Is the Last Election the End of Right Populism in Poland?

Much of the research dedicated to recent political changes in Poland emphasises the conservative agenda pursued by the ruling Law and Justice party. Many of the articles briefly mention Ordo Iuris (OI). This non-governmental organisation, established in 2013, deserves a proper analysis as it presents a rare success story of an actor pursuing a pro-life agenda from Poland which is not officially affiliated with the local Catholic Church. Ordo Iuris is not only able to influence domestic socio-political dynamics but has also developed a capacity to act beyond Poland’s borders. This paper focuses on OI’s international activity with two goals in mind. Firstly, it shows how OI—with its narrative, methods and actions—fits into the broader phenomenon of the Global Christian Right. In this regard, the paper draws attention to the similarities as well as the specificities of this Central European NGO. Secondly, it discusses the consequences of entanglement in politics for Ordo Iuris’s agenda.

Journal Article Public opinion and political change in Poland, 1980–1982 and A village without solidarity: Polish peasants in years of crisis Get access Public opinion and political change in Poland, 1980–1982. By David S. Mason. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1985. 275pp. Index. £25.00. ISBN 0 521 30798 8.A village without solidarity: Polish peasants in years of crisis. By C. M. Hann. New Haven, Conn., London: Yale University Press. 1985. 208pp. Index. £12.00. ISBN 0 300 03353 2. J. J. Tomiak J. J. Tomiak 1Institute of Education and School of Slavonic and East European Studies, London Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar International Affairs, Volume 62, Issue 2, spring 1986, Pages 319–320, https://doi.org/10.2307/2618416 Published: 01 April 1986

Purpose of the study: This publication aims to examine, through critical analysis, the literature, the dynamics, the historical outline, the development and role of the secret services, which were an important element in the context of political changes in Poland and the world. Methodology: The paper was prepared with the use of the critical literature review method mainly in the field of secret services in the context of political changes in Poland. Main findings: The purpose of the service in Poland is to ensure a sense of security, protect the interests of the state, and protect the interests of the state. Therefore, the institutions monitor and facilitate the removal of threats, work, art, title, and a given territory. Suitable for suitable services. Application of the study: The presented scientific research relates to the legal sciences relating to the field of research in the field of national security, and defence. Originality/Novelty of the study: The research attempted to indicate a description and a special distinction between services, their functions and the place of services in the social and political reality, the purpose of which is to ensure broadly understood national security.

This article is a review of Ewa Stańczyk's monograph entitled Comics and Nation: Power, Pop Culture, and Political Change in Poland. The book is a comprehensive and well-documented analysis of the complicated relationship between political power and citizens' pursuit of freedom of thought and entertainment during Poland's over one hundred years of comics history. The research spans the interwar period (1919-1939), communist-era Poland, and the thirty-plus years of democracy. Comics and Nation provides an invaluable perspective on the history of Polish comics, seamlessly linking ideology, politics, economics and pop culture’s pleasures. Stańczyk's meticulous examination of the subject serves as an indispensable reference for foreign scholars, while some of its gaps provide opportunities for future research to expand and enrich the study of Polish comics in the changing landscape of global culture and society.

The Polish United Workers' Party has long faced problems in coping with political change and maintaining its leading role. In recent years this has led it, first, to rely on military support and then to adopt a programme of wide‐ranging reform, which appears to have transformed the prospects for political change in Poland. The origins of this innovation lie in developments within the party at the beginning of the decade and the consequences of martial law for the nature, composition and political capacity of the party. Recognition of the weakness of party leadership led to the formulation of a model for modernized democratic centralism but the party had little success in implementing it. The reverses suffered by the party in the reform process during 1989 prompted the formulation of plans for its transformation on social‐democratic lines, although there was resistance to this line of development within the party and considerable doubts as to its prospects for success.

