Introduction. Stand and Sing of Zambia. an anthology of essays by Zambian writers

Among the female war reporters of the First World War, Annie Christitch stands out as a journalist, lecturer and Catholic suffragist whose biography and career transcended national boundaries. Of Irish-Serbian descent, she was raised in a renowned family in Belgrade and St Petersburg, went to university in London and became fluent in several languages. During the war, she acted as correspondent for the London <em>Daily Express</em> and as a nurse and relief worker in Serbia, where she was subsequently detained by the Austro-Hungarian occupying forces. Christitch produced intimate eyewitness accounts that helped spread knowledge about the appalling war conditions in Serbia, Britain’s smallest ally. In 1915, she raised money and equipment for Serbian hospitals through a campaign in the <em>Daily Express</em> and public lectures in Britain and Ireland. Her war stories were reprinted in newspapers in the United States and the British Empire and newspapers around the world reported on her charitable work in Serbia.

The installation of Browning studies in the early Australian academy challenges the dominant narrative that the rise of English was underpinned by a modernist doxa predicated on notions of a historical break—with the Victorians in particular. Sir Mungo William MacCallum, the first professor of literature at the University of Sydney (and a figure central to the direction of the humanities academy in Australia), taught Victorian literature, including Browning, from the 1890s. MacCallum’s public lectures, like his pedagogy, aimed to convert a primary obstacle for many readers of Browning—his difficulty—into an argument for the value of interpretative labor that not only continued a tradition in nineteenth-century Browning criticism of emphasizing the active cooperation of reader and interpreter but also transferred the idea of “discipline,” formerly associated with the classics, especially Latin, to the study of literature in the vernacular. By examining the complex reticulations of disciplinarity and publicness over a contested author in an institutional site at the periphery of the global network that was the British Empire, this essay questions prevailing periodizations and categories of genre and style that diasporic, comparative classicists like MacCallum worked without.

The history of science came early to Oxford. Its first champion was Robert T. Gunther, the son of a keeper of zoology at the British Museum and a graduate of Magdalen College who took a first there in the School of Natural Science in 1892, specializing in zoology ([figure 1][1]). As tutor in natural

Michael W. AppleUniversity ofWisconsinIntroductionWe live in a period in which our educational system has becomeincreasingly politicized. The curriculum and the values thatunderpin it and that are included and excluded from it are nowbeing placed under intense ideological scrutiny. The Spencerianquestion, “What knowledge is of most worth?” has now beenreplaced with an even more pointed question, “Whose knowledge is ofmost worth?” That this latter question has become sopowerful highlights the profoundly political nature of educational policy and practice. This is not simply an abstract issue. Itis made strikingly clear in the fact that the curriculum of manyschool districts throughout the country has been turned intowhat can best be described as a political football. Conservativegroups in particular have attacked the school and, in the process, have had a major impact on educational debate, not only inthe United States, but in other nations as well.As is evident all around us, there has been a significant shift inpublic discourse around education. The rapid growth of evangelical schooling (Rose, 1988), the court cases involving “secularhumanist” tendencies in textbooks, the increasing attempts toraise the standards ofteaching and teachers, and the calls in theliterature to return to a core curriculum ofa common culture allsignify a deep suspicion among many social groups of what isgoing on in our classrooms. There are very real fears—usuallyamong right-winggroups, but also to be found in official statements coming out of the federal and state governments—thatfor the past decade things have gotten out of control. In thisvision, we are losing control both ofour children and of the paceof

