Investigating Local Political Dynamics: A Case Study of the 2008 National Election in Bogura, Bangladesh

Local Political Dynamics in the Implementation of the Program for Innovation in Regional Development and Empowerment (PIPPK) in Bandung City examines how local political dynamics influence the implementation of the PIPPK policy. This study focuses on analyzing the interactions among stakeholders, including the Regional Governance Section of Bandung City, subdistrict heads, community leaders, and local political actors, as well as the challenges arising from these dynamics. The research qualitative primary data from in-depth interviews and field observations with secondary data from media documentation and previous studies. The findings indicate that local political dynamics affect decision-making processes, resource allocation, and the effectiveness of PIPPK implementation. Consistent support from the city government and synergy among stakeholders are key to the successful implementation of this policy. The study also emphasizes the importance of strategic approaches to enhancing transparency, decentralizing authority, and actively involving the community to address existing challenges. The findings of this study reveal that the interactions between local government, subdistrict heads, community leaders, and local political actors in the implementation of PIPPK in Bandung City are often shaped by political interests and power dynamics. Local government officials and subdistrict heads coordinate the program, while community leaders help facilitate its implementation. However, political actors sometimes influence decision-making, prioritizing political gains over program objectives. The main challenges include political fragmentation, limited community involvement, and the dominance of patronage networks, all of which can hinder effective collaboration and the achievement of the program’s goals in community empowerment and regional development..

The phenomenon of Islamic populism has become a decisive factor in Indonesian elections, significantly influencing local political dynamics and voter decisions. This research analyzes the phenomenon of populism and the role of candidates with military backgrounds in the 2018 North Sumatra Governor Election. Using a qualitative approach and exploratory case study method, this research explores how populist narratives and military background contributed to the victory of Edy Rahmayadi and Musa Rajekshah. Data were collected through literature study, in-depth interviews, and field observations, and then analyzed qualitatively. The results show that the Eramas campaign successfully utilized populist narratives by emphasizing religious identity and regionalism and leveraged Edy Rahmayadi’s charisma and military influence to gain significant support. The research also examines the political implications of populism and military involvement in the democratic process. The findings provide insights into the dynamics of local politics in Indonesia and the contribution of populism and military background in influencing election outcomes. As such, this research adds to the understanding of how populist narratives and military attributes can be effectively used in political campaigns at the regional level.

But they cowering in most dastardly fear, bent like a reed shaken by the wind, and since their salt had no savour they did not rise up or resist or set themselves as a wall before the house of Israel … some bishops, made sluggish and abject by fear of them, either gave way or lukewarmly and feebly passed a sentence of excommunication that was soon to be revoked … THIS WAS the Gesta Stephani 's assessment of episcopal conduct during the civil war. Similar, if more moderate, views were held until relatively recently. Paul Dalton has now shown, however, that some bishops were committed to peace-keeping, and it has also been argued that their relations with King Stephen were better and more constructive than is often allowed. Here, another facet of the civil war bishops' office is explored which has been little addressed beyond the exceptional case of Durham: engagement and integration with local political, religious and social dynamics and networks. Case studies are drawn from the three dioceses of Chester, Hereford, and Lincoln because bishops of all three are named in the Gesta Stephani . Bishop Robert de Bethune of Hereford exceptionally, ‘manfully set himself like a shield of defence against the enemies of the catholic peace’. Bishops Alexander of Lincoln and Roger de Clinton of Chester, however, (but it was no task for bishops) filled their castles full of provisions and stocks of arms, knights and archers, and though they were supposed to be warding off the evil doers who were plundering the goods of the church showed themselves more cruel and more merciless than those very evil-doers in oppressing their neighbours and plundering their goods.

