Introduction to the Special Issue

In recent years, regional integration processes have created a number of opportunities for ensuring mutual economic ties between countries of the world. In this regard, the countries of Southeast Asia are increasingly considered as one of the potential partners for accelerating integration processes in Central Asia and interregional cooperation. The purpose of the article is to show that the countries of Southeast Asia are an important vector for the diversification of economic relations of Central Asia countries, and to reveal the main directions of their interrelation’s development. Based on a comparative analysis, the state of political, trade, economic, cultural and humanitarian relations between the countries of Central and Southeast Asia, the factors influencing the slow development of cooperation and the possibilities for its improvement in the future are studied. In the context of the world unstable situation, the active participation of the Central Asian countries in integration gives impetus to strengthening contacts with the countries of Southeast Asia, which have historical experience in this regard. This process shows the need to develop economic, political, cultural and humanitarian ties between the countries of the two regions. In conclusion, the similarities and differences between the countries of these regions, achievements and shortcomings, as well as opportunities for further development of relations are substantiated.

Are child and youth population at lower risk of COVID-19 fatalities? Evidences from South-East Asian and European countries.

In 1975, Nicholas Henry puts forward five paradigms for public administration. These paradigms demonstrate the historical development of public administration since Woodrow Wilson's famous article. The existence of competing paradigms in public administration enhances theoretical development within the discourse. Public value management has brought a new dimension to the discourse. The purpose of this study is to investigate the paradigmatic shift in public management and to determine if the ‘Public Value Management’ represents an emerging paradigm in public administration. The paper attempts to answer two main questions: (a) Does public value management represent a new paradigm in the field of public administration? (b) Is public value management the future of public administration? To answer these questions, the study followed a historical approach to provide an accurate description and analysis of the current state as well as predicting its future course. Data for this study has been collected through a primary scoping of the literature on public administration. This paper shows that public value is not only an emerging paradigm in public administration but also the future. The study also found out that public value is the next big thing for governments aiming to deliver better public service. The public value paradigm is centered around the needs of the public as citizens, as well as consumers, the creation of value rather than achieving individual outcomes. It is more than the aggregation of individual needs with deliberation as to what constitutes public value at its core. In answering the aforementioned questions, the paper endeavor to establish the focus of public value management paradigm within the public administration field. The study adds value to the literature and theoretical development of public value

The foreign policy course “Turn to Asia”, taken by Russia in the early 2000s, was not accompanied, however, by the expansion of interaction with the countries of South East Asia. Despite creating a certain foundation for the development of bilateral and multilateral cooperation, its potential is far from being fully explored. The presence of objective factors hampered its expansion and limited the active involvement of Russia in regional integration processes. The article assesses the prospects for the development of relations with Southeast Asian countries in the context of Russia’s strategic and economic interests in the region and the emerging conditions for their implementation. The authors note that the region has begun to acquire strategic importance for Russia, firstly, for economic reasons, given the dynamics of its growth and the possibility of its involvement in Russian integration projects,secondly, for geopolitical reasons, based on an assessment of its contribution to the formation of a security architecture in the Asia-Pacific region, the principles of which are generally consistent with Russia’s strategic interests, which are realized within the framework of diplomatic and militarypoliticalrapprochement with the countries of South East Asia. The article notes that in building their relations with them, Russia proceeds from the fact that its more active participation in regional affairs may become a factor hindering the establishment of hegemony by one of the great powers in the region, which generally meets the interests of the Southeast Asian countries themselves. At the same time, the authors come to the conclusion that in search of a force capable of ensuring stability in the region, the choice of Southeast Asian countries is unlikely to stop only on Russia, whose real level of political influence in the region is still low. As for economic cooperation Russia with the countries of South East Asia, in recent years, the interaction between them in the framework of bilateral relations has strengthened, primarily in trade. Russia has a positive balance in trade with the countries of the region. However, investment cooperation between them is small in scope and does not play a significant role in the economies of the counterparty countries. The article provides a detailed analysis of the problems that complicate Russia’s economic cooperation with the countries of South East Asia and offers recommendations for solving them, taking into account the specifics of Russian business and the particularities of the local market development. The authors come to the conclusion that the success of Russia’s economic relations with the countries of South East Asia will largely depend on whether we recognize them as equally important partners as China or India. No political steps taken by Russia in South East Asia will lead to a strengthening of its position in the region, if they are not accompanied by its economic expansion.

