John Donne’s Hybrid Ministry, 1618–1631

This thesis is a study of the principles and character of church decoration in early seventeenth century England. The first chapter considers the relevance of Reformation concepts of idolatry to contemporary ecclesiological issues - especially the the place and function of images in churches. It argues that developing theological ideas and changing political circumstances influenced a spectrum of ecclesiological positions - from Arminian Christocentrism to Calvinist iconophobia. Chapter two offers a practical overview of the internal decoration of English churches, chapels and cathedrals. This chapter also focuses on developing lay and ecclesiastical concerns regarding the allegdly 'sacrilegious' neglect of church buildings (following the Reformation) and assesses the contribution of James I and the Chapel Royal to ecclesiological debate. The final chapters are case studies of the college chapel restoration programmes at the universities of Oxford and Cambridge in the 1620s and 1630s, and the ecclesiastical career and patronage of Bishop John Bridgeman of Chester (1618-1646). These chapters serve to illustrate the range of ecclesiological patronage in early Stuart England. Chapter three represents the first attempt to synthesise and collate primary evidence of an intense phase of chapel construction and refurbishment at both universities, and to link architectural, art, historical, theological and biographical sources together in order to explain why and when this activity took place, how it was inspired, and what it meant to contemporaries. Chapter four seeks to explain Bridgeman's interest in decorating churches and why he denounced iconoclasm. Such positions seem to contradict his toleration of puritans and failure to meet the ecclesiological requirements of the Caroline Church. However from the perspective of the thesis, Bridgeman's patronage is shown to exemplify a new way of looking at ecclesiological issues, demonstrating how churchmen were coming to rid themselves of that fear of idolatry, which a generation early represeneted a sign of Protestant orthodoxy.

The “beauty of holiness,” the ceremonialist agenda of the Laudians during the Personal Rule of King I (r.1625-1649), was in many ways a serious shift from and challenge to the devotional and theological ethos that had dominated the Church of England since the 1570s. So stark was this shift that scholars today regularly cite the rigid enforcement of the “beauty of holiness” as one of the precipitating causes of the English Civil Wars that broke out in 1642. The rise of Laudianism, then, and its claim on the character of the nation’s established church, the church’s devotional life, and England’s confessional identity, was no small matter. Perhaps the most understudied aspect of the Laudian movement was the way this circle of clergy argued that their program for the church was neither a challenge nor, for that matter, innovative. Recent historians have described how the Laudians used various rhetorical strategies to present their vision as perfectly orthodox, a mere restatement of old-fashioned principles and practices long enjoyed since the happy reign of Queen Elizabeth (r.1558-1603). Developing arguments from scripture, from the practice of the early church, or simply the more obvious need to worship God with reverence, the Laudians shifted their apologetic strategies depending on the moment. This project considers in detail a particular Laudian strategy – the appeal to precedents from the Elizabethan church. In addition to reflecting on the malleable nature of history in the early modern period and on the character of what one might call the rhetoric of conservatism, this project reveals the power of the image of Elizabeth Tudor in seventeenth century religious polemics. This dissertation is concerned not so much with Puritans, but rather with two groups who both claimed to be conformists and who both based that claim on adherence to Elizabethan principles. Both Laudians and, as one scholar describes them, “old style” conformists both claimed ownership of a legitimating Elizabethan past and thus ownership of a normative identity. At a broad level, my research seeks to understand a