This study aims to determine the dynamics of local politics in the 2021 Election of Peaceful Village Heads in Sidenreng Rappang Indonesia. This research uses a qualitative descriptive method. Data collection techniques used were observation, interviews, field notes, and documentation. Resource persons were selected by purposive sampling. Data analysis namely data reduction, data presentation, and conclusions. Data analysis, namely data reduction, data presentation and conclusions displayed through Nvivo 12 Plus Software visualization. NVivo 12 Plus was chosen because it is capable of producing qualitative text data in the form of attractive data visualizations. The results of this study indicate that the local political dynamics that occurred in the Peace Village head election led to polarization in the village community structure. The election of the village head still leaves a mark in which there has been a rift in relations between the people who still have close family ties. The dynamics occur in three phases, namely pre-election, implementation of the election, and post-election. The behavior of the voting community in Damai Village is still dominated by the behavior of traditional voters. The occurrence of community polarization in Damai Village is the result of the political behavior of the people who are still traditional.

This research explores the shift in gender construction identified in the dynamics of local politics in Central Java, specifically during the 2024 regional head elections. The pluralist perspective on local political studies emphasizes the inevitability of diverse local actors in managing power at the local level, including for local women. This research was carried out with a descriptive qualitative approach to analysis chosen in this study, because it aims to explore in-depth understanding of social and political phenomena, namely shifts in gender construction in local political dynamics in Central Java. Data was extracted through in-depth interviews and document data. Interviews with female informants of regional head candidates in Central Java, success teams, and voters, in the simultaneous regional head elections, were conducted to explore perceptions, views, and experiences so that they could interpret freely. The interviews used purposive sampling techniques, both in person and with messages through social media to voters in Central Java. The results of the study identified the phenomenon of gender construction evolution; first, shifting beliefs, values about women who are increasingly ready, have the ability in politics, so that they get validation and recognition from the voting community; second, political party support, ownership of women's financial capital in politics; and third, women's ability to face challenges that arise from themselves. Self-confidence in facing social pressure, political pressure, and political pressure is one of the most important factors.

The colonial conquest of East Africa was a protracted and haphazard business spanning decades, first begun in the early 1890s but not completed until 1919. As the frontier of colonial conquest advanced, there were many episodes of Africa resistance but also many examples of capitulation and collaboration.1 The best survey of this complex period of colonial conquest in East Africa is surely to be found in John Lonsdale's two essays on the subject, the first dealing with the British East African Protectorate between 1895 and 1905, the second focusing more specifically upon events in Western Kenya between 1894 and 1908.2 At the level of the Protectorate, Lonsdale identifies three distinct in the conquest of territory. The first of these saw Britain dominate the coast through the influence of the sultan of Zanzibar, with penetration inland being carried out by the Imperial British East Africa Company (IBEAC). In the second phase, from 1895 to 1901, with the declaration of protectorates over Uganda and East Africa (Kenya), British interests rallied to protect the road to Uganda and to construct a railway linking the Indian Ocean to Lake Victoria (Nyanza). In the third phase, commencing with the railway's completion in 1901, colonial control was finally extended over a broader front, with episodes of violence alongside economic incorporation and political accommodation. Narrowing his focus to Western Kenya and the conquest of the many Luyia, Luo, and Gusii polities in this region, Lonsdale offers a more detailed and subtle examination of the second of these phases. seen from Western Kenya between 1895 and 1901, the process of conquest was uneven and sporadic, violent at times but compliant to local politics at other moments. Lonsdale here discerns five sequential phases in this six-year period: (1) coexistence, from August 1894 to June 1895; (2) ascendancy, from July 1895 to March 1897, driven by enhanced military capacity; (3) coexistence again, from April 1897 to June 1898, a function of limited resources of conquest and the fragility of British authority; (4) domination, from July 1898 to April 1900, the restoration of a firmer colonial authority characterized by a willingness to deploy coercive force and to exploit local political allies; and (5) control, from May 1900 onwards, with the consolidation of colonial military power and the formalization of authority through the co-option of allies within the structures of the colonial regime. The sequence of conquest reveals that the triumph of the colonizer was seldom inevitable, frequently deflected by the limitations of colonial resources, and more often than not driven by the opportunities afforded by the dynamics of local politics. British success was usually dependent upon African allies and confederates. The extension of the colonial frontier in Western Kenya was therefore not a coordinated and orderly advance, but a spasmodic and opportunistic struggle for ascendancy in a political environment that was both obscure and unpredictable. Lonsdale's account of local conquest, like those of Godfrey Muriuki, Peter Rogers, and Richard Waller for other parts of the East African Protectorate, rightly gives prominence to the British concern to protect Sclater's road, and then the Uganda railway.3 Until 1901 there was little attempt to extend colonial authority beyond this limited horizon. One notable exception to this was in the Baringo region of the northern Rift Valley, where between 1899 and 1901 the British made a bold-perhaps even reckless-attempt, to extend colonial authority far to the north of the road and railway that connected Mombasa to the great lake. The advance into Baringo was prompted by the desire to control the rich ivory trade of the northern regions, in the hope that this would bring much-needed revenue to the coffers of the colonial administration.4 The difficulty of this task was seriously underestimated. Since the British were only dimly aware of the workings of the ivory trade, without any established base of support among local Kalenjin-speaking peoples who dominated the region, and completely dependent for supply and military support upon small pockets of Maa-speaking allies, this imperial venture proved to be premature. …

