Interpreting Ethnic Movements in Pakistan (Distinguished Lecture)

This article will address the themes of partition, gender and trauma within two independent films from Pakistan, Sabiha Sumar's Khamosh Pani (2003) and Mehreen Jabbar's Ramchand Pakistani (2008). The article will consider how the events of 1947 – partition of India and creation of Pakistan – recur within the films as disruptive trauma. The article will consider what an engagement with the characteristics of trauma such as involuntary recall and disruption can bring to my readings of the films. Connections are established between women's experiences of ethnic tensions within the contemporary settings of the films and the gendered experiences of 1947. These are expressed in distinct ways, however; the prominence of the themes of trauma within both work to create a powerful presentation of women's subjectivity in Pakistan. Further to this, they draw attention to the possible inevitability of trauma being central to identities and locations forged out of a partition that entailed border creation, large-scale disruption, and violence. The article will conclude that close readings of both films highlight the role of the traumatic in the formation of gendered national identities.

From the creation of Pakistan in 1947 onwards, its southern province of Sindh has had waves of ethnic tensions between native Sindhis and the Muhajirs, Urdu‐speaking immigrants of Indian origin. Since the launch of the Muhajir Quomi Movement (Immigrants’ Nationalist Movement) in 1986, rising tensions have threatened both the territorial integrity of Pakistan and regional security arrangements with India. A solution to ethnic tensions in Sindh requires an understanding and accommodation between Sindhi and Urdu sections of the population. The willingness of Urdu‐speakers to gradually assimilate themselves in the host community and the devolution of power at federal, provincial and local level are crucial in bringing about harmony between these two major sections of the population of Sindh.

Ethnicity and ethnic conflict have dominated much of the discourse in contemporary politics, as ethnic resurgence has been on the rise the world over in both modernising and developed societies. Ethnic conflict can be studied in terms of a number of variables to explain the processes and dynamics of a particular ethnic movement. This paper seeks to study the Baluch movement in Pakistan mainly in terms of three variables: the nature and pattern of the movement, the role of the state, and the external dynamics, all of which singly and collectively impacted on the rise and decline of the movement. The paper examines the socio‐economic basis for the growth of separatist sentiments among the Baluch and argues that it was the weak nature and essentially fragmented strategies of the movement, the response and policies pursued by the central leadership and the failure of the Baluch to elicit any meaningful external support that contributed to the gradual decline of the movement. The time frame under consideration here is from 1971, when the movement was on its rise, until 1981, when the movement ceased to be an issue in the Pakistani polity.

Pakistan is facing a robust wave of nationalism in the shape of the Pashtun Tahafuz (protection) movement. It is not the first time Pakistan is experiencing the outburst of a peripheral nationalist movement. Since the inception of Pakistan in 1947, it has been confronting the multiple challenges stemming out from the ethnic movements. Pakistan was fragmented in 1971 at the hands of the Bengali sub-nationalist movement. The separatist demands in Sindh and the secessionist demands in Baluchistan have been striking the polity. The Pashtun nationalism is emerging as a new daunting challenge in the aftermath of the war on terrorism in the contemporary political and social landscape of Pakistan. This study will make a multi-pronged analysis of the propensity of peripheral nationalist movements in Pakistan and will dissect the rise of the Pashtun Tahafuz movement and its possible implications for state and society in Pakistan.

The interaction between ethnicity and gender has been a complex one. Demand of collective rights for the preservation of distinct ethnic identity has intensified the debate of individual vs. collective rights within liberal democracies. Consolidation of ethnic identity is expressed through ethnic/identity movements in a particular context. Women have been part of such an ethnic project where they have been considered as the symbol of cultural distinctiveness of an ethnic group. Ethnic movements have drawn mass participation of women for the pursuit of collective goals. The North-Eastern region of India presents a complex ethnic picture, and the state of Assam has experienced various identity movements in the post-independence era. However, the question of women within such a space has remained a neglected issue. The ethnic space has provided a space of mobilisation for women, which is marked by formation of various women’s organisations. However, whether the participation of women in identity movements has led to the alteration or radicalisation of existing gender relations is much debated. This can be contextualised in relation to the issue of women’s representation. This understanding brings out the conflict between collective rights and