Introducing a High School Exit Exam in Science: Consequences in Massachusetts

Research demonstrates clear economic benefits for students who continue education beyond high school (NCES, 2001). Yet the transition from high school to college is an unsuccessful one for many. Of those high school graduates who entered postsecondary education for the first time in the 1995-1996 school year, 37 percent had left two years later without having earned a degree or certificate. This slippage results from a variety of causes. Some students are unsure how to apply for college or how to pay for it; some are academically unprepared for higher education; some face a frustrating task of balancing school and work. As postsecondary education becomes increasingly necessary to gain access to most reasonably well-paid jobs, the sharp division between high schools and colleges becomes more problematic. The American Youth Policy Forum (2000) and the National Commission on the High School Senior Year (2001) have called for a re-thinking of how students move from secondary to postsecondary education. We briefly review two approaches that attempt to link high schools and colleges—the coordination of high school exit and college entry standards, and Tech Prep. The remainder of this Brief is devoted to a discussion of one rapidly growing and promising initiative, dual enrollment. The strongest predictor of bachelor’s degree completion is the intensity and quality of students’ high school curriculum (Adelman, 1999). The efforts of the last few years towards raising academic standards have achieved some progress in this regard. In 1982, only 14 percent of high school students took the minimum coursework recommended by the 1983 Nation At Risk report (four years of English and three each of science, math, and social studies). In 1994, 51 percent of students did so (Jennings & Rentner, 1998). Enrollments in advanced math, science, and AP classes are higher than they were a decade ago (Jennings & Rentner, 1998). However, school district requirements for graduation still often fall short of those for college entry and success (The Education Trust, 1999). The National Commission on the High School Senior Year (2001) reported that only ten states have aligned their high school graduation and college admissions requirements in English and only two have done so in math. Tech Prep offers students planned career pathways that link high school classes to advanced technical education at colleges. These programs usually begin during the last two years of high school and continue into the first two years of college. Tech Prep has made some progress in formalizing articulation between secondary and postsecondary education (Orr, 1998; 1999; Bailey & Morest, 1998). Its growth, however, has been hampered by the perception that it is a vocational program, while the emphasis of secondary education is increasingly on academics.

The Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD) serves a large majority of socioeconomically disadvantaged students who are struggling academically and are underprepared for high school graduation and college. This article describes the partnership between LAUSD and the Los Angeles Education Research Institute, and how this collaboration endeavors to produce accessible and high-quality research to inform pressing problems of practice. The article also presents findings from an ongoing partnership research project analyzing a district policy focused on improving college readiness by aligning high school graduation and college-eligibility requirements. In a cohort that went through high school before the policy became mandatory for all students, less than 1/5 of all students (and 30% of graduates) met the college eligibility criteria. Our findings indicate that academic and behavioral indicators from 8th and 9th grade can help identify for possible intervention students who are not on track to meet these new graduation requirements.

This paper analyzes whether the minimum competency exam requirement for high school graduation affects students' academic performance directly or affects the educational process by moderating the effect of teachers' expectations on students' mathematics test score gains, profi- ciency levels, and high school graduation. Tenth-grade students and their mathematics teachers from the National Education Longitudinal Study of 1988 are analyzed. Contingent, negative associations were found between the minimum competency exam requirement and both mathematics proficiency and performance. The requirement was also not found to be associated with the odds of earning a diploma. In the case of mathematics achievement, teachers' expectations were a more important predictor of learning gains and proficiency than were students' expectations. Students' expectations better predicted who earns a diploma. The minimum competency exam requirement was found to moderate the association between teachers' expectations and mathematics achievement but did not affect the relation between teachers' expectations and high school graduation. For nearly half a century, teachers' expectations have been recognized as central to students' successes or failures. Even when students are motivated to succeed they must count on schools to teach the cognitive skills and knowledge to achieve their aspirations. Yet, teachers with lower expectations may teach and demand less than is needed to attain those goals. Recently, education reformers have suggested that external assessments of student progress may provide teachers with impor- tant motivation to ensure student academic competence in critical subject areas. Thus, while teachers may not share students' expectations for future educational ? A previous version of this paper was presented at the 1996 annual meeting of the American Sociological Association in New York City. The research reported in this paper was supported by a