BOOK REVIEWS . 1/..u;licam:mt K·. 1/'t..!ltteclu/'C in {/olrmia/, fr){{llt (/a/'olt/w Louis P. Nelson. The Beauty of Holiness: Anglicanism &Architecture in Colonial South Carolina. Chapel Hill: The University ofNorth Carolina Press, 2008, 516 pp., 255 black-and-white illustrations, 6 tables, cloth, $50.00, ISBN 978-0-8078-3233-2. In this utterly comprehensive and engaging study of eighteenth-century Anglicanism in South Carolina, Louis P. Nelson turns his careful attention to a potentially bewildering range of religious objects and buildings. These include not only church buildings and their liturgical furnishings but also communion silver, gravestones, clocks, bells, pews, bibles, prayer books, inscriptions, sermon contents, musical forms, baptismal gowns, mourning rings, and even aural- and olfactory-sense associations. Along the way, Nelson upsets long-dominant presumptions concerning how to interpret traditional objects, such as buildings and theological texts. He qualifies many shorthand notions about the period, like "Georgian" architecture and "Enlightenment" religion. And, he demonstrates the relevance of the vernacular and everyday manifestations of religion ARRIS 86 § VoLUME 21 ~ 2010 as it was lived over the course of the century. It is a remarkable effort that tells the full story of how colonial Anglicans gave material form to their religious belief and practice. Utilizing relevant methods of cultural and social history, Nelson's study is rooted in impeccable primary-source documentation and field work, allowing him to negotiate between close observation of objects and more general discussion. The resulting argument is a wonderfully compelling portrait of a century in a specific locale among a particular people. That alone is a significant achievement. Yet the book also prods architectural historians to reconsider other times and places where recent attention to vernacular culture and the incorporation of interdisciplinary methods could likewise remake our current understanding. The structure of the book is central to the effectiveness ofNelson's text. Its bulk is divided into three parts, each comprising three chapters that together cover the century up to the Revolutionary War. The parts reflect varying levels of specificity and provide detailed analyses of concrete objects amid broader modes of interpretation. Thus, many churches are revisited across the three parts, but each time they are seen anew. The emerging picture is richer by degrees and always easy to follow, in part due to the wealth of pertinent and well-presented illustrations. Before a methodologically oriented conclusion, Nelson inserts a single-chapter part four that extends the narrative into the early nineteenth century. Part four outlines the radically changed denominational, social, and political landscape and sets up the period's subsequent history in a way that calls for a reinterpretation of the rise of Gothic Revival architecture among Episcopalians. Part one, "Constructing Material Religion," addresses the traditional starting point for such a discussion: church architecture and its formal and stylistic development over the century. Framed around the shift from the experimental, heterogeneous churches of the early eighteenth century to the more consistent, refined vocabulary following mid-century, Nelson demonstrates how Anglican churches were often at the forefront of English ideas, as in the use of auditory plans. They were also marked by distinct regional and local traditions, an observation facilitated by Nelson's intensive study of the Caribbean context and his attention to the operative building cultures dominated by pattern books and local laity. The second part, "Belief and Ritual in Material Religion," maps the decline of the image-rich, analogical tradition evoking God in and through material form against the rise of an intellectual ideal of beauty reflecting divinity through regularity and order. Importantly, Nelson tells this story not only through close readings of each paradigm's contrasting forms but also by following changes in Anglican liturgical practice across the century, especially the implicit theology in sermons and the shift from domestic to corporate identities in religious observance. Nelson presents a nuanced abstraction of "Enlightenment" ideas and thus articulates a distinctly Anglican ethos in specific and local forms. Political and economic forces come to the fore in part three, "Material Religion and Social Practice". Nelson pursues both by progressively tightening his frame from the Greater Caribbean region to colonial South Carolina to individual parish life. Widespread architectural changes...

