Introduction: Challenges and Opportunities in Teaching About Race and Anti-Racism in the Twenty-First Century

Dissenting Statement and Rebuttal of Commissioner Gail L. Heriot in Report of the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights: Subminimum Wages: Impact on the Civil Rights of People with Disabilities.

This paper examines the racial dynamics of antigay activism, and the particular, disproportionate impact of antigay family policies on Black and Latino same-sex couple families. Starting in the mid-1990s, antigay activists have passed dozens of laws and constitutional amendments banning and repealing state recognition of gay and lesbian relationships. For two decades the antigay movement has portrayed sexual orientation nondiscrimination laws as “special rights” that threaten the civil rights of people of color, especially Black people. They have portrayed the gay and Black communities as mutually exclusive, and pointed out the obvious difference between race and sexual orientation, accusing gay activists of hijacking the civil rights legacy of the 1950s and 1960s. While antigay bias and racism are indeed different, legal protections for gay people and families do not threaten the civil rights of people of color, or anybody, for that matter. In fact, the cruel irony is that the antigay policies of the Christian right pose a disproportionate threat to Black and Latino same-sex couple families. This is because Black and Latino same-sex couples are twice as likely as White same-sex couples to be raising children (particularly Black and Latino lesbian couples), and because they earn less and are less likely to own the home they live in. Policies restricting family recognition, whether of partner relationships or parent–child relationships, disproportionately harm Black and Latino same-sex couple families. Black same-sex cohabiting partners are more likely than their White counterparts to hold public sector jobs which may offer domestic partner health insurance; many antigay marriage amendments and laws prevent public sector employers in those states from offering such benefits to gay and lesbian employees. Latino same-sex partners are more likely to be non-US citizens; this means they are disproportionately affected by the Immigration and Naturalization Service’s failure to recognize same-sex couple families. Both Black and Latina female same-sex partners (partnered lesbians) are more likely than their heterosexual and White non-Hispanic counterparts to serve in the military, despite the ban. They are also discharged at a higher rate. For all these reasons, equal treatment for same-sex couples and gay, lesbian and bisexual people constitute issues of racial justice as well as human rights and equality.

Editorial

Environmental JusticeVol. 13, No. 3 RoundtableRoundtable on the Pandemics of Racism, Environmental Injustice, and COVID-19 in AmericaModerator: Sacoby M. Wilson, Participants: Robert Bullard, Jacqui Patterson, and Stephen B. ThomasModerator: Sacoby M. WilsonAddress correspondence to: Sacoby M. Wilson, 4200 Valley Drive, 2234D School of Public Health, University of Maryland, College Park, MD 20742, USA E-mail Address: [email protected]Dr. Sacoby M. Wilson is an associate professor and director of Community Engagement, Environmental Justice and Health (CEEJH), Maryland Institute for Applied Environmental Health, School of Public Health, University of Maryland, College Park, Maryland, USA. Search for more papers by this author, Participants: Robert BullardRobert Bullard is a distinguished professor of Department of Urban Planning and Environmental Policy, Texas Southern University, Houston, Texas, USA.Search for more papers by this author, Jacqui PattersonMs. Jacqui Patterson is senior director, Environmental and Climate Justice Program, NAACP, Baltimore, Maryland, USA.Search for more papers by this author, and Stephen B. ThomasDr. Stephen B. Thomas is a professor, Health Policy & Management; director, Maryland Center for Health Equity; School of Public Health, University of Maryland, College Park, Maryland, USA.Search for more papers by this authorPublished Online:16 Jun 2020https://doi.org/10.1089/env.2020.0019AboutSectionsView articleView Full TextPDF/EPUB Permissions & CitationsPermissionsDownload CitationsTrack CitationsAdd to favorites Back To Publication ShareShare onFacebookXLinked InRedditEmail View articleFiguresReferencesRelatedDetailsCited byLearning on Health Fairness and Environmental Justice via Interactive VisualizationCommunity Perspectives and Environmental Justice in California's San Joaquin Valley Humberto Flores-Landeros, Chantelise Pells, Miriam S. Campos-Martinez, Angel Santiago Fernandez-Bou, Jose Pablo Ortiz-Partida, and Josué Medellín-Azuara12 December 2022 | Environmental Justice, Vol. 15, No. 6Identifying environmental factors that influence immune response to SARS-CoV-2: Systematic evidence map protocolEnvironment International, Vol. 164Beyond fairness: the Covid-19 pandemic as an expression of environmental injustice20 March 2022 | Distinktion: Journal of Social Theory, Vol. 6Selecting Data Analytic and Modeling Methods to Support Air Pollution and Environmental Justice Investigations: A Critical Review and Guidance Framework8 February 2022 | Environmental Science & Technology, Vol. 56, No. 5The Social and Economic Implications of Environmental Justice for the Elderly: A Case for Social Work Interventions in the Caribbean10 July 2022The Analysis of Urban Park Catchment Areas - Perspectives from Quality Service of Hangang Park -31 December 2021 | Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture, Vol. 49, No. 6Building Adaptive Capacity Through Civic Environmental Stewardship: Responding to COVID-19 Alongside Compounding and Concurrent Crises11 November 2021 | Frontiers in Sustainable Cities, Vol. 3COVID-19: Evidenced Health Disparity5 August 2021 | Encyclopedia, Vol. 1, No. 3Pandemic disruptions in energy and the environmentElem Sci Anth, Vol. 8, No. 1At the Edge of Resilience: Making Sense of COVID-19 from the Perspective of Environmental HistoryJournal for the History of Environment and Society, Vol. 5 Volume 13Issue 3Jun 2020 InformationCopyright 2020, Mary Ann Liebert, Inc., publishersTo cite this article:Moderator: Sacoby M. Wilson, Participants: Robert Bullard, Jacqui Patterson, and Stephen B. Thomas.Roundtable on the Pandemics of Racism, Environmental Injustice, and COVID-19 in America.Environmental Justice.Jun 2020.56-64.http://doi.org/10.1089/env.2020.0019Published in Volume: 13 Issue 3: June 16, 2020Online Ahead of Print:June 5, 2020PDF download