Rob Harper’s new work, Unsettling the West, is a welcome entry in the literature that examines early modern state building. Focusing on the eighteenth century Ohio Valley, Harper explores the interconnections between violence, state building, and colonialism. American state building in Ohio, Harper argues, challenges both top-down and bottom-up interpretations of the subject, and particularly disputes long-standing assumptions that only minimal violence accompanied American state formation. Classic Weberian models of orderly top-down state formation did not occur, nor was the Ohio Valley a region where individualistic Turnerian settlers, disdaining established political authority, developed a state-building process that was both democratically bottom-up and violence free. Harper emphasizes that the Turnerian interpretation, by skimming lightly over the violence that accompanied what used to be disingenuously termed “American westward movement,” missed an important opportunity to analyze the centrality of violence to American state formation, not to mention Native dispossession.Violence in the Ohio Valley also owed much to the region’s long history as contested colonial space. The French and British empires, British settlers from the seaboard colonies, and Shawnees, Delawares, Wyandots, and Haudenosaunees, all jockeyed for control of the region in the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. None completely succeeded, making the Ohio Valley a place where multiple representatives of multiple polities sought to exercise power, including British imperial agents and military commanders, Indigenous diplomats and political leaders, and colonial officials ranging from governors and influential legislators to local militia officers and traders. In response, Ohio’s tribal nations and settler colonists made selective, opportunistic alliances, with each other as well as among themselves. Through these interethnic and intercultural coalitions and the patronage networks they created, Ohio’s inhabitants attempted to manipulate multiple sources of governmental power in pursuit of locally desired objectives. One of their major concerns was containing intercommunity violence. Individual mediators or larger coalitions strove, often successfully, to prevent violent encounters between small parties of Native peoples and colonists from spiraling into general warfare.Engaging with colonial governments was risky business, however. State officials sought to bolster their feeble authority by extending state power into the Ohio country, frequently by force of arms. Government-supplied weapons and soldiers destabilized the painstakingly constructed local coalitions, allowing Native peoples and land-hungry colonists the means to wage renewed war while, in Harper’s words, “leaving their respective peoples desperate for state protection” (20). Each outbreak of organized violence drove Ohio Valley residents into closer alliances with emergent state power in an attempt to restrain the violence that state officials (possibly even the same ones now being incorporated into a reconstituted coalition) had unleashed in the first place. The result remained a complex political landscape of negotiation and networking in which Native nations, colonists, and government officials participated in remaking the political order after the collapse of the British colonial system in the 1780s.A new American “imperial republic” (176) fitfully emerged by the 1790s. Harper emphasizes that both Native peoples and settlers participated in the creation of this state, though with diametrically opposed expectations of their place in it. Harper claims that Native peoples remained a recognized component within the new American polity, an analysis that seems to rely on present-day legal understandings of Native nations as third sovereign spaces. This assessment seems dubious; the immediate reality of the early American state was an unwelcoming one for Native peoples. Settlers would continue forcing Native peoples from the Ohio Valley, by fair means and foul, using the legal mechanism of treaty-based land cessions but also through all-too-familiar acts of violence.