<em>This comprehensive analysis explores the multifaceted landscape of academic research through a systematic examination of high-impact publishers, author contributions, global academic representation, and keyword emphasis. Fig. 2 illustrates the prominence of publishers such as "Energy Research and Social Science" and "Ambio," showcasing their substantial impact in respective fields, while also recognizing the noteworthy contributions of journals with varying h-index values. The dataset spans diverse topics from energy research to social sciences, emphasizing the dynamic nature of academic contributions over different years. This study utilizes bibliometric analysis and qualitative research.This comprehensive analysis serves as a guiding framework for scholars, researchers, and policymakers, offering insights into the dynamics of high-impact publishers, the diversity of author contributions, global academic landscapes, and the nuanced aspects of local politics. The interplay of these elements shapes the rich tapestry of academic exploration, inviting continual inquiry and collaboration. In the digital era, there has been a shift in the dynamics of local politics in Makassar, increasing political awareness and public participation through social media while presenting challenges such as opinion polarization and misinformation. This study emphasizes the importance of utilizing digital technology strategies to strengthen interethnic dialogue and advance a participatory and inclusive democracy in Makassar.</em>

The general election directly conducted to vote for the regent and vice regent (Pemilihan Kepala Daerah, abbreviated to Pilkada) by the people in Badung Regency in 2005 was the first one. The people’s direct involvement in the local political life moved highly dynamically. The struggle for power by various strengths affected various dimensions of the people’s lives; therefore, it is interesting to investigate the local political dynamics in the Pilkada directly conducted in Badung Regency in 2005 in the perspective of cultural studies. There are three problems formulated in this study. They are (1) what was the dynamics of the Pilkada directly conducted in Badung Regency in 2005 like?; (2) how the relation of strengths affected the local political dynamics in the Pilkada directly conducted in Badung Regency in 2005?; (3) what were the implications and meanings of the local political dynamics of the Pilkada directly conducted in Badung Regency in 2005?
 The results of the study show that fluctuative changes took place continuously with regard to the form and functions of societal structure. Culturally, the people’s ideology changed from being mono centric into being multi centric. The relation of strengths became segmented into three main strengths forming a new formation of strength referred to as trisula. This led to an institutional configuration, differentiation of power and locality sedimentation, and provided meanings to competition and tolerance, emancipatory, political comodification, adaptive leadership and local democratic cultural strengthening.
 Keywords: dynamics, local politics, and direct pilkada in Badung Regency

This article is a preliminary observation of local politics and local identity in Kotagede, Central Java, Indonesia, during the post-Soeharto period. It examines the roles of Muhammadiyah and local actors in maintaining local identity in this town. I highlight the importance of Islamic and Javanese traditions in shaping the local history and the dynamics of local politics in Kotagede. I also argue that there is a place for local actors and social networks in the pursuit of preserving local identity in this town. Some observations are made about the impact of the Yogyakarta earthquake and future research directions.