The enormous contribution of Kenyan Diaspora to Kenya’s economy is increasingly becoming a major area of attention to policy makers. The Diaspora contributes a significant percentage to the GDP from the financial remittances they send back home. They have also been instrumental in the promotion of trade, investment, tourism, education, employment and transfer of technology and expertise to Kenya. Over 75% of the Diaspora contribution comes from North America and Europe, leaving only 25% for the rest of the world. About 30% of Kenyan Diaspora lives in North America, 26% in Europe, 24% in Africa, 9% in Asia while 11% is unaccounted for in different parts of the world. Approximately 0.02% of Kenyans abroad lives in Southeast Asian (SEA) countries under the accreditation of the Kenya Mission in Bangkok, namely: Thailand, Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar. The contribution of Kenyan residents in the five SEA countries is minimal. In this research, factors which contributed to the low number of Kenyan Diaspora in the five SEA countries, and ways in which the number could be expanded were examined. Over 70% of respondents agreed that the British colonialism and colonial legacies in Kenya, long duration of weak economies of SEA, government policies and limited diplomacy, limited information on opportunities, tough immigration policies and visa conditions, and inadequate transport system are some of the factors for the low numbers of Kenyans in SEA countries. Relaxation of tough immigration policies and rigid visa conditions, improvement on transport system, establishment of more diplomatic Missions, signing of MoUs and agreements, and information dissemination on opportunities in the five SEA countries are some of the ways to increase the numbers of Kenyan Diaspora in these countries. The research findings will help Kenya Government to formulate effective Diaspora Policy.

In the presented article, the author conducts research of export – import operations between the Baltic countries and the countries of Southeast Asia from 2016 to 2018, since the goal for the EU countries is to deepen economic relations between the countries of Asia; however, there has been no serious analysis of the potential of trade relations between the regions. Based on empirical studies, the countries of Southeast Asia are identified by the volume of export – import, which is significant in the economy of states. It has been revealed that the Baltic countries import more products from the countries of Southeast Asia; however, the increase in the competitiveness of the industries is related to the volume of exports as well. To strengthen trade relations between the regions of Asia and the EU, the implementation of the adopted UN resolution on the Transformation of our world: The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, the national programs on the development of the economy of countries, the author identified the potential for exports of the Baltic countries to the corresponding countries of Southeast Asia. The analysis of the number of tourists from the countries of Southeast Asia is carried out, the results of which show the potential for the growth of this industry and the strengthening of trade relations between countries. Taking into account the volume of trade between the Baltic regions and the countries of Southeast Asia, the role of small and medium-sized enterprises is shown. The author carries out the analysis of the conditions for the registration of SMEs in the Baltic countries, the number of employees in SMEs.

We aimed to analyze the temporal trends in the per capita food (kcal/day/person) and protein (g/day/person) availability at the national level in the Southeast Asian (SEA) countries from 1961 to 2018. To avoid intercountry variations and errors, we used a dataset derived from the FAO’s old and new food balance sheets. We used the joinpoint model and the jump model to analyze the temporal trends. The annual percentage change (APC) was computed for each segment of the trends. Per capita food and protein availability in the SEA countries increased significantly by 0.8% per year (54.0%) and 1.1% per year (85.1%), respectively, from 1961 to 2018. During the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s the per capita food availability in mainland SEA did not change significantly and was less than 2200 kcal/person/day. Since the early 1990s, food availability increased appreciably in the mainland SEA countries, except for Cambodia, which has experienced the increasing trend from the late 1990s. Distinct from the mainland, maritime SEA countries showed an up–down–up growth trend in their per-capita food availability from 1961 to 2018. Food-availability growth slowed down for Brunei (since the mid-1980s) and Malaysia (since mid-the 1990s) whereas it increased for Indonesia (1.5% per year), Timor-Leste (0.9% per year), and the Philippines (0.8% per year). Per capita protein availability trends in the mainland SEA countries were similar to the countries’ per capita food availability trends. Since the late 1980s, Thailand and since the late 1990s, other mainland SEA countries experienced a significant growth in their per capita protein availability. Since the late 1990s, per capita protein availability in Vietnam increased markedly and reached the highest available amount in the SEA region, following Brunei and Myanmar. Per capita protein availability increased almost continuously among the maritime SEA countries, except for Timor-Leste. Marked inequality did exist between maritime and mainland SEA countries in per capita food-availability growth till the mid-1990s. Considerable increases in per capita food availability have occurred in most of the SEA countries, but growth is inadequate for Timor-Leste and Cambodia.