Labor and World Development Through the Lens of Cotton: A Review Essay

This paper, which marks the launching of a major new digital resource, considers the value, and also some of the pitfalls, of chancery and other royal records as a source for the historian of later medieval Ireland. Despite losses over the centuries, the remaining record material is rich, and like the history of fourteenthand early fifteenth-century Ireland itselfhas been too little studied. In common with other, more glamorous, sources, government records need to be approached with awareness of their conventions and purposes. The paper suggests some ways in which the chancery rolls might illuminate themes such as Ireland's place in the 'English empire', the reach and modulations of crown government within Ireland, and the relations between English-style public authority and the Gaelic polity. Introduction The public launching in May 2012 of the first product of a major historical undertaking the recovery and reassembling, so far as is possible, of the lost records of the medieval Irish chancery coincided with a melancholy anniversary.1 Exactly 90 years before, the Public Record Office of Ireland, in the Four Courts, was under occupation by anti-Treaty forces; it was destroyed on 30 June 1922.2 Apart from some charred fragments, the only medieval rolls to escape the fire-storm were three or four that had recently been in use, and so were in the search room rather than the record store, together with two others that had escaped from official custody in the past, and were repurchased in 1968. * Author's e-mail: r.f.frame@durham.ac.uk doi: 10.3318/PRIAC.2013.1 13.09 1 This paper is a revised version of a public lecture given at Trinity College Dublin on 10 May 2012 to mark the launching of 'Calendar of Irish chancery letters, c. 1244-1509' (www.tcd.ie/chancery, accessed 5 February 2013): hereafter cited as 'CIRCLE'. For what follows, see Philomena Connolly, Medieval record sources (Maynooth Research Guides for Irish Local History, 4, Dublin, 2002), 9-18; and the full description of the project and its context in Peter Crooks, 'Reconstructing the past: the case of the medieval Irish chancery rolls', in N.M. Dawson and F.M. Larkin (ed.), Lawyers, the law and history: Irish legal history society discourses and papers, 2006-2011 (Dublin, forthcoming). I am indebted to Dr Crooks for letting me read this paper in advance of publication, and also for helpful comments on a draft of the present text. Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy Vol. 113C, 193-217 © 2013 Royal Irish Academy This content downloaded from 207.46.13.73 on Tue, 09 Aug 2016 04:30:17 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Book Review| April 01 1968 Modernization and British Colonial Rule in Egypt, 1882-1914 by Robert L. Tignor Modernization and British Colonial Rule in Egypt, 1882-1914. By Tignor, Robert L.. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1966. Pp. 417, $9.00. Robert O. Collins Robert O. Collins University of California, Santa Barbara Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google South Atlantic Quarterly (1968) 67 (2): 382–383. https://doi.org/10.1215/00382876-67-2-382 Cite Icon Cite Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn MailTo Permissions Search Site Citation Robert O. Collins; Modernization and British Colonial Rule in Egypt, 1882-1914 by Robert L. Tignor. South Atlantic Quarterly 1 April 1968; 67 (2): 382–383. doi: https://doi.org/10.1215/00382876-67-2-382 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search Books & JournalsAll JournalsSouth Atlantic Quarterly Search Advanced Search The text of this article is only available as a PDF. Copyright © 1968 by Duke University Press1968 Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

By the close of the nineteenth century, the British colonial rule was imposed on Benin, one of the forest peoples of southern Nigeria, thus bringing her independence and the sovereignty of its ruling Oba to an end. It was the largest and most viable in terms of agricultural and forest resources. This is in comparison to other administrative divisions of Ishan, Asaba, and Kukuruke in Benin Province, created by the British to further the economic exploitation of the area. Under colonial rule, production or economic activities in Benin became the dictate of the British colonial authorities and for the interest of the metropolitan country. In this regard, colonial ofcials promoted an economy which facilitated the development of cash crops for export to Europe. In particular, oil palm industry, the focus of this paper, consequently witnessed a signicant development. First, it began to have overseas' markets for the sale of its products (palm oil and kernels) and second, it beneted from the mechanization of processing introduced by the British in order to increase outputs. The paper examines the response of the oil palm produce industry to colonial demand and the benet or otherwise which the people derived from their production. The article therefore relies on primary and secondary sources in examining the impact of colonial rule on oil palm production in Benin.

Scott Reese’s new book presents a complex and compelling story of the creation of a local community in a rapidly expanding hub of global inter-connections, and the lived experience of Muslims there ‘shaped by the pervasive colonial state’ (p. 1). He opens this history with a sketch of Aden as a town built upon symbolically rich foundations of an ‘enchanted’ medieval topography, which subsequently was transformed to become an urban centre of modern infrastructure and upward mobility under the British occupation as it grew dramatically from the mid-nineteenth century. The large influx of migrants that swelled the port during that period brought elements of their own traditions with them, while also embracing the local heritage of their new home—rebuilding and sponsoring activities at older saints’ tombs of the city in ways that contributed to the creation of a distinctly ‘Adeni’ community. The Muslims of nineteenth-century Aden were ‘quintessential subjects of the Empire’ (p. 2), but also ‘bound btogether more tightly by the sinews of their faith’ (p. 163). In his treatment of their historical experience, Reese traverses some familiar territory of law and administration, through which his work further contributes to important lines of discussion in recent scholarship on the imperial shaping of Shariʿa during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. This includes critical examination of the implications of struggles for administrative control over awqāf, the British importation of the panchayyat system from the Deccan and its local adaptations for administering arbitration, as well as a nuanced discussion of some of the mechanisms for reconciliation in qāḍī jurisdiction within the broader administration of justice in the colony.