Religious elites have an important role in the democratic system in Indonesia. The involvement of chairmen of Islamic boarding schools (pondok pesantren) in local elections in the context of local dynamics has spawned a network of oligarchic power and dynastic politics. There is an assumption that the participation of the elite of Islamic boarding schools in local politics is considered to be inevitable to the democratic process with the spread of corruption cases, and political nepotism. Actors in dynastic politics use famous figures from the pesantren’s family as a political tool to gain power. Power relations and patron-client relationships in Islamic boarding schools provide great benefits to ensure a candidate is elected in a local election. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the relation between power, oligarchy, and the politics of kinship of the elite boarding school in the dynamics of local politics. This article shows that dynastic politics undermined the pillars of Indonesian democracy. Factors that cause oligarchy in pondok pesantren are populism, power network, and tribalism. These factors are inseparable from the influence of patronage, the power of local elites, and the effort of the elite to build dynastic politics. This article suggests that religious elites within the circle of political dynasties are expected to work professionally, not merely using the pesantren family.

The political geography of North Sulawesi provides insights into the local political dynamics with specific geographic considerations. This research employs a quantitative method, focusing on voter rationality, social identity, social cognition, social change, and political alternatives. Findings indicate that Generation Z students choose candidates based on vision, mission, performance, and digital information. Despite positive perceptions of performance, there is a discrepancy with the level of interest. Voter rationality is more focused on individual assessment than party loyalty. Social identity, including ethnic, religious, and cultural diversity, plays a role in political decision-making. Social media serves as the primary source of information, but voters actively seek verification from other sources. Mental processes and social cognition influence the interpretation of political information, and awareness of choosing in line with values, interests, expectations, and believed changes. Although voters have convictions, there is potential uncertainty in their choices. This study provides insights into political geography, voter behavior, and the socio-political context in North Sulawesi, supporting a deeper understanding of local political dynamics and student preferences.

Stability in Political Ambition This chapter explores the sources of stability of the Mexican regional compromise. An analysis of gubernatorial nominations allows me to show that politicians were in a political equilibrium: All major political players were willing to play within the rules of the game of progressive ambition established by the PRI because the system had become self-enforcing. Gubernatorial nominations were driven by a logic of unanimous approval by the main veto players, both at the national and local levels, which made the arrangement stable. The nomination game was underpinned by the peculiar crafting of institutional rules discussed in the previous chapter, including the no-reelection clause, federal control over electoral processes, and the staggered timing of elections. Hence, the purpose of this chapter is to explain why local political actors complied with the set of rules created by the PRI to structure political ambition, even as their fiscal authority was threatened. In terms of the theoretical framework in Chapter 1, I show how the problems of commitment and redistribution were easier to solve once politicians found a way to channel their political ambitions at the local level. The analysis of gubernatorial stability sheds light not just on the dynamics of local politics but also on the way in which, notwithstanding disagreements and differing political preferences of the president and the politicians in the regions, they could agree on cooperating and respecting each other through the nomination process within the hegemonic party.

The issuance of Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 18 of 2001 concerning Special Autonomy for the Province of the Special Region of Aceh as the Province of Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam and Law Number 11 of 2006 concerning the Government of Aceh are the efforts of the central government to improve the welfare of the people in Aceh Province. During the 20 years of the special autonomy, it has not played a significant role in alleviating the people’s poverty in Aceh. The dynamics of local politics, culture, and history, as well as the lack of organizational and managerial capacity at the sub-national and national levels, are suspected as the culprits of the failure of decentralization. The research objective is built on a perspective that refers to three specific aspects, namely the Governance Dynamics Perspective, the Governance Strategy Perspective, and the Governance Capacity Perspective, to analyze the governance of special autonomy in Aceh Province in alleviating the Poor. Through the literature study method, we will dig up a lot of accurate information and data related to the Alleviation of the Poor in the Special Autonomy Governance of Aceh Province. The research results found that the special autonomy going on so far was the designation of political agreements aimed at regional elites, not the general public. Local government administration's ineffective control is also influenced by the exogenous relationship between governance and regional development in alleviating poverty. In summary, the regional government of Aceh Province does not yet understand: (1) the need for supervision involving the community, (2) the absence of a monitoring mechanism so that the community is not affected, (3) local government effectiveness, (4) lack of information facilities, (5) coordination of public apparatus, (6) inefficient and ineffective service delivery, (7) lack of institutional capacity, (8) human resources, (9) the complexity of the central-regional relationship, (10) local elite power struggle, (11) in the Aceh Special Autonomy Law, regional leaders and local political parties have no responsibility or role in improving welfare. This causes (1) the imbalance between the income of the poor and the expenditure on primary and secondary needs, (2) the poor in Aceh cannot meet a decent standard of living due to low skills based on the size of the poverty line, (3) the quality and competence of human resources due to education cause low public participation in public policies, (4) high transaction costs due to limited access, low connectivity between regions, and limited supply of goods, production facilities, and infrastructure, (5) strategically fluctuating basic commodity prices and low regional government control.