Changes in the general corps of the Polish Army in the years 1926–1935. Volume I: Statistical summaries and biographical information on generals of the Polish Army promoted in the years 1926–1928 The presented publication concerns the political changes in Poland after the May Coup in 1926. The author analyses the changes in the general corps of the Polish Army in the years 1926–1935. The fi rst part of the monograph concerns the period from 1926 to 1928, during which not only was the system of functioning of the Polish Army changed to a two-track one (wartime – General Inspectorate of Armed Forces and peacetime – Ministry of Military Aff airs). The general inspector of the armed forces was appointed Commander-in-Chief in the event of a military conflict. As a result of the new personnel policy, the general staff was radically restructured. Many generals who supported the legal authorities and opposed the Sanation movement left the Polish Army, including Józef Haller and Stanisław Szeptycki. In February 1927, General Tadeusz Rozwadowski was removed from the army, and General Lucjan Żeligowski, who was favourable to Józef Piłsudski, left active service at his own request. 48 generals left or were retired from the Polish Army. In 1926, the corps consisted of 129 generals, but in 1928, this number was reduced to 81. Generals with a background in the former Polish Legions were predominant in the corps. In the initial period of the changes, there was a clear ‘legionisation’ of the general corps. The coup d’état brought to power the followers of the Commander, for whom there was no suitable place in pre-May Poland that met their expectations. When the ‘Piłsudskians’ took power in Poland, they created a concept of elite authoritarianism, assuming that former legionnaires and members of the Peowiak movement should take over the reins of power in the state. The army model was based on the personnel policy pursued by Piłsudski, who was particularly involved in promoting generals whose opinions were binding. The author hypothesises that the political change in Poland after 1926 infl uenced the shape of the general corps until the outbreak of World War II. It led to the removal from the Polish Army of older generals who had come from the armies of the former partitioning powers. The shape and character of the general staff in the years 1926–1935 were the result of the Marshal’s refl ections. This resulted in a gradual dominance of offi cers with a background in the former Polish Legions in the general staff , which was particularly evident until 1935. The diff erences and quantitative divisions, which favoured the Marshal’s supporters, gradually blurred just before World War II’s outbreak. However, it is worth noting that in 1939, the higher operational commands (armies) were led by generals, most of whom had a legionary background or had been promoted to the general staff (or higher general ranks) after 1926: Emil Przedrzymirski-Krukowicz (Modlin Army), Władysław Bortnowski (Pomerania Army), Tadeusz Kutrzeba (Poznań Army), Juliusz Rómmel (Łódź Army), Antoni Szylling (Kraków Army), Kazimierz Fabrycy from 13 September 1939, replaced by Kazimierz Sosnkowski (Carpathian Army), Stefan Dąb- -Biernacki (Prussian Army) and Czesław Młot-Fijałkowski (Independent Operational Group Narew). Marshal Edward Śmigły-Rydz, who came from the Polish Legions, became the general inspector of the army (intended to be the Commander-in-Chief) after the death of the Marshal. The direction of development of the Polish Army, created by Piłsudski, and especially the shape of the general corps, proved to be lasting and signifi cantly impacted Poland’s preparations for the upcoming war.