SUMMARYAlthough the judiciary is the weakest branch of the government and must depend on the executive branch to enforce its judgments, it is not the integrity, or prestige of the judiciary that is at stake when the executive fails to comply, or to comply satisfactorily with court orders and judgments. In such situations, the authority of the state is called into question.Clearly, where private persons are unable to concretise their remedies by enforcement, the relevance of the whole judicial process is called into question. In this regard one may say that the existing rules of enforcement are sufficiently geared to prevent that anomaly.In actions involving private parties the judiciary is an impartial arbiter and it is up to the party aggrieved to pursue his claim to the logical conclusion. The Sheriffs and Civil Process Laws are designed to facilitate this. Not only are officers of state placed at his disposal but he has the ultimate weapons, in an action for committal of an irresponsible judgment debtor. Yet, the formalities appurtenant to the issuance and execution of the various writs have appropriately built in devices, that allow the respondent to comply at any stage and thus save himself financial loss, or loss of his liberty.In the field of enforcement of non-money judgments the ultimate weapon is an action for committal initiated at the suit of the plaintiff. The same safety devices are available. In particular, where possible, the Court will employ another means of enforcing the judgment, or order.Although, there is provision for the appointment of commissioners (eg. in sequestration proceedings) and referees (in enquiries) there is little resort to these provisions, not only because sequestration proceedings are extremely rare but probably also because there is seldom need for the appointment of referees in our courts.It is in the enforcement of judgments against the state and government functionaries that rapid changes have occurred. Although, injunctions and mandamus will still not lie against government, it can now be sued and indirectly be made to obey court orders through actions directed against state functionaries. There is increasing willingness on the part of the courts to subject judicial, or quasi-judicial actions of government to judicial review. The problem remains as usual that of giving teeth to such orders since the very executive against which orders are made, is depended on to enforce such orders. Hence the judiciary has developed safety valves in actions for judicial review to prevent collision with the executive. Utmost discretion is exercised by judges in granting orders for review and they will generally do so only as a last resort

The Mandailing people originate from north-western part of the province of North Sumatra, Indonesia, today. They are relatively late corners to the Islamic faith, having entered the fold of Islam only during the Padri War (1821-38), some at the point of the sword. The Padri War paved the way to Dutch intervention in the Mandailing homeland and triggered the mass migration of the Mandailing into peninsular West Malaysia. By 1870s, the British had intervened in the peninsular states. On both sides of the Straits of Malacca, the Mandailings negotiated their identity in terms of their political and economic roles vis-a-vis the colonial powers. Possibly influenced by Hambali and Maliki ”madhhab” (school of jurisprudence), the Mandailing practice of Islam gives prominence to ”adapt” (customary law) and 'urf (common practice) as a form of public good, hence the saying ”ombar do adat dohot ugamo” (custom alongside religion). In their enthusiasm to learn about their new found religion, Mandailing participated in the knowledge networks of Minangkabau (province of West Sumatra, Indonesia), Kedah in the Malaysian peninsula, and the Middle-East especially Makkah (Mecca) and Cairo. This eventually brought indigenized 'Mandailing-Islam' closer in line with mainstream Islam, entailing their absorption into the dominant ”madhhab” (school of jurisprudence) in Southeast Asia, that of the Shafie. Growing participation in the Hajj transported the Mandailing from the margin to the 'centre' of the ”ummah” and exposed them to pan-Islamism as well as the idea of national liberation. Central to this movement is the idea of modernity and standardization; the Mandailing response to the demands of modernizing Islam necessitated the abandonment or suppression of traditional Islam. Subjected to both Dutch colonial rule in the Netherlands East Indies and British colonial rule in Malaya, the Mandailings experienced and negotiated within the framework of two different sets of state sponsored Islam. With ”merdeka” (national independence), state sponsored Islam is brought to its logical conclusion by enshrining Islam as the state or official religion in both Malaysian and Indonesian constitutions. Muslim conformity to statistic Islam is regulated through social-engineering, Islamic policing and national consciousness construction. Disenchantment with nationalism and modernist-reformist Islam has resurrected. 'Islamic fundamentalism' as well as revived 'traditionalist Islam'. Mandailing finds themselves on both sides of the spectrum. By contrast, an indigenized Mandailing-Islam still lingers especially in the homeland. This takes on a number of manifestations such as the kinship and clan-based social structure, ”tarombo” (genealogies), reverence for pre-Islamic ancestors and progenitors without differentiation, and the playing of the mystical ”Gordang Sambilan” music. This paper is in four parts, and discusses the practice of 'Mandailing Islam' in their homeland in Sumatra as well as in British Malaya (Peninsula West Malaysia today); Christian missionary activities in the homeland contributing to the consolidation of Mandailing cultural and religious identity in Sumatra and Peninsular Malaya. It also looks at Mandailing religious attitude in the East Coast of Sumatra, where significant numbers of Mandailings are concentrated. The period covered range from pre-Islamic to the present time and deals with the question of Mandailing cultural and Islamic identity.