[Purpose] The purpose of this study is to examine the credit system and the corresponding graduation requirements of general high schools in China, and to present the associated issues and challenges. [Methods] The previous research related to the high school credit system and graduation requirements was analyzed, focusing on the literature. [Results] The analytical framework for this study is divided into graduation requirements, duration of study, grade promotion, and other related aspects. The findings based on this framework are as follows. First, to graduate, students must complete a minimum of 144 credits, which are categorized into mandatory courses, selective mandatory courses, and elective courses. The graduation exam can be taken from the second year of high school onwards, after meeting the minimum credit requirements set by the Ministry of Education's curriculum. The exam subjects vary monthly, and the results are classified into five grades. Courses are offered according to the national curriculum and the school's own curriculum.Second, high school education in China lasts for three years, and early graduation is generally not allowed.Third, the credit system is implemented alongside the grade-level system, so grade promotion is based on the grade-level system. Fourth, the comprehensive competency evaluation is conducted to observe, record, and analyze students' overall growth for character education purposes. For college entrance, there are two options: the 3+3 model and the 3+2+1 model. [Conclusion] FFirst, the graduation requirements include meeting the course completion standards and passing the graduation exam. Second, since the credit system aims to provide education tailored to individual aptitudes and talents, cases such as early graduation should be approached with caution. Third, as the credit system is currently implemented alongside the grade-level system, efforts are needed to fully realize the comprehensive implementation of the credit system. Fourth, it is necessary to enhance the comprehensive evaluation for the overall development of students, and continuously improve the college entrance evaluation system towards self-assessment and self-formation

ABSTRACTMany have called for improved alignment between high school graduation and college admission requirements. However, few have empirically examined the extent to which courses needed for college admission are not offered by high schools, which I call underalignment. Using high school-level data from the Office for Civil Rights, I examined high school math underalignment relative to public flagships’ published minimum math requirements. Overall, 2.2% of public high schools did not offer the math course required for admission by their respective state flagship. Because minimum requirements may not reflect competitive admission processes such as those found at selective flagships or for intended science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) majors, I estimated 2 additional benchmarks: the probable math requirement based on the flagship’s selectivity and the highest math course most commonly taken by entering STEM majors. When considering probable and STEM math benchmarks, underalignment was higher—6.9% and 29.0% of high schools, respectively. Findings from logistic regression analysis show low-income student-of-color high schools have a higher probability of underalignment compared with most other high school types, net of school characteristics and state-level fixed effects across all three benchmarks. Policy implications for improving alignment and equity are discussed.

In view of the importance of increasing multilingualism in the United States, the current study examined state policy for high school graduation requirements in the 50 states and the District of Columbia as an index of the way in which the study of world language is positioned and prioritized in K–12 education. Only seven states require the study of a world language other than English as a prerequisite for high school graduation for all students. The majority of states do not include world languages as a requirement for high school graduation, but almost half include world language coursework as an option of fulfilling an elective graduation requirement. Overall, while there are some positive developments, principally the Seal of Biliteracy initiative, world language education is not prioritized in state‐level policies. Continued efforts, possibly at the federal level, are required to maintain and promote world language education in the United States

The increasing use of state-mandated public high school exit exams is one manifestation of the current movement in U.S. public schooling toward more explicit standards of instruction and accountability. Exit exam requirements implicitly argue that raising the bar for graduation creates incentives both for students to work harder in school and for schools to increase their efforts for low-achieving students. Such incentives should most strongly affect the motivation of students who fail an exit exam the first time they take the test because failing provides a clear signal of students’ need to improve their academic skills. Others argue that failing an exit exam discourages low-achieving students from staying in school. In this article, the authors use a regression discontinuity design and student-level longitudinal data from four large California public school districts to estimate the effect of failing a high school exit exam in 10th grade on subsequent student achievement, course taking, persistence in high school, and graduation. The analyses show no evidence of any significant or sizeable effect of failing the exam on high school course-taking, achievement, persistence, or graduation for students with test scores near the exit exam passing score. In each case, the estimates are precise enough to rule out modest to large effects. This implies that the negative impacts of high school exit exam policies on graduation rates found in other studies are more likely a result of reduced graduation rates of very low-achieving students than of discouragement of marginally low-achieving students.