It must be emphasized that the El- Dostor Party did not face the same crisis faced by the Freedom & Justice Party as the ruling party supporting the declaration, but faced a different crisis in that they claimed that the declaration was affecting the level of democracy and the limits of freedom available to those with authority. So, while the official page of the Freedom and Justice Party tried to prove importance of the declaration's issuance and attack the opponents for rejecting it, the official page of the El-Dostor Party used certain crisis response strategies (CRS) to attack the authority and escalate the crisis faced by the ruling party. This article used the content analysis method to analyze the posts of both pages from the 22nd of November through the 25th of December 2012 that started with the release of the first constitutional declaration on the 22nd of November till the issuance of the Constitution on the 25th of December 2012. The research supposes that each page is supposed to reflect different political trends that might led to some differences in their choices of CRSs. But the analysis shows that the attack strategy was used by both pages in different ways. It was used by Freedom and Justice Party to attack opposition parties of the declaration, as well as some opposition aligned media which they blamed them for having prejudgments about the president himself, his decisions and trying to overthrow him. The El- Dostor Party used this strategy to attack the ruling regime and accused it of seeking to control the government. Furthermore, the posts attacked the president and accused him of the increased number of deaths due to violence resulting from the rejection of the constitutional declaration. These results prove what Coombs had proposed. He argued that in a victim situation, organizations should use the deny strategy. In an accident situation, organizations should use the diminish strategy, while in a preventable situation organizations should use the rebuild strategy. Regarding the situation in Egypt discussed here, both parties witnessed themselves as victims. The then ruling party (Freedom and Justice Party) felt that the opponents wanted to over-through the president, while simultaneously, the El- Dostor Party argued that the declaration restricted many of the civil liberties, thus giving the president unlimited authority. While the attack strategy was the only CRS that was used by the El- Dostor Party, Freedom and Justice Party used another three strategies; the scapegoating, the justification and the bolstering strategies. The scapegoating strategy was used to blame opponents, both media and parties, for the crisis. Also, the justification strategy as one of the diminish postures was used to justify the declaration as a tool to eliminate Mubarak’s regime and his supporters, stop working with the declaration with the issuance of the Constitution, give the president the power to use his authorities, a way for correcting the way of the revolution's movement, and rebuild a revolutionary Egypt, all while achieving justice and achieving community safety. The bolstering strategy was also used to depict the president as a victim of the media and the judiciary who were pushing for the coup in order to take out the president by attacking his performance and decisions. Also, the analysis shows that both pages represented the views of the party supporters without presenting the views of the opponents which affected the objectivity of the posts, and this may describe what was said about this crisis as a war between those who supported the president and those who were against him. While the El- Dostor Party used only the attack strategy within the analysis period, the official page of the Freedom and Justice Party used the strategies in a different manner. At the first stage (T1) of the analysis that started with the release of the first constitutional declaration until the second constitutional proclamation from the 22nd of November till the announcement of the second constitutional declaration on the 8th of December 2012, it used three different strategies; attack, scapegoat, justification and bolstering strategies. While at the second stage (T2) of the analysis that started with the release of the second constitutional declaration until the issuance of the Constitution in the period from 9th of December 2012 till the issuance of the new Egyptian Constitution on the 25th of December 2012, it only used the attack strategy and this can be explained as a result of the severe attack that was directed towards the president and his party. In conclusion, this article proved that there is no difference between the choices of crisis responses mentioned in official pages posts of both parties and their political trend as each defended the position of the party and attacked the other party as one of its opponents.

How to Teach Architecture – Remarks on the Edge of Polish Transformation Processes After 1989

This text is an attempt to read the election results in Poland on 15 October 2023 as a symptom of deeper changes in society. The author defends the thesis that democratic and liberal attitudes, supressed but still present in society, have been unblocked. The expectations of extremely mobilized voters will be a challenge for the new government. Then, the elections were analysed against the background of trends in European politics. In Poland, it turned out that you can also win unfair elections. It is also possible to oppose the general wave of populism. Finally, the author presents the possible effects of the political change in Poland on the situation in the European Union and on Polish-German relations. Polish politics is faced with the task of demonstrating “European indispensability” in the Union, which is turning from a factory of rules into a community of fate.

This book draws on public opinion surveys conducted in Poland during the Solidarity era to examine popular attitudes on fundamental issues of political power and on the dramatic political events of 1980–1982. These surveys, unprecedented for a communist regime, offer a unique portrait of the values and attitudes of a population in a society undergoing profound social, economic and political change. The study focuses on the citizens, who are often overlooked in studies of communist systems. As such, it provides a fresh look at the Solidarity experience from the public's point of view. It details the sources of support and opposition for the regime, the Solidarity leadership, and the policies of each. For example, support for Solidarity declined during 1981, but it remained strong, and there was little popular support for the hardline measures employed by the regime.