A voice for people with epilepsy

This chapter asserts the theoretical importance of a relational approach for examining the historical development of civil rights for people with intellectual disabilities. A relational approach examines contestations over rights as embedded within and across various groups, settings, and times. Through this approach, we see, first, that struggles over rights are primarily struggles over “relational visions,” or the desired relational structure across groups. Second, rights for people with disabilities intersect with rights for other minority groups, and therefore, we must examine the broader stratification and relational structure. Third, rights developed differently depending on relational setting. Finally, rights have been used as “technologies of power,” requiring “normative” behavior for inclusion. Overall, a relational approach provides a set of concepts and a theoretical framework that furthers our understanding of citizenship for people with intellectual disabilities as it transformed through time and as it developed alongside citizenship for other populations.

The right of citizens to meet peacefully and to hold meetings, rallies, marches and demonstrations is prescribed by Art. 39 of the Constitution of Ukraine. Participation in such public activities could be regarded as a form of direct and independent expression of the people’s will, as well as the reaction of a society to the actions of the state. In order to prevent a conflict between the society and state, as well as disunity between them, the state should not ignore above-mentioned people’s activities. The specified right belongs to the subjective person’ srights, the principal purpose of which is to influence the state bodies for solving the most important society-state issues by coordinating and forming the citizens’ opinion and the way of its expression, as well as an element of democracy, a mode of participation in the management of state and local affairs. At the same time, it should be noted that such meetings may not always have the nature of political events, and the mentioned right is not always the political one. The vast majority of specialists in the field of law, in particular, the constitutional law, regards the aforementioned right as a type of citizens’ political rights that belong exclusively to Ukrainian citizens who have reached 18 years of age and have acquired full legal personality (with some exceptions concerning the right to association in public (non-political) organizations and the right to individual and collective appeals), and express the content of legal relationship between the individual and the state. However, not all scientists agree with the fact that mentioned right belongs exclusively to citizens of a certain state. The right to peaceful assembly is one of the inalienable, inherent rights in a democratic world. It should be noted that resembling rules are accommodated in the acts of international law, as the part of national legislation, in particular, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Furthermore, the international documents establish it as the right of any person, not only the citizen’s one. This right is an inalienable one of every person that is provided for both foreigners and stateless persons, hence the subject matter should be considered not as political rights of citizens, but as civil rights of people. Therefore, the appropriate amendments should be made to the current legislation of Ukraine and, primarily, to the Constitution of Ukraine.

Joseph Fielding Smith's Evolving Views on Race: The Odyssey of a Mormon Apostle-President

This article considers the current state of closed captioning for online videos, in the U.S. context. As media access is foundational to cultural citizenship, captions and similar accessibility features are essential to forming an inclusive participatory culture, online and off. Drawing on the history of television closed captioning and theatrical film captioning, it argues that captions and deafness have long been associated with the private, complicating their advancement under civil rights laws concerned with the public sphere and facilitating advancement through telecommunications laws and notions of consumer choice. This article cautions that such neoliberal solutions cannot be relied on to meet the needs—and civil rights—of deaf and hard-of-hearing Americans, and might in fact damage the coalitional identity politics on which civil rights for people with disabilities depend, unless such politics can be reinvigorated through emphasis on unification around shared goals.

The Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) opened the doors to access and enhanced the civil rights of people with disabilities. However, a lack of accessibility to all segments of society continues throughout the United States and is frequently described by people with disabilities as a leading cause for limited participation. Beliefs and attitudes about disability can affect critical decisions regarding inclusion and people with disabilities’ civil rights. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to explore support and opposition to the ADA among nondisabled people. We had the following research questions: (a) What is the relationship between disability prejudice and support for the ADA? and (b) When controlling for disability prejudice, what other factors lead people to support the ADA? To do so, we examined secondary data from approximately 13,000 participants from all 50 U.S. states and the District of Columbia. Findings from this study revealed that people who oppose the ADA are significantly more prejudiced toward people with disabilities than people who support the ADA. Understanding and becoming aware of attitudes and prejudice toward persons with disabilities can be a first step toward dispelling such beliefs and possibly a priori step to achieving the intent and spirit of the ADA.