In 2002, President George W. Bush signed the No Child Left Behind Act. In addition to providing additional funding for schools and encouraging local autonomy, the new law focuses on accountability in an attempt to close the achievement gap for all students, leaving no child behind. Perhaps the most striking manifestation of Bush's new law is the amplified attention on high-stakes testing as a means to demonstrate accountability. The California High School Exit Exam (CAHSEE) is California's effort to ensure accountability by proving that students are proficient in English language arts and mathematics on graduation. Hailed as near flawless by an independent evaluating agency, the test is nonetheless the subject of much debate. Because testing as a means of demonstrating accountability is surely becoming a reality, the CAHSEE must be examined to ensure its fairness. Kunnan's (2004) test fairness framework makes it possible to examine the test within the context of fairness using 5 main qualities: validity, absence of bias, access, administration, and social consequences. The framework is particularly relevant to the CAHSEE because the test's potential for impact is so great. In the end, some questions regarding the test's fairness remain. Although full implementation of the test as a requirement for high school graduation is scheduled for the class of 2006, it is not yet certain whether next year's graduates will have to pass the CAHSEE.

Across the United States, enrollment in high school computer science (CS) courses is increasing. These increases, however, are not spread evenly across race and gender. CS remains largely an elective class, and fewer than three-fourths of the states allow it to count towards graduation. The Chicago Public Schools has sought to ensure access for all students by recently enacting computer science as a high school graduation requirement. The primary class that fulfills the graduation requirement is Exploring Computer Science (ECS), a high school introductory course and professional development program designed to foster deep engagement through equitable inquiry around CS concepts. The number of students taking CS in the district increased significantly and these increases are distributed equitably across demographic characteristics. With ECS serving as a core class, it becomes critical to ensure success for all students independent of demographic characteristics, as success in the course directly affects a student’s ability to graduate from high school. In this paper, we examine the factors that correlate with student failure in the course. At the student level, attendance and prior general academic performance correlate with passing the class. After controlling for student characteristics, whether or not teachers participated in the professional development program associated with ECS correlates with student success in passing the course. These results provide evidence for the importance of engaging teachers in professional development, in conjunction with requiring a course specifically designed to provide an equitable computer science experience, in order to broaden participation in computing.

In 37 states, an accepted computer science course may qualify or “flex” as a high school graduation requirement in lieu of a traditional requirement, such as mathematics. Applying a first- and second-order barriers framework (i.e., tangible impediments and personal beliefs), we examined views of 60 high school administrators. The administrators were at schools that had not yet adopted flex credit policies and were surveyed regarding readiness of their schools and communities, as well as their personal beliefs, about adopting such a policy. Key findings included learning that the greatest perceived obstacles centered on developing and maintaining computer science courses (e.g., qualified teachers). Administrators were most positive about leadership support and student capacity, although less sure about student interest. Overall, first-order barriers posed greater impediments than second-order barriers. However, one-third of administrators did not favor computer science taking the place of traditional graduation requirements.

DOI 10.1515/cjpp-2012-0001 Calif. J. Politics Policy 2012; 4(2): 1–24 Research Article Michal Kurlaender*, Jacob Jackson Investigating Middle School Determinants of High School Achievement and Graduation in Three California School Districts Abstract: This paper explores early predictors of high school graduation and success. Employing 7th grade cohorts from three large California school districts (San Francisco, Fresno, and Long Beach), we investigate the role of several key middle school academic performance measures in identifying students’ 11th grade academic performance, passing the California High School Exit Examina- tion on the first attempt, and diploma receipt. We find that standardized assess- ments, timing of algebra, and course failures in middle school provide useful indicators of students’ high school academic success. Our aim is not to identify any causal mechanism by which middle school achievement leads to high school success or failure, but rather to describe important associations that may aid poli- cymakers and school leaders to develop strategies early in students’ educational pursuit of the high school diploma. Keywords: education; graduation; high school exit exams *Corresponding author: Michal Kurlaender, School of Education, University of California, Davis, One Shields Ave., 95616 Davis, CA, USA, e-mail: mkurlaender@ucdavis.edu Jacob Jackson, School of Education, University of California, Davis, One Shields Ave., 95616 Davis, CA, USA 1 Introduction The economic costs of high school dropouts are substantial to individuals and society (Heckman and LaFontaine 2007; Rumberger 2011). High school drop- outs are less likely to hold down regular jobs, earn about $260,000 less over a lifetime than high school graduates and pay about $60,000 less in taxes (Rouse 2005). Moreover, high school dropouts are more likely to face health problems (Muennig 2005), to be involved in criminal activity (Moretti 2005), and to require public assistance (Waldfogel et al. 2005). Belfield and Levin (2007a) estimate the economic losses in California from a cohort of dropouts over their lifetimes

