Introduction to the special issue. Productive travels: the politics of intersectionality in France

This chapter provides an overview of the historical development and current state of Middle East Studies in French academia. It starts by distinguishing between different French academic traditions when it comes to studying and analysing the Middle East, provides an overview of their historical roots, and traces their changing relevance and evolution over time. In the process, the chapter places a particular emphasis on the interplay of these traditions with France’s evolving overseas interests and her domestic politics and self-perception, noting the significant role that notions of nostalgia and France’s evolving relationship with its former colonies have played in shaping scholarly traditions. The chapter concludes with some observations on the current state of Middle East Studies in France, its wider international relevance, as well as some more general observations on the interplay of scholarship and politics in France’s Fifth Republic.

This article focuses on the workplace experiences of peer workers with a diagnosis of borderline personality disorder (BPD) in mental healthcare settings in Australia. Our article is located at the intersection of political, social, cultural, and legislative forces that have fostered the development of peer work as a paid profession. We draw on the concept of stigma to analyse findings from qualitative interviews with peer workers conducted in [state], Australia. By examining peer work in the broader context of lifeworlds of BPD, we address the interplay of work and professional identity, and the experience of a profoundly stigmatised diagnosis at this intersection. Our findings demonstrate the physical and emotional effects of stigma and how it produces boundaries and inequalities between peer workers and other health practitioners. These boundaries are reinforced by invisible markers that delineate what is expected, ‘normal’ and deemed professional in the workplace. Moreover, these same medico-socio-political relations help shape peer workers’ identities and experiences. The development of peer workforces in mental healthcare service delivery is a prominent area of reform in Australia and internationally. Our research highlights the urgency of efforts to transform current socio-cultural-political relations that inhibit peer workers in their roles and impact workplace experiences.

Protests accompanied by increasing violence are prevalent in the townships of South Africa. These violent protests often arise from community dissatisfaction with service delivery, which in some cases leaves residents without basic necessities such as water and electricity. As a result, learners and students are left without access to schools, colleges, and universities, disrupting education programs. This study draws on Novelli and Cardozo-Lopez’s framework, which identifies a tool that can aid in alleviating poverty. This study also considers both physical and structural forms of violence and examines how the everyday experiences of youth are shaped by these dynamics. In conflict zones such as the iNanda and KwaMashu townships, education suffers whenever violent events take place. This study is framed by Political Economy Analysis (PEA), which was used to explore how the intersections of politics, geographic location, history, and class shape experiences of both formal and informal education. This qualitative study used semi-structured interviews with 16 participants and two focus groups involving youth and learners aged 19 to 35 years. Findings from the thematic analysis, as guided by the 4R’s framework (recognition, redistribution, representation and reconciliation), indicate that (1) violent protests are directly linked to dissatisfaction with service delivery, which negatively influences the education system, and (2) youth in conflict zones are deprived of formal education, often becoming exposed to adults who teach or engage them in criminal activities; and (3) communities in the iNanda and KwaMashu townships deem community dialogue and the Ubuntu approach as possible solutions to protect youth from the consequences of various forms of violence. The study concludes that since no community in the world is immune to physical or structural violence, education can serve as a powerful vehicle for promoting social justice among youth in conflict zones.

Rationalizing Parliament examines how institutional arrangements in the French Constitution shape the bargaining strategies of political parties. The book investigates the decision by French cities to include in the Constitution legislative procedures aimed to 'rationalize' the policy-making role of parliament and analyses the impact of these procedures on policy outcomes, cabinet stability and political accountability. Drawing on diverse methodological approaches, including formal models, multivariate statistics, historical analysis and qualitative case studies, Professor Huber contributes to general theoretical debates about the endogenous choice of institutions, and about the exogenous impact of institutional arrangements on political decision-making. Through its use of theories developed in the American politics literature, the study reveals important similarities between legislative politics in the United States and in parliamentary systems and shortcomings in conventional interpretations of French institutional arrangements.