The passing of Law Number 6 of 2014 on villages has opened up new opportunities for villages to manage their economic resources on their own, including forming BUMDes. However, the management of BUMDes is actually shaped by local political factors and complex power dynamics. This study explores how power functions within the management of BUMDes Bersama and how these practices affect village governance and community participation. This study used a qualitative approach using a case study method. Data was gathered through in-depth interviews, observation, and document analysis. The theories applied include Local Politics and Regional Autonomy theory, Michel Foucault's Power Relations theory, and the Good Governance theory. The results show that, although BUMDes aim to improve the welfare of village communities through the collective management of economic businesses, local political intervention changes the function of this institution. Political actors utilize BUMDes to gain political support by directing facility assistance to the farmer groups that support them. This practice causes BUMDes to lose neutrality and reduces community trust in the institution. On the other hand, BUMDes management becomes less transparent, with decision-making dominated by certain parties, without inclusive involvement of all elements of the community.

The thesis is a critical analysis of the contemporary development planning system in Indonesia, institutionalized in parallel with democratization and decentralization policies. It examines to what extent local development planning exhibits practices of good governance, through its features of transparency, responsiveness, accountability and inclusive-participative procedures. The central research question is to what extent does decentralization promote good governance in development planning? Scholars have investigated decentralization outcomes in Indonesia from various angles, portraying both skepticism and optimism. This study contributes to understanding about how local government in Indonesia uses its new powers within a broader context of democratization, in an area which has received less attention, i.e. development planning. This includes understanding about how participative, pro-poor and gender-sensitive policies, the contemporary vocabulary of Indonesian politics, are put into practices in instituting development planning, in particular for the education sector. In this thesis the practices of development planning are investigated in two districts in Nusa Tenggara Barat (NTB)province, i.e. Central and West Lombok. The research involved a critical review of development planning policies, interviews with government officials at the national, provincial and district levels, project/donor funding agency staff, and members of local NGOs, and observations of Musrenbang, the multi-stakeholder forum for development planning at the village and supra-village levels. The contemporary regulations for development planning build a foundation for more transparent and responsive practices, and require governments to be accountable to their local constituents. Public engagement is a core value, obligating governments to consult the public through all phases in designing development plans. In general the research findings demonstrate complex relations between democratic political institutions, devolved power and the realities of political practice. Planning procedures in the two districts showed unprecedented transparency, as required by regulations: program planning along with the budget was exposed to the public, through local media and during the sessions of Musrenbang. Another obvious sign of progress is the involvement of the public, which contrasts with the previous practice which was restricted to the elites. Women's involvement was also more obvious than before, although this was not the case for the poor. Participants played active roles in Musrenbang, asking questions, demanding modifications or posing criticism, although this varied across areas. However, the participative process was characterized by less than satisfactory practical and strategic preconditions, which compromised the quality of the process. The development planning process cannot be dissociated from the dynamics of local politics, which in Lombok have politicized government institutions and had unexpected implications for how decisions on development programs were made. Overall, this study concludes that there has not been much progress towards good governance in development planning in the two districts observed. Judging from this example, decentralization is important but insufficient in establishing good local governance for development planning. Political will from local bodies is essential, and it was lacking in these two districts of Lombok. Although so far it is under-utilized, an invited space like Musrenbang can be an important entry point for both the officials and the public to engage in critical collaboration in development planning.