The purpose of this article is to describe the status of creativity and gifted education in the context of transitions in Polish education. The changes in the political system between 1989 and 1994 are described and their influence on the education system is illustrated.This examination of the recent directions of change in education in post-communist Poland will acquaint readers with the results of the political changes in Central and Eastern European countries including: differentiation of school systems, ending the teaching of Russian as a compulsory language, the ideological influence of the Catholic Church, extended freedom and autonomy of schools, and decentralization of school management.

In view of changing political and economical situation in Poland during the last 150 years, the role and development of press maps in transmission the information is being addressed. Maps published in the newspapers, to a large extent reflected the main topics addressed by the press as well as features of transmission policy of the time. The number of maps published substantially increased during the times of military conflicts and political changes. The press maps, together with the maps addressing criminal and lately common terrorist’s activities, played the most important role among all published maps. Besides providing the information and allowing understanding the background of the events, in some cases the press maps played educational role and in other cases, through the mass media they became accessible to the general public. The early 1990s brought a gradual increase in number of maps published. The political changes in Poland after 1989 resulting in, among others, the introduction of market economy, suppression of censorship and state mass media monopoly, did have significant impact on the development of Polish press and indirectly also on journalistic cartography. Furthermore the use of computers revolutionized the processes of preparing maps.

The purpose of this article is a detailed analysis of the Act of 23 February 1991 on the recognition as invalid of judgements issued against persons repressed for activities for the independence of Poland in the field of rehabilitation proceedings. The article presents the genesis of the Act’s enactment, its historical context and the practical aspects of its application. The introduction to the subject matter includes an overview of the political changes in Poland after 1989, which led to the necessity of making settlements with the past and redressing the wrongs caused by the repressive apparatus. The research draws on a wide range of sources, including, above all, a wealth of judicial decisions, as well as literature on the subject and legislative documents. The research methodology includes a legal and historical analysis to understand the legislation and its impact on rehabilitation proceedings. The article aims not only to provide the historical background of the law’s enactment, but also to show its relevance for those who have been victimised. The reader will find information that shows how such a law has contributed to redressing injustice and restoring dignity to those wrongly convicted. This article shows how the law can be an instrument of justice and how important it is to come to terms with the past in order to build a future based on respect for human rights and dignity.

I examine the rising tension between two Islamic movements in Turkey: The Justice and Development Party (AKP) and Fethullah Gülen’s Hizmet Movement within the context of increased human rights abuses by the government in Turkey. I argue that Gülen and Hizmet are a continued concern for Recep Tayyip Erdogan and AKP because of Hizmet’s social services, primarily in the realm of education. Furthermore, their influence in public ranks further troubles Erdogan. However, it seems that because of Hizmet’s disinterest with electoral politics, along with an absence of other challengers to the ruling government party’s electoral success, Erdogan and the AKP will continue to hold political power, at least for the short term. Furthermore, this case illustrates Erdogan’s willingness to carry out increased authoritarian actions, as well as a willingness to violate the human rights of civil society actors in Turkey.

Political changes in Poland in the last two decades of the 20th century enabled the creation of a new political regime. The development of civil society in the 21st century has aroused curiosity concerning the instruments and forms that promote effective participation and deliberation in the field of local self-government and other areas. The perception of political decisions and their legitimization may be reinforced via the appropriate identification and application of some participatory instruments. Some legal institutions have been established and have been developed in order to increase the scope of civil society in local self-government (e.g., elections to the local authorities, referendums, and public consultations). The latest amendment, enacted on the 11th of January 2018, to the Polish local self-government acts is a step towards the reinforcement of public participation at the local level (the civil budget, participating in the debate on the report on the condition of the of local government unit, and the civil legislative initiative).