Reviewed by: Alternative Routes to the Sustainable City: Austin, Curitiba, and Frankfurt Jana Cephas (bio) Alternative Routes to the Sustainable City: Austin, Curitiba, and Frankfurt. By Steven A. Moore. Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield, 2005. Pp. xvi+243. $65/$34.95. Much of the current discussion surrounding sustainability has concerned the development of environmentally sound products, the correct implementation of "best practices," and the role of governmental bodies in regulating polluting industries. This has generated considerable concern about correctly defining sustainability and finding adequate solutions to the problems of the unsustainable city. In contrast, this book presents new notions of sustainability by emphasizing the role of "public talk"—that is, conversations about the urban environment—in the successful development of the sustainable city. Steven Moore, director of the Graduate Program in Sustainable Design at the University of Texas and codirector of the University of Texas Center for Sustainable Development, proposes that the common bond shared by three exemplary sustainable cities is the presence of public talk specifically about politics, the environment, and technology. Because different types of public talk lead to different results, no single type of conversation can ensure sustainable outcomes everywhere. Sustainable outcomes emerge from the public talk specific to a locale; no generalized definition of sustainability nor a generalized solution to the problem is possible. Consequently,Moore argues that solutions to crises of sustainability can only arise from a locale through the "stories" or "dominant narratives" constructed within that community and reflecting its attitudes toward politics, the environment, and technology. The first chapter outlines Moore's conceptual approach to sustainability, technology, and the city. The middle portion of the book presents what he refers to as the "thick" stories of Austin, Texas, in the United States; Curitiba, Brazil; and Frankfurt, Germany—presented through qualitative case studies charting their paths toward sustainability—and the "thin" quantitative analyses documenting these cities through maps and statistical data. The last three chapters lay the groundwork for Moore's proposal for developing a sustainable narrative, which he terms "abductive tools," aimed to stimulate public talk. Although the case studies generate interesting data and analysis, the real value of the book lies in the conceptual framework based on public talk that Moore uses to analyze these cities, a framework he claims can then be applied to other urban areas. In understanding and analyzing how residents, municipal officials, and business leaders construct and participate in public conversations about their city, its environment, and its technologies, one can then begin to construct strategies to rectify unsustainable practices. Be forewarned that readers seeking "best practices" guidelines, quick-fix [End Page 518] solutions, or new techniques for urban planning will be disappointed, as Moore is more interested in providing a critical analysis of the current notions of sustainability capable of catalyzing action than he is in presenting positive solutions. Accordingly, his book might have been more appropriately titled Alternative Theories of the Sustainable City. This book will find its greatest use among those interested in the intersection of politics, technology, and urban development, and it will be of particular interest to historians examining the social construction of technology. Although it is questionable whether sustainability really does, or should, constitute the dominant social narrative of the United States—as Moore argues—the application of social theory to notions of sustainability and how communities perceive urban politics and technology enriches the current discourse on technology and culture. However, coexistence of an array of stories, with sustainability as simply one of the many rather than as a dominant narrative, is perhaps a more accurate if not more popular conception of the role of sustainability within the broader culture. With its rich discussion of philosophical and methodological foundations, its clear presentation, and its engaging narrative style, this book can be read straight through as a complete text, or piecemeal as distinct case studies, or as a source book enhanced by the generous bibliographies closing each chapter. Ultimately, it is really about agency, about noting the collective human actions which, through the rubric of public talk, drive social change. Moore may attribute far more effective power to the agency of citizens than actually exists in the cities examined. Consequently, the technologies of sustainable...

Siyaset, her dönemde mizahın konusu olmuştur. Resmi söyleme karşıt bir söylem geliştirmek ve siyasetin katı sınırlarını esnetebilmek noktasında mizah, önemli bir potansiyele sahiptir. Dolayısıyla da siyasi mizah, siyaset ve mizahın kesişim noktasında önemli bir araç olarak kabul edilmektedir. Siyasi mizahın birçok biçimi bulunmaktadır. Ancak yazılı olması noktasında siyasi mizah gazeteleri ve dergileri, siyasi mizahın güçlü unsurları arasında yer almaktadır. Bu bağlamda yapılmış olan çalışmada siyaset ve mizah arasındaki ilişki, siyasi mizah dergileri özelinde tartışılmıştır. Çalışmanın amacı, siyaset ve mizah arasındaki ilişkiyi siyasi mizahın yazılı biçimleri özelinde ortaya koymaktır. Bu bağlamda çalışma kapsamında yargısal örnekleme tekniği kullanılarak seçilen ve Türkiye’de 1949 yılında yayın hayatına başlayan Nuhun Gemisi dergisi özelinde siyasi mizahın rolü üzerinde durulmuştur. Ayrıca çalışmada nitel bir araştırma yöntemi olan doküman analizi yöntemi kullanılarak, Nuhun Gemisi dergisinin 31 sayısı incelenmiş ve Soğuk Savaş Döneminde Amerika tarafından Türkiye’ye yapılan ekonomik yardımların siyasi mizahın konusu olarak ele alınış biçimleri ortaya koyulmaya çalışılmıştır. Çalışma sonucunda elde edilen verilerde de görüldüğü üzere mizah, siyaset ve toplum arasında güçlü bir ilişki bulunmaktadır. Mizah, siyasi söylemin bir unsuru olmakla beraber aynı zamanda toplumsal ve sivil muhalefetin de bir aracıdır. Mizahın bu yönü, Nuhun Gemisi dergisindeki Amerika karşıtı tutumda ve söylemde de kendisi göstermektedir.