This study is an assessment of economic knowledge among students who receive formal economic instruction in their senior year of high school. Our sample was drawn from seven high schools in two large school districts in Orange County, California. Students were enrolled in the compulsory, semester-long economics course, a state requirement for high school graduation. Our key performance measure is the Test of Economic Literacy (TEL). Using a pretest–post-test design, we find that initial knowledge of economics is not strong among the students. After one semester of formal economics instruction, TEL examination scores improve by 12.3 percentage points on average.

One of the most widely implemented educational reform efforts of the last two decades has been the adoption of increased high school graduation requirements, especially in mathematics and science. The present study examines the effect of that reform. More particularly, this article first investigates the extent to which a commonly adopted requirement that students complete three credits in mathematics and science was implemented at schools. Using multilevel regression analysis, the study then examines the relationship between three-course requirements in mathematics and science and three expected outcomes: increases in the number of credits students earned in mathematics and science, increases in the level of mathematics and science classes completed by students, and increases in student achievement in math and science, as measured by 8th- to 12th-grade test score gains. To test this relationship, the author drew a nationally representative sample of 1992 public high school graduates from the National Educational Longitudinal Study conducted in 1988. Analysis of these data indicates that many schools that required students to complete three courses in math or science in order to graduate did not strictly enforce this policy, allowing a substantial percentage of the students to graduate without earning three credits in these subjects. Nevertheless, three-course requirements influenced students to earn more credits in mathematics and science; however, only some students completed this additional coursework in advanced classes. In addition, student test score gains did not vary by high school graduation requirement policy. These findings suggest that increasing the number of credits students have to earn in mathematics and science to graduate from high school by itself may not be sufficient to improve student proficiency in these subjects.

Previous articleNext article No AccessTrends in High-School Graduation Requirements at the State LevelGrace S. WrightGrace S. Wright Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Volume 64, Number 4Apr., 1956 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/442308 Views: 3Total views on this site Citations: 4Citations are reported from Crossref Journal History This article was published in The School Review (1893-1979), which is continued by the American Journal of Education (1979-present). Copyright 1956 The University of ChicagoPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Deven Carlson, Michael Planty The Ineffectiveness of High School Graduation Credit Requirement Reforms, Educational Policy 26, no.44 (Jul 2012): 592–626.https://doi.org/10.1177/0895904811417582Charles D Mendenhall, Hugh D Laughlin, Earl W Harmer Chapter IV: The School Program: Curriculum Content and Organization, Review of Educational Research 30, no.11 (Jun 2016): 34–48.https://doi.org/10.3102/00346543030001034Robert L. Mills, Dwain M. Estes Chapter II: Organization for Education, Review of Educational Research 28, no.44 (Jun 2016): 297–318.https://doi.org/10.3102/00346543028004297Ralph C Preston, Estoy T Reddin Chapter II: Status of the Curriculum, Review of Educational Research 27, no.33 (Jun 2016): 250–261.https://doi.org/10.3102/00346543027003250

duty: a high school diploma is something his parents think is important and he, more attached to family than school, adopts their view. The activities within the classroom are largely irrelevant; his physical presence there verifies that he is seeking a diploma. In fact, my Standard students often ask for a day just to talk because they feel they should be rewarded for coming. (I'll grant that there are a few I would like to reward for not coming, but generally discipline is not a problem.) Their minds are occupied by thoughts of motorcycles, jobs, and girls (there is a disproportionate number of boys in these classes). English class exists only as a requirement for high school graduation. Their view of classwork is usually that of their parents: they like spelling tests and grammerwork which they can show at home as manifesting their involvement in English. So what do I do? I find spelling tests futile and grammer exercises irrelevant. There are students who can identify gerunds, absolute phrases, and appositives better than I can but can't compose an English sentence which makes sense. My own goals for the Standard English student differ dramatically from his: I want him to read more, write better, and react positively and confidently to classroom activities; he wants to do nothing. I have used different techniques for each of these three goals and have found one technique for each particularly successful.