Denominational Differences in Australia:State Support and the "Church Acts" Joanna Cruickshank (bio) Christian denominations arrived in the lands now known as Australia in 1788, as part of the British invasion of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander territories. Over the following century, as six British colonies were established on the continent, many of the cultural forms, institutional structures, and rivalries of British denominations were reproduced. Until the twentieth century, the major Australian denominations imported most of their clergy, hymns, liturgies, books, and theological debates from Britain. Divisions between High, Low, and Broad Church Anglicans; between Wesleyan Methodists and the breakaway Methodist denominations; between Irish, English, and European Roman Catholics; between Particular and General Baptists; and between the Church of Scotland and Free Presbyterians were all faithfully reproduced in the Australian denominations. Yet even as British denominational cultures were transplanted, they were also shaped by the new context of the colonies. On 26 January 1788, Captain Arthur Phillip, commandant of the First Fleet, proclaimed the establishment of the colony of New South Wales and took an oath to uphold the Protestant succession. The Church of England was thus acknowledged as the Established Church within the colony of New South Wales, and for several decades, it faced little competition. The first Methodist minister, Samuel Leigh, did not arrive in New South Wales until 1815, when he received a frosty reception from the governor (O'Brien 56). [End Page 183] A Presbyterian church was not built on Australian soil until 1830. A Catholic priest, sent to the colony as a convict, was permitted to hold mass in 1803–04, but this permission was revoked after Irish convicts used his services to plan a revolt. Catholic priests would not be permitted to minister again in New South Wales until the 1820s. This delay created space for strong traditions of lay independence and leadership to develop in Australian Catholicism (Breward 69–70). In spite of the official support given to the Church of England, the conditions of colonial society created challenges for Anglican dominance. With a desperate shortage of clergy, the mostly evangelical Church of England clergy were open to co-operation with like-minded Nonconformists. In addition, in the first half of the nineteenth century, increasing numbers of Roman Catholic and Nonconformist clergy and other free settlers arrived, many of whom actively opposed the established status of the Church of England (Carey 339–40). These settlers found support from Governor Richard Bourke, who arrived in the colony of New South Wales in 1831. Bourke, an Irishman and a liberal Anglican, was alert to the dangers of sectarianism. By the 1830s, at least a fifth of the settler population was Roman Catholic, and Bourke became convinced that if the government continued to exclusively support the Church of England, sectarianism would flourish. Bourke's solution was to propose legislation to "authorize the issue from the Revenue of the said Colony of sums to be supplied in aid of the building of Churches and Chapels and of the maintenance of Ministers of Religion" ("Bourke Church Act" [1836]). Similar acts were passed shortly afterwards in Van Diemen's Land (Tasmania) and Western Australia. In South Australia, the so-called Paradise of Dissent, where half the population were adherents of Nonconformist denominations, denominations were also given access to government funds for church building and ministerial salaries (Cruickshank 298). Throughout the colonies, government funds supported significant growth in the four largest denominations, with extensive church-building programs and clergy recruitment in the following three decades. Within the churches, the question of state aid was a divisive issue, reflecting the different ways in which particular denominations understood the relationship between church and state. William Grant Broughton, first Bishop of Australia and a High Churchman, fought fiercely against the passing of the Church Act while he was still the archdeacon of New South Wales (Cable 1966). He feared not only the loss of status by the Church of England but the growing influence of the Roman Catholic clergy, buoyed by the Relief Act and by financial support from the Society for the Propagation of the Faith. Other denominations took a variety of positions in relation to government funding. Baptists and Congregationalists...

This paper questions accounts of the English Reformation which, in line with sometimes unacknowledged Anglo-Catholic assumptions, present it as a mere clean-up operation, the creation of a reformed Catholicism which removed medieval excesses but left an essentially Catholic Church of England intact. It argues instead that the Elizabethan reformers intended to establish a Reformed Church which would be part of a Protestant international Church, emphatic in disowning its medieval inheritance and rejecting the religion of Catholic Europe, with formularies, preaching and styles of worship designed to signal and embody that rejection. But Anglican self-identity was never simply or unequivocally Protestant. Lay and clerical conservatives resisted the removal of the remains of the old religion, and vestiges of the Catholic past were embedded like flies in amber in the Prayer Book liturgy, in church buildings, and in the attitudes and memories of many of its Elizabethan personnel. By the early seventeenth century influential figures in the Church of England were seeking to distance themselves from European Protestantism, and instead to portray the Church of England as a conscious via media between Rome and Geneva. In the hands of the Laudians and their followers, this newer interpretation of the Reformation was to prove potent in reshaping the Church of England's self-understanding.