Seven countries in Southeast Asia which are considered major potato producing areas were selected this study. Potato released data from 23 countries/Provinces/States were collected. In total 668 varieties were documented (including duplicates, as each province in China has its own release system) and a total of 229 varieties have been released with a relationship to CIP. The dataset includes all modern varietal outputs recorded in a formal national (or state/provincial in case of India/China) commodity varietal release list/data base or is identified by experts as an adopted variety during the expert elicitation process. For the purpose of this study, a modern variety is defined as ‘a variety developed by breeders in the formal system.’ It represents an output/contribution of the national and/or international public and private sector research investments.

The current development of public administration is influenced by three main factors namely market pull, governance, and digitalization, which often distracts public administration observers from other fundamental aspects. This article intends to revisit the New Public Administration (NPA) paradigm that focuses on the goals of public administration namely relevance, value, change, and social justice by focusing on contemporary Indonesia. By conducting a systematic literature review of publications released in the last 10 years, this article analyses the discussion of articles that address the pillars of NPA, namely debureaucratization, democratization, delegation, and decentralization (4Ds). The article finds that while there has been significant progress in terms of economic and infrastructure development under President Joko Widodo ( Jokowi), there has been criticism about the lack of attention to democratic values and civil liberties. Efforts to strengthen governance and bureaucratic efficiency in Indonesia have often come at the expense of democratic principles and wider public participation, resulting in less space for civil liberties and tighter controls on dissent or criticism. From these findings, this article calls for a return to the views of scholars such as Frederickson, Crow, and Bryer who emphasize the importance of a more adaptive and value-based public administration design that involves citizen participation as a key component of the system.

The roles of international tourism and renewable energy in environment: New evidence from Asian countries

The relevance of the New Public Administration (NPA) Paradigm initiated by Frederickson shows its increasing power. Although this paradigm appeared far before the change in global post-pandemic conditions, the New Public Administration (NPA) Paradigm is capable of guiding the public administrative measures to respond to the challenge of post-pandemic social change, especially in the public service administration aspect. Public service before the pandemic, especially at the local government level, had found form and quality issues. The public service at the local level is attempting to respond to public needs and social changes that are always a big challenge for public administration. The pandemic suddenly worsened and was a blow to the process of public administration adjustment to the changes. The public service that needed modernization was badly hit by the pandemic. Therefore, this article aims to identify challenges to public administration in the context of post-pandemic changes in public service. This research used a focus group discussion method with stakeholders and documentation as the secondary data. This article successfully shows the important position of amplification of changes and responsiveness in public administration, especially in public service delivery. Keywords: new public administration, public service delivery, policy change, post-pandemic era, responsiveness

This systematic literature review examines the evolution and current state of green marketing research in South Asian, East Asian, and Southeast Asian countries. Utilizing the PRISMA methodology and TCCM framework, the study analyzes 97 articles published between 2000 and 2025 to map research trends, dominant variables, theoretical underpinnings, and methodological approaches. The findings reveal regional disparities in publication volume, a reliance on Western-centric theories, and methodological limitations such as overuse of convenience sampling. India and China emerge as key contributors, while many Asian countries remain underrepresented. The review identifies frequently studied constructs, including environmental concern, attitude, and green purchase intention, and recommends expanding theoretical diversity and context-specific research. It offers a comprehensive research agenda and practical insights for marketers aiming to foster sustainable consumer behavior across diverse Asian markets.

The article considers models of political transformation in East Asian countries. The analysis of political practices of transformation of the countries of East and South-East Asia is carried out in the study. The research contains the factors that influenced the successful implementation of modernization projects in the states of the region. The specific features of the political transformations of the states of the region associated with the formation of non-Western democracies on the basis of “development authoritarianisms” are revealed. Carrying out large-scale transformations is connected with the need to establish sovereignty in the postcolonial period and ensure national security in the current geopolitical conditions. The success of the East Asian model of transformation is also associated with the preservation of elements of traditional regulation, a unique synthesis of traditions and innovations based on a special, synthetic way, non-Western and nonmobilization type. Governments and national leaders play a special role in the political practices of non-Western modernization, ensuring the planning of modernization strategies. A separate role in the transformation belongs to the competent bureaucracy with a minimum degree of corruption. And the transformations were carried out by authoritarian methods. Non-Western modernization is of interest both from a theoretical and empirical point of view, especially given the effect of the non-Western approach to transformation, embodied in the so-called Asian economic miracle and contributing to national consolidation in Southeast and East Asia. For developing countries, it is important to choose the ways of their socio-political and economic development, especially in the context of globalization. The study of the experience of the countries of Southeast and East Asia allows us to identify the main directions of their development that have transformed societies, and to determine an acceptable development strategy for the state. Back in the 1990s, concepts were put forward according to which the 21st century would be the era of domination of the Asia-Pacific civilization, which replaces the Euro-Atlantic one. The modernization of the countries of Southeast Asia is becoming a factor in reformatting the established world order, creating a new balance of power in the international arena and new centres of influence in political and economic relations.

