Introduction to the Debate: Unequal Voices – Education and Political Participation in Swiss Democracy

Conclusions to the Debate: Unequal Voices – Education and Political Participation in Swiss Democracy

In this twenty-first century, it is crystal clear that education is the most powerful instrument for a nation’s progress and prosperity. Islam has also emphasized on educating both men and women since the beginning. So, Muslim countries should take initiatives to enhance participation of women in education. In reality, it is seen that women’s positions in the field of education and politics are very nominal compared to their male counterparts within Muslim countries. Situation is even worse in under-developed and non-democratic countries where the position of women and their participation in both the education and political sectors alongside men are visibly low. In this context, the purpose of this study is to explore the level of Muslim women’s participation in education and politics in some selected Muslim countries. Two South-Asian countries, Bangladesh and Pakistan, two south-east Asian countries, Malaysia and Indonesia, and the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) countries have been considered for this study. Thus, empowered women can take part in politics to resolve social issues. One of the findings of this study is that in democratic countries such as; Malaysia, Indonesia, and Bangladesh, women’s participation in both the educational and political sectors have been significantly improving over the years. Though economic conditions and social stigma, directly and indirectly, are still the barriers to enhance women’s education level as well as their participation in politics. Finally, the study highlights the obstacles that hinder women’s participation in both sectors and discusses the remedies to overcome the situation from an Islamic point of view.

Past research has largely centered on the link between education and political participation. Although an array of evidence has suggested that there is a positive—if not causal—relationship between the two, some suggest that the relationship is spurious or mediated by other factors. Using data from the General Social Survey (2004-2014), the present study intends to revisit the phenomenon while controlling for self-importance in order to resolve the previous conflicting findings. The bivariate cross-tabulation indicates that educational attainment is a significant determinant of political participation. The trivariate cross-tabulation, furthermore, uncovers that self-importance confounds the relationship between education and political participation, such that the impact of education on political participation is stronger among those who feel less important. To be sure, the higher a person’s educational attainment is, the more likely they are to participate in political processes; and, moreover, this is particularly true of those who have depressed understandings of their importance in the world. These findings suggest that those with low levels of self-importance—likely traditionally marginalized, stereotyped, or stigmatized groups—are least represented by government officials and mandates. This, in turn, creates an American governance that fails to adequately serve and represent the desires and needs of all its people. The study calls on further research to explore the impact of other related variables on the relationship between education and political participation, and to create more appropriate and comprehensive measures of political participation and self-importance.

Background. This study explores the relationship between civic education and active political participation among students. As democracy and civic engagement become increasingly essential in modern societies, understanding how education influences political behavior is critical. Civic education aims to provide students with the knowledge, skills, and values necessary to participate effectively in democratic processes. Purpose. The purpose of this research is to examine how civic education impacts students’ attitudes toward political participation and their actual involvement in political activities. Method. This study uses a mixed-method approach, combining quantitative surveys with qualitative interviews. The survey was administered to 300 high school and university students, assessing their understanding of political processes, civic responsibilities, and participation in political activities. The qualitative interviews provided deeper insights into students’ personal experiences and motivations. Results. The results show that students who received more comprehensive civic education demonstrated higher levels of political awareness and were more likely to engage in activities such as voting, attending political meetings, and participating in social movements. Conclusion. The study concludes that civic education plays a significant role in fostering active political participation among students. Integrating civic education into the curriculum can enhance democratic engagement and ensure that future generations are equipped to contribute to the political landscape.

It is a well-known fact that political education plays a pivotal role in shaping informed, engaged, and responsible citizens in a country. The empirical literature lacks the exploration of the impact of political education on political participation in addition to political efficacy and social media usage. This study investigates the interconnected relationship between political education, social media usage, political efficacy, and political participation in China. Drawing upon a sample of 843 participants across various regions, this research explores the extent to which these factors influence political participation within the Chinese context by applying the structural equation modelling for empirical results and establishing a positive association between political education and political participation. Furthermore, the mediating role of social media and political efficacy is uncovered in relationship of political education and political participation in China. It is suggested to emphasize and invest in comprehensive political education programs through colleges, universities and social media that promote critical thinking, information literacy, and political responsibility for the well-being of the Chinese society.

Political participation is essential for a well‐functioning democracy. Although political participation is linked to the level of education, little research investigates the political participation of people with a low level of education. This study examines whether the effect of low education on political participation can be offset by social capital, using a novel data set from 2022 comprising 4,000 respondents residing in Switzerland. The interaction analysis reveals a moderating effect of social capital, particularly informal volunteering, on the relationship between education and political participation: for individuals who volunteer, the educational effect on political participation is only about half as strong as for those who do not volunteer. This result suggests that social capital can partially compensate for a low level of education.

The concept of political participation originates from the understanding that sovereignty is in the hands of the people, which is carried out through joint activities to determine the goals and future of the community and to determine the people who will hold the reins of leadership. So political participation is an exception to the implementation of legitimate political power by the people. Problem Formulation: How is the political participation of the people of Cimahi Tengah Subdistrict, Cimahi City in the election for mayor in 2017. In this study the author uses a quantitative method. Quantitative research, as the name implies, is required to use numbers, starting from data collection, interpretation of the data, and the appearance of the results. So the researcher used survey research. The conclusions were as follows: There is a relevance between political education and political participation. This shows that political participation is not only influenced by variables, namely political education, but there are other variables that influence political participation which are not examined in this study.