Laudianism was both a way of being Christian and a political ideology. This definitive account establishes the theological roots and political resonances of Laudianism, and shows how it was based on the recuperation of the theological principles and ecclesiastical and pietistic ambitions that underpinned it. Peter Lake shows how the Laudians' famous obsession with the beauty of holiness contained a plan for the reinvigoration of both the church and the state. It represented a self-conscious reaction against the long-term evils of puritanism and of the immediate political crisis of the 1620s, caused in turn by the evils of (an often puritan) popularity. The result was a coherent account of the theological, liturgical and political essence of the Church of England. On Laudianism explores how this intensely controversial movement, and the strong reactions it provoked, helped cause the English Civil War, but over the long term provided one of the visions of the national church, one that has been in contention to define 'Anglicanism' ever since.

John Henry Newman has reached a new pinnacle of his career with his canonization by Pope Francis on October 13, 2019. These books allow us to see how Newman cultivated “the beauty of holiness” from his early youth in steady, intense theological reflection, putting his own personality and biography at the center of his evangelical effort, and eventually becoming a radiant icon for the Church of England and for the Roman Catholic world. A key moment was the publication of the Apologia in 1864, which established him as a beloved, serene Eminent Victorian, dispelling the mockery of the failing “muscular Christians” and the hostility of many former coreligionists he had bruised on his path to Rome. The Oxford Handbook shows how deeply his holiness was indebted to the Evangelical sources his mature church identity covered over: the letters show that sanctity is compatible with thorniness in family and collegial relationships, and Gracewing's annotated reeditions of his works show how sedulously he retrieved and rewrote his earlier literary output. Together they offer a repristinated image of Newman, illuminating in depth his place in intellectual and ecumenical history. Above all, they may herald a new emergence of Newman as theologian, released from the excessive focus on his biography.

Nearer, My God, to Thee

The Church of England is blessed with an extraordinary inheritance of church buildings. However, this inheritance, particularly in rural contexts, is increasingly being viewed as a financial millstone and encumbrance to mission. This article takes issue with the largely ‘functional’ understanding of church buildings which is common place in the Church of England. It will argue that there needs to be a rediscovery of the symbolic and sacramental power of buildings. By reasserting the sacramental and symbolic power of church buildings we can come again to recognize how all church buildings – and not just those blessed with a great history or soaring architecture – exist in part to articulate the ongoing presence and activity of God in creation.

In common with other churches of the Protestant and Catholic Reformations, the Church of England identified its own worship with that of the ancient Jewish Temple in Jerusalem and of the early Church. In the aftermath of Queen Mary’s restoration of Catholicism, the Church of England’s liturgical identity was also dominated by a severe Puritan reaction against all Catholic forms. In the last decade of Elizabeth’s reign, however, an ‘avant-garde’ of clergy emerged committed to greater ceremonialism in worship according to the Book of Common Prayer. The Laudian high churchmanship that emerged from this beginning was a movement in tension, looking simultaneously to the Patristic Church, the pre-Reformation Church in England (with a strong strain of ‘gothic survivalism’) and the even more risky world of the continental baroque. From the seventeenth to the nineteenth centuries, the Church of England was conscious of affinities with the Gallican, nationalist tradition in the French Church, but at either end of this period the Tridentine baroque would also prove seductively fascinating to many Anglicans. The use of the chancel screen was frequently a touchstone of this debate. While the Gallican tradition was effectively submerged within Roman Catholicism by the French Revolution and the First Vatican Council, the tension between the ‘Gallican’ and ‘Tridentine’ tendencies within Anglican high churchmanship remains alive to this day. In the nineteenth century, influential Anglican converts to the Church of Rome brought with them their contrasting convictions about the appropriate architectural setting for the liturgy. The architect A. W. N. Pugin, firmly committed to liturgical Gallicanism, advocated medieval music, architecture and Sarum ceremonial, while John Henry Newman and his fellow Oratorians insisted on an ultramontane liturgy and architecture. Through the creation of the Anglican Ordinariate within the Roman Catholic Church, the Anglican tradition continues to bear witness to the diversity of the Catholic tradition.