Many environmental factors contribute to the rise in prevalence of obesity in populations but one key driver is urbanization. Countries in Southeast (SE) Asia have undergone rapid changes in urbanization in recent decades. The aim of this study is to provide a systematic review of studies exploring the relationship between living in an urban or rural environment (urbanicity) and obesity in Southeast Asia. In particular, the review will investigate whether the associations are uniform across countries and ages, and by sex. The literature search was conducted up to June 2014 using five databases: EMBASE, PubMed, GlobalHealth, DigitalJournal and Open Grey. Forty-five articles representing eight of the eleven countries in SE Asia were included in the review. The review found a consistent positive association between urbanicity and obesity in countries of Southeast Asia, in all age groups and both genders. Regional differences between the associations are partly explained by gross national income (GNI). In countries with lower GNI per capita, the association between urbanicity and obesity was greater. Such findings have implications for policy makers. They imply that population level interventions need to be country or region specific, tailored to suit the current stage of economic development. In addition, less developed countries might be more vulnerable to the negative health impact of urbanization than more developed countries.

It may surprise Canadians to know that 50 years ago when their government looked across the Pacific, the primary focus of attention was every bit as much on key countries in southeast Asia as it was on other parts of the continent. However, 25 years ago, when the Asia Pacific Foundation of Canada was founded, the rapid economic maturing of Japan and South Korea was already beginning to eclipse southeast Asia as a region requiring Ottawa's attention. Since then, the remarkable post-Cold War ascent of the economies of both China and India - and Canada's recent commitments to security in Afghanistan - have continued to push Canada's relations with southeast Asia further and further down the list of its Asian priorities. But for any number of reasons, including the personal bonds and political and economic relations that tie Canada to southeast Asia as well as the centrality of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to the process of regional community building in east Asia, Canada should not underestimate the importance of working on specific issues so as to maintain a strong and enduring engagement with the region.A LEGACY OF LINKAGESCanada does not have a high profile within southeast Asia, nor indeed does ASEAN (whose members are Brunei, Burma/Myanmar, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam) have a high profile in Canada, but Canada's past relations with southeast Asia have left significant legacies. For example, Canada was the non-communist representative on the International Control Commission set up in 1954 to oversee the Geneva accords that ended France's occupation of Vietnam. Canada's role on the commission lasted until 1973. Significantly, the part the Canadian government played in officially monitoring events in Vietnam during a very turbulent period in its history meant that a generation of External Affairs officers were cycled though the commission. They, therefore, had experience of southeast Asia even if, by most accounts, it was not always a very pleasant one.More positively, Canada has had a longstanding interest in the development of various societies of the region. As an original member of the 1950 Colombo plan, Canada established a series of development projects in the two Commonwealth countries in southeast Asia - Malaya/Malaysia and Singapore - during the 1950s and 1960s. In the 1970s, Indonesia replaced Malaysia as the main recipient of Canadian development assistance and Canada also began providing assistance for a number of ASEAN regional development projects. Indeed, Canada's current development assistance program allocates around $12 million a year to its southeast Asia regional program. Over the years since then, the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) and the International Development Research Centre (IDRC) have maintained a strong interest in the ASEAN region, implementing, most recently, significant development cooperation projects in Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam. Overall, Canada has contributed more than $2.8 billion to development cooperation in southeast Asia since 1977.ASEAN was formed by the Bangkok declaration of 1967 and was essentially a product of the Cold War. Faced in particular with threats from communist subversion, the five original members - Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand - all saw the promotion of social and economic development as a way of countering these internal threats. Indeed, the idea of national social and economic resilience was then translated into ASEAN's commitment to fostering resilience in the region. It was in this context that contributions to the region's economic development from all quarters have been seen as especially valuable. In the association's early years, Canada's contributions of development assistance were particularly welcome.Canada's decision in 1975 to provide developmental assistance for a number of regional ASEAN projects led to important advances on other fronts. …