This chapter provides insights into the political/institutional framework in relationship to the civic and political participation of youth and women in Turkey, by examining one important aspect of this framework, namely the perspectives of government and related public bodies as expressed in their policy documents. It examines the discourses and perspectives of public authorities on women's and youths' civic and political participation, drawing on documents published by institutions at the level of government as well as by related public bodies such as ministries and general directorates. Women's participation in education, the labor force, and social and political life is claimed to be strengthened mainly by furthering the support provided to women's organizations. All the factors which directly or indirectly impact upon young people's civic and political participation imply important differences between different categories of youth, with gender, class, and ethnicity all playing roles in young people's access to education and employment and their positioning within the family.

The terms in which the dominant discourse of participation is framed systematically reinforces one particular view about the relationship between life and learning. It is one in which participation in learning is professionally and institutionally controlled and, consequently, defined largely in vocational, instrumental and individual terms. A significant absence in the dominant discourse is an understanding of participation which draws on the experience of the radical tradition in adult education. In a context where there is potential for greater participation in social and civic politics, as evidenced by the growth of social movements, reconnecting with radical ideas about participation in education can lead to rethinking the ‘problem of participation’ and its implications. We need to understand not only how the discourse of participation has generated knowledge but also excludes and limits what is known. A thorough critique is necessary and overdue and one that is critical of the ‘regime of truth’ which has been seeded, cultivated and harvested through the dominant professional discourse.

Political socialisation has been studied from different perspectives, such as voting behaviour, the impact of social networks, socialisation types and political culture on voting as well as engagement in political life. This article examines the political socialisation patterns and participation of high-skilled Turkish migrants living in different parts of the world. The main purpose is to shed light on the ways in which these migrants participate in Turkish politics; how much they are engaged or interested in Turkish politics; and how their socialisation patterns are formed. The results show that Turkish high-skilled migrants have a strong interest in Turkish politics; however, their political socialisation and engagement, except for voting, is low. In this article, it is pointed out that there is a strong relationship between the level of education and political participation as well as interest in politics. The data (N=350) were collected by an online survey conducted among Turkish migrants, who had at least a university degree and were living abroad at the time of the survey.

Leseng Village is one of the villages with the third highest level of participation in the Moyo Hulu sub-district, with a total vote reaching 89.65%. In addition, the level of education in Leseng village is also a village with quite advanced education. Education and political participation are two related things. The purpose of this study was to determine the extent of the influence of education level on people's political participation in the 2020 Sumbawa regional elections and to find out other factors that influence people's political participation in Leseng Village in the 2020 Sumbawa regional elections. This research uses quantitative methods with data collection techniques using a questionnaire (questionnaire). From the research that has been done, there is a significant influence of education on political participation. Then there are several other factors that influence the political participation of the Leseng village community, namely: self-factors, environmental/family factors, stimulation/lure factors, social sensitivity factors, and approach factors taken by pason/timses with the community.

This study builds on the communication mediation model of political socialization and self-efficacy research, and focuses on journalism civic self-efficacy, an individual’s confidence in using journalistic skills to promote the awareness of a community issue. The study tests the premise that journalism civic self-efficacy explains, in part, how journalism education supports individuals’ political participation, by examining links between political interest, journalism civic self-efficacy, school and classroom contexts, and future political participation with data from U.S. high school journalists (n = 769) and their teachers (n = 42). The study’s key results are: (1) journalism civic self-efficacy partially mediates the relationship between political interest and prospective political participation, and (2) journalism civic self-efficacy increases when students feel a supportive school climate and when their instructors exert little control over students’ journalistic output. These results can inform the design of journalism education and outreach initiatives, prioritizing activities and settings that cultivate journalism civic self-efficacy among participants. The findings also highlight the value of such initiatives regardless of whether or not participants pursue newsroom careers. The study contributes empirical evidence to civic development literature of a pathway between journalism education and political participation, distinct from other school-sponsored activities (i.e., debate, student government).

Whether education affects political participation is a long-standing and central question in political philosophy and political science. In this review, we provide an overview of the three main theoretical models that explain different causal pathways. We then synthesize the surge in research using causal inference strategies and show that this literature has generated mixed results about the causal impact of education, even when using similar methods and data. These findings do not provide clear support for any of the three theories. Our next section covers research on civic education and political participation. The quantity of civic education matters little for political participation, but how civic education is taught does matter. Namely, strategies falling under the rubric of active learning show promise. These strategies seem especially effective for historically marginalized students. Our final section calls for more research on how civic education is taught.

This study investigates the dynamics of Multicultural Education, Cultural Identity, and Political Participation in shaping Minority Rights Awareness in Jakarta. A sample of 200 participants provided demographic insights, and a comprehensive structural equation modeling analysis was conducted. The measurement model established reliability and construct validity, with discriminant validity supporting the differences. The structural model revealed that Multicultural Education significantly influenced Minority Rights Awareness, along with substantial impacts of Cultural Identity and Political Participation. This research contributes to the broader discourse on multiculturalism, cultural identity, and political engagement, guiding targeted interventions to increase minority rights awareness in Jakarta.

The educated have figured prominently in protests and elections in several Middle East and North Africa (MENA) countries. The dominant explanation for this pattern centers on grievances and unfulfilled aspirations due to low education returns in the MENA. However, the pattern may simply reflect the unequal participation observed in many democracies where education provides skills and resources that facilitate political participation. This article compares the roles of skills and grievances in explaining the relationship between education and youth political participation during and after the Arab Spring. We use youth surveys with detailed data on education and political participation from Egypt and Tunisia. We control for parental education and family background to partially account for the potential of background to drive the education and participation relationship. Overall, our results are consistent with the skill channel and lend little support to the grievance channel. Our findings raise concerns about the exclusion of uneducated youth from both unconventional and conventional political participation in MENA politics.