *ss > s which took place sometime between the late 1800s and the mid 1900s. A phonetic basis for this sound change is proposed, based on the intrinsic duration of short sibilants. This sound change not only explains the absence of geminate sibilants in modern Klamath but also the lack of derived distributive forms which, historically, differed only from nondistributives in the presence of a geminate sibilant.
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