In this polemical paper, produced for the Churches, Communities, and Society conference at the Lincoln Theological Institute, University of Manchester, I argue that the Church of England has failed to develop a coherent or convincing theology of architecture. Such a failure raises practical problems for an institution responsible for the care of 16,000 buildings, a quarter of which are of national or international importance. But it has also, I contend, produced an impoverished understanding of architecture’s role as an instrument of mission and a tool for spiritual development. Following a historical survey of attitudes towards church buildings, this paper explores and criticizes the Church of England’s current engagement with its architecture. It raises questions about what has been done and what has been said about churches. It argues that the Church of England lacks a theology of church building and church closing, and calls for work to develop just such a thing.

The central role of the Church of England is mission and ministry and the strategy of the Church’s Cathedrals and Church Buildings Division is to support buildings for mission. Over three quarters of the Church of England’s 15,700 church buildings are listed, although the Church is not a heritage organisation. Discussions on conservation of church heritage focus on the buildings: conservation of historic interiors is rarely explicitly mentioned, which is not surprising given the uneasy relationship the Church of England has with religious imagery. The implicit nature of discussions makes it difficult to unpick the impact of conservation of historic church interiors as part of the whole, which in turn has implications on the allocation of resources to their conservation. This paper discusses the current research project that is exploring conservation for mission of the Church’s historic interiors. It interrogates the real questions asked by parishioners: ‘How does the conservation of a monument help the mission of a church?’, ‘How does maintenance of a mechanical church turret clock aid mission?’ Development of this discourse centred around objects in situ will help to strengthen the relationship between objects and buildings conservation.

118BOOK REVIEWS erroneously appears as "Vervay" and "Vevay." Some of Marshall's characters are inadequately identified: Mr. Knowles is Hanserd KnoUys; Mr. Thorne is George Thorne; Mr. Lawrence is Richard Lawrence; all were nonconformist ministers. Marshall is so intent on tarring me with the brush of whiggery that he retitled one of my books to give it a whiggish flavor! I was astonished to read that "in [my] view die agendawas already set and that it aU must inevitably end in 1776 and another, but more long-lasting, 'glorious revolution' " (p. 13). In fact, I would argue strenuously against such an interpretation. The errors, misrepresentations, and critical omissions mar a book that otherwise has much to offer. Richard L. Greaves Florida State University The Church ofEngland c. 1689-c. 1833: From Toleration to Tractarianism. Edited by John Walsh, Colin Haydon, and Stephen Taylor. (New York: Cambridge University Press. 1993. Pp. xii, 372. $6995.) Ecclesiastical historians have devoted Uttie scholarly attention to die Church of England during the Hanoverian era. To date, Norman Sykes's 1934 publication , Church and State in England in the Eighteenth Century, remains die only comprehensive monographic study of eighteenth-century Anglicanism. Presenting die most current research and historiography on this neglected theme, John Walsh, Colin Haydon, and Stephen Taylor offer an anthology of richly detailed essays designed to reassess die conventional view of the Georgian Church as a static, indifferent, and corrupt institution. Beginningwidi a sound overview ofthe Church during the 'long' eighteendicentury (i.e., c. 1689-c. 1833), the editors divide the book into diree parts, widi each part containing several essays examining specific aspects of die Hanoverian Church. Contrary to die somnolent, irreverent entity portrayed by Victorian churchmen, these essays demonstrate that the Georgian Church was a vital force in English ltfe. Between the Revolution Settlement of 1689 and die Tractarian movement of the 1830's, the established Church faced many new social and political developments. Protestant dissenters received legal protection to worship outside of the Anglican fold. Increased urbanization created a need for energetic clergymen to serve parishes in rapidly growing towns and cities. Clerical pluralism and non-residence existed in many parts of die kingdom, particularly, as Vivian Barrie-Curien reveals, in die diocese of London (pp. 86-109). SimUarly to the Restoration Church, poUtics remained inextricably linked to religious issues characterized by conflicts between High Church Tories and Whig Low churchmen. Throughout the period, the three principal schools of Anglican churchmanship—High Church, Low Church, and Evangelicals—competed for the hearts and minds of clergy and laity alike. But religious labels should be used cautiously, for as BOOK REVIEWS119 John Walsh and Stephen Taylor observe, "What makes the taxonomy ofChurch groups particularly difficult is the way in which political definitions became periodically entangled with religious ones" (p. 34). What emerges from diis volume is a rehabilitated image of die eighteenthcentury Anglican Church. Despite abuses such as pluralism and non-residence, Jeremy Gregory and Mark Smith describe the pastoral zeal of the Anglican clergy. Whatever their dieological and devotional tendencies, many clergymen conscientiously performed their parochial duties. Sunday schools and charity schools were created, and clerics emphasized catechetical instruction in ordiodox Anglican beliefs. In some localities such as die parochial chapelry of Saddleworth, much attention was given to building and repairing parish churches. An expanding population, among other things, forced church audiorities to increase parish space. Thus, centers of Anglican pastoral activity and extensive church building, such as Saddleworth, counter the traditional view of a negligent and lax Hanoverian Church. SimUar essays by John Spurr, Craig Rose, and Elizabeth Elbourne show the centrality of Anglican lay and clerical voluntary groups in English religious life. For example, die Societies for die Reformation of Manners (SRM) promoted godly living and die reform of people's behavior. Many lay Anglicans formed voluntary associations to express their piety and to spread holiness and devotional practices within the Church. The Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK) stressed holy Uving, instruction in die Anglican catechism, and the performances of charitable works. Comprised of predominantly lay members, the SPCK believed that works ofcharity and the teaching of Anglican orthodoxy "would reassert the spiritual and political primacy of the Church...