The study of the Atlantic Alliance led Kissinger to criticize US policies toward it and to advocate the creation of an Atlantic community. Hence, it was not suprising that Europeans perceived his appointment as a demonstration of Nixon’s determination to fulfill his campaign pledge to resolve the dilemmas undermining NATO unity. Few noted that Kissinger had concluded that no final solution to NATO’s strategic dilemmas is possible so long as it remains composed of sovereign states and that European and US interests are not identical everywhere. This chapter examines Kissinger’s impact on US alliance, and particularly NATO, policy by analyzing the consistency between his beliefs regarding world politics and strategy and tactics for achieving national goals and his policy preferences and/or actions as it became evident in the rationale of policies in official statements and in his memoranda to Nixon, in his approach to issues and in the agreements with allies. The impact of those beliefs on Kissinger’s behavior is also determined by analyzing their consistency with his policy recommendations after he left office.

Informal vendors are a critical source of food security for urban residents in African cities. However, the livelihoods of these traders, and the governance constraints they encounter, are not well-understood outside of the region’s capital and primate cities. This study focuses on two distinct secondary cities in Nigeria, Calabar in the South-South geopolitical zone of the country and Minna in the Middle Belt region. Interviews were collected with local and state officials in each city on the legal, institutional, and oversight functions they provide within the informal food sector. This was complemented with a survey of approximately 1097 traders across the two cities to assess their demographic profile, contributions to food security, key challenges they face for profitability, engagement with government actors, and degree of access to services in the markets. The analysis highlights two main findings. First, informal traders report less harassment by government actors than has been observed in larger Nigerian cities. At the same time, however, the enabling environment is characterized by benign neglect whereby government-mandated oversight functions are not comprehensively implemented and service delivery gaps remain a major hindrance to food safety. Second, there are important differences in the needs of traders across cities, suggesting that policies focused on food safety and improving the livelihoods of this constituency more broadly need to be properly nuanced even at the subnational level.

Informal vendors are a critical source of food security for urban residents in African cities. However, the livelihoods of these traders, and the governance constraints they encounter, are not well-understood outside of the region’s capital and primate cities. This study focuses on two distinct secondary cities in Nigeria, Calabar in the South-South geopolitical zone of the country and Minna in the Middle Belt region. Interviews were collected with local and state officials in each city on the legal, institutional, and oversight functions they provide within the informal food sector. This was complemented with a survey of approximately 1097 traders across the two cities to assess their demographic profile, contributions to food security, key challenges they face for profitability, engagement with government actors, and degree of access to services in the markets. The analysis highlights two main findings. First, informal traders report less harassment by government actors than has been observed in larger Nigerian cities. At the same time, however, the enabling environment is characterized by benign neglect whereby government-mandated oversight functions are not comprehensively implemented and service delivery gaps remain a major hindrance to food safety. Second, there are important differences in the needs of traders across cities, suggesting that policies focused on food safety and improving the livelihoods of this constituency more broadly need to be properly nuanced even at the subnational level.