This chapter explores issues of representation (who is represented, and whether and how to represent) in efforts to operationalize intersectionality. This chapter asks, in what ways does it matter who uses intersectionality, and for whom? How can practitioners go about representation to advance intersectional justice? The chapter analyses self-organization, and the extent to which single-issue equality organizations and networks of them represent equality ‘communities’ and those who are intersectionally marginalized within them; explores the relationship between representation and intersectionality in equality organizing; and explores conflicting perspectives on representation. Many participants perceive that intersectional practice is fundamentally about: (i) representation of those who are intersectionally marginalized, and previously excluded, and (ii) the question of representation, namely: whether, and how, to represent. It is argued that competing concepts of intersectionality create conflicting views on and approaches to representation. Issues of representation also influence which concepts of intersectionality are employed by participants, in a cyclical relationship.

The father of the “Austrian” Marginalist revolution and founder of the so-called “Austrian School of economics”, Carl Menger, had a mixed reception during different periods of development of French economics. Somewhat welcomed in the early days, he was rather forgotten later on. Even his major works were not published in translation until recently. What is the reason for such a situation? Criticisms of classical political economy have to be understood in their French context. In comparison to other countries, this paper details the case of France, besides showing how later Austrians, such as Friedrich Hayek, found a limited audience. This comparative study of economic ideas in France must start with the reception of the views of the founder and the role and impact of adopting/adapting or rejecting his views by French scholars. What place did they find in French academia? From Carl Menger to a “Frenchified” Charles Menger, how was Austrian economic thought disseminated in France? This essay starts by recalling the Belle-Époque and an astonishing letter by Charles Rist for the Jubiläum of Menger, in which he deplored the lack of translation of the latter’s works. The Austrian School in France is then discussed as pure economics replaces political economy in the Interwar period, with the 1938 Paris Congress of “liberal thinkers,” as the Vienna Circle became known, also comparing issues in philosophy. The paper considers how Austrian theories of “pure science” were received in Paris from the Vienna of the 1900s, at a time of ”Crossroads,” to the present day, through the Postwar and Cold War, until a revival since the 1990s and a rethinking of economic ideas after 2008.

The father of the “Austrian” Marginalist revolution and founder of the so-called “Austrian School of economics”, Carl Menger, had a mixed reception during different periods of development of French economics. Somewhat welcomed in the early days, he was rather forgotten later on. Even his major works were not published in translation until recently. What is the reason for such a situation? Criticisms of classical political economy have to be understood in their French context. In comparison to other countries, this paper details the case of France, besides showing how later Austrians, such as Friedrich Hayek, found a limited audience. This comparative study of economic ideas in France must start with the reception of the views of the founder and the role and impact of adopting/adapting or rejecting his views by French scholars. What place did they find in French academia? From Carl Menger to a “Frenchified” Charles Menger, how was Austrian economic thought disseminated in France? This essay starts by recalling the Belle-Époque and an astonishing letter by Charles Rist for the Jubiläum of Menger, in which he deplored the lack of translation of the latter’s works. The Austrian School in France is then discussed as pure economics replaces political economy in the Interwar period, with the 1938 Paris Congress of “liberal thinkers,” as the Vienna Circle became known, also comparing issues in philosophy. The paper considers how Austrian theories of “pure science” were received in Paris from the Vienna of the 1900s, at a time of ”Crossroads,” to the present day, through the Postwar and Cold War, until a revival since the 1990s and a rethinking of economic ideas after 2008.

This article critically examines the resistance movements initiated and led by Sufi leaders against British colonial rule in the Bengal region of the Indian subcontinent, focusing on present-day Bangladesh and the Indian states of West Bengal, Tripura, and Assam. The study highlights significant historical events such as the Fakir Rebellion (1765), the Battle of Balakot led by Sayyid Ahmed Barelvi, the Bamboo Fort Movement led by Titu Mir, the Faraizi Movement initiated by Haji Shariatullah, and the Khilafat Movement, which aimed to protect the Ottoman Caliphate and resist British imperialism. It analyses the multifaceted resistance strategies employed by Sufi leaders in response to British imperial oppression. British colonial control in Bengal commenced with the defeat of Nawab Siraj-ud-Daulah at the Battle of Plassey in 1757 and lasted until the subcontinent’s partition in 1947. During this period, Bengal’s Muslim population faced significant social, cultural, and religious repression under colonial rule. Sufi leaders played an essential role in mobilising the Bengali Muslim community around the concept of Ummah, organising a formidable resistance against colonial authorities. This study employs qualitative research methods, exploring the Sufi movement’s resistance to British colonialism in Bengal and focusing on its influence on the Muslim community’s political and cultural identity formation.