This thesis explores what makes a church redundant and designated for closure in the modern era between 1945 and 1995 in the Church of England. Its central research focus is the culture embedded in the church redundancy process and the consequences of church closure for many communities. Following detailed exploration of the weighty ecclesiastical and parliamentary policy established to protect church buildings and create a formal church redundancy process, the inner workings, culture and the consequences of the Church of England’s attempts to cope with rapid social change in this period are analysed. The degree to which the secularisation debate became entrenched and how it shaped decision making are examined, and other socio-cultural issues are appraised for their effect on church redundancy. Refined case-study analyses of churches in the dioceses of Leicester and Lincoln draw on national data, and the heritage sector’s influence is explored. Finally, the social realities of the church communities in parishes where churches became redundant are considered afresh by examining objections to redundancy.This thesis uncovers more complex factors that affected churches’ viability than previously offered by historians and sociologists. The Church of England’s slow, bureaucratic working culture impeded some parish churches’ sustainability. While attempting to respond to rapid social change the Church and local planning authorities failed to foresee the consequences of policy decisions for local communities. Hence, each redundancy occurred for differing and sometimes overlapping reasons. Redundancy was not inevitable future for churches with low attendance and usually resulted from a series of circumstances over time. Few cases were connected directly with secularisation, often reflecting a combination of a changing population, financial challenges, maintenance issues and a shortage of clergy. These problems were exacerbated by tensions and conflict between heritage bodies seeking to protect historic buildings, the Church trying to maintain its spiritual mission and the parish community endeavouring to worship in its church.

George IV and William IV have long been represented as fundamentally pleasure-seeking monarchs who had little or no interest in religion. However, this assumption has never been sustained by detailed evidence. This article comprehensively challenges the stereotype by presenting the regency and reign of George IV together with William IV’s reign as a distinct and significant period in the relationship between the British monarchy and the Church of England. Three main aspects of this relationship are considered: George IV and William IV’s private commitments as manifested in court religion, the political actions of these monarchs in relation to the established church and their encouragement of Anglican church building and educational projects. The article draws upon a wide range of neglected sources, and especially the private correspondence and memoirs of those closest to George IV and William IV. Most notably, it introduces into the discussion the extensive and revealing autobiography of George IV’s chaplain Hugh Pearson, which has received scant attention from historians until now. From such sources, there emerges a picture of royal interaction with Anglicanism that almost entirely overturns the conventional view. Not only were the two last Hanoverian kings interested in religion; their Anglican beliefs directed much of their public and private conduct. This reinterpretation has important implications for our understanding of monarchy, religion and political culture in pre-Victorian England.