Human rights as a collective action frame has been an important aspect of social movement mobilization around AIDS since the beginning of the pandemic 25 years ago. As an epidemic strongly associated with homosexuality and other socially marginalized behaviors, the AIDS movement in the developed world fueled and built on traditions of gay identity politics and gay rights. When the AIDS epidemic was recognized in 1981, the gay movement had already reconstituted itself as a legitimate interest group pursuing civil rights and civil liberties. Building on the preexisting organizational foundations as well as cultural capital of the gay movement as well as others, the AIDS movement was not only able to push for the protection of the civil rights of people living with AIDS, but through its engagement with the medical profession and the political establishment over access to drugs, was able to insist on a correlation between health and human rights.Krista Johnson is Assistant Professor at Agnes Scott College in Atlanta (krmjohnson@agnesscott.edu). Her research on HIV/AIDS in South Africa was funded in part by a postdoctoral fellowship from the Ford Foundation.

In this institutional ethnography, multiple methods are used to explore California’s process of establishing limited conservatorships, which are legal proceedings that limit or terminate civil rights of people with Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities (IDD). This research uses observations of 93 conservatorship hearings, 16 interviews with people involved in the conservatorship process, and an analysis of over 40 documents related to these legal proceedings. These data are used to answer two questions: 1) what is the process of establishing a limited conservatorship in California; and 2) how is this process experienced by those involved? Findings break down a complex process and contribute to an empirical understanding of how the combination of knowledge, policy, and institutional ideology shape the lives and freedoms of people with IDD. For example, of the 93 hearings observed, all 93 petitions for limited conservatorships were granted. This study reflects that the process is not individualized, and that people with IDD continue to be viewed as incompetent and unworthy of the civil rights many American adults take for granted. By mapping out the complex process, this research highlights areas for potential change and provides recommendations to make the process more person-centered, and one that prioritizes disability rights over institutional goals.

The history of sports for individuals with disabilities cannot be fully understood without discussing the disabled rights movement history. The disabled rights movement in many ways parallels various civil rights movements of the last 200 years. A series of historic changes took place starting in the late eighteenth century that led to significant advancement in the recognition, acceptance, and civil rights of people with disabilities. In addition, there were several events, organizations, and movements progressing in separate but parallel lanes. These movements converged resulting in a cohesive and mostly seamless pathway from childhood recreation and competition to team play and elite-level completion—from the Special Olympics, to Paralympics, to athletes with bilateral lower extremity limb deficiency competing against able-bodied athletes in the London Olympics in 2014.

This study uses normative juridical research, using the statute approach, conceptual approach, and historical approach. This thesis is studied to analyze all laws and regulations related to the administration, guardianship, duties and functions of BHP. In order to analyze the position of BHP in providing legal protection for the civil rights of people in custody and children in guardianship, namely as supervisors and guardians. as well as analyzing the legal consequences of a Notary deed or PPAT that contains a determination of custody and guardianship and is not notified or registered at BHP. Legal consequences of the Notary deed or PPAT, the act can be declared to violate Article 418 of the Civil Code, thus the deed can be declared null and void or worthless. So that this of course causes harm to the parties, for that the parties can file a civil lawsuit with a Notary or PPAT to be demanded for compensation for the losses that have been incurred from the making of the deed and can be administratively dismissed. To avoid the problems mentioned above, synergy and cooperation between all parties is needed, the Court, Dukcapil, BPN, Notary and PPAT and the Government also immediately issue a law that clearly regulates the affirmation of the Registration of Court Determination at BHP and strict sanctions if it is violated.

This article discusses the actions undertaken by the South African government to uphold human rights among HIV infected individuals. 15 years into the AIDS epidemic South Africa has a reasonable record of asserting and defending the civil rights of people living with HIV. Human rights principles are entrenched in the National AIDS Plan. Up until mid-1997 the Minister of Health defended rights to privacy and confidentiality even when the Director-General of the Department of Health was questioning them. Recently the government reinforced its commitment to these rights when it prohibited pre-employment HIV testing throughout the public service including the military. Many people with HIV will need to be forgiven for asking about the lasting value of civil rights when right issues related to risk of infection treatment and care are not resolved. Finally the civil political and socioeconomic rights of people with HIV/AIDS and people vulnerable to HIV infection cannot be resolved without a resolution of major causes of inequality that bedevil Africa. South Africa might feel proud of its Bill of Rights but without an attempt to give solid consideration to socioeconomic rights including access to health care in the context of AIDS as one of its central aims the human rights of all people will remain unfulfilled.