Modern Dictatorships and Their Art Worlds

Engaging with Kimberlé Crenshaw’s concept of intersectionality, the authors (re)turn to its genesis in critical race theory (CRT) and specifically, its forms of structural intersectionality, political intersectionality, and representational intersectionality. Discussing each form in relation to contemporary issues in sport that Black women and women of Color navigate, they argue that Crenshaw’s intersectionality provides additional compelling layers of engagement with existing intersectional scholarship and scholarship about activism in sport, invites structural and discursive change through intersectional policies and practice, and promotes coalition building toward intersectional racial justice in sport.

The concept of intersectionality is reviewed and further developed for more effective use. Six dilemmas in the debates on the concept are disentangled, addressed and resolved: the distinction between structural and political intersectionality; the tension between ‘categories’ and ‘inequalities’; the significance of class; the balance between a fluidity and stability; the varyingly competitive, cooperative, hierarchical and hegemonic relations between inequalities and between projects; and the conundrum of ‘visibility’ in the tension between the ‘mutual shaping’ and the ‘mutual constitution’ of inequalities. The analysis draws on critical realism and on complexity theory in order to find answers to the dilemmas in intersectionality theory.

The ongoing conflict between the central Thai government and the predominantly Muslim provinces of Southern Thailand, particularly Yala, Pattani, and Narathiwat, has significantly impacted various sectors, including education. The ethnic and religious divisions inherent in this conflict have posed challenges to implementing educational policies. This study explores how local elite politics influence the integration of Islamic education and the national curriculum in these conflict-prone areas. A qualitative case study approach was employed, utilizing semi-structured interviews, observations, and document analysis to gather data from key stakeholders, including school leaders, policymakers, and educators. The findings reveal that despite efforts to incorporate religious and secular curricula, local educational systems face persistent challenges in maintaining balance amidst the broader socio-political tensions. This study also highlights the role of local elite politics in shaping educational policies, particularly in the context of religious and cultural identity. It underscores the need for more flexible and culturally inclusive educational policies that not only meet national standards but also respect the unique cultural and religious needs of the Muslim community in Southern Thailand. The novelty of this research lies in its focus on the intersection of local politics, education, and conflict in a qualitative context, offering new insights into how education can be leveraged as a tool for peacebuilding and social cohesion in conflict-affected regions.

BackgroundBiobanks are precariously situated at the intersection of science, genetics, genomics, society, ethics, the law and politics. This multi-disciplinarity has given rise to a new discourse in health research involving diverse stakeholders. Each stakeholder is embedded in a unique context and articulates his/her biobanking activities differently. To researchers, biobanks carry enormous transformative potential in terms of advancing scientific discovery and knowledge. However, in the context of power asymmetries in Africa and a distrust in science born out of historical exploitation, researchers must balance the scientific imperative of collecting, storing and sharing high quality biological samples with obligations to donors/participants, communities, international collaborators, regulatory and ethics authorities. To date, researcher perspectives on biobanking in South Africa have not been explored and documented.MethodsIn-depth qualitative interviews were conducted with a purposive sample of 21 researchers – 8 in the Western Cape, 3 in Gauteng and 10 in Kwa-Zulu Natal. Interviews lasted approximately 40–60 min and were audiotaped with consent. Thematic analysis of the transcribed interviews was conducted by the co-authors.ResultsResearchers articulated serious concerns over standardised regulatory approaches that failed to consider the heterogeneity of biobanks. Given that biobanks differ considerably, guidelines and RECs need to stratify risk accordingly and governance processes and structures must be flexible. While RECs were regarded as an important component of the governance structure researchers expressed concern about their expertise in biobanking. Operational management of biobanks was regarded as an ethical imperative and a pre-requisite to building trust during consent processes. While broad general consent was preferred, tiered consent was thought to be more consistent with respect for autonomy and building trust. Material Transfer Agreements (MTAs) were often lacking when biosamples were exported and this was perceived to impact negatively on trust. On the other hand, researchers believed that authentic community engagement would help to build trust.ConclusionBuilding trust will best be achieved via a system of governance structures and processes that precede the establishment of a biobank and monitor progress from the point of sample collection through to future use, including export. Such governance structures must be robust and must include comprehensive national legislation, policy and contextualised guidelines. Currently such governance infrastructure appears to be lacking in many African countries including South Africa. Capacity development of all stakeholders including REC members will enhance expeditious and efficient review of biobanking protocols which in turn will reinforce trust in the researcher-donor relationship. Science translation and community engagement in biobanking is integral to the success of biobanking in South Africa.Electronic supplementary materialThe online version of this article (doi:10.1186/s12910-016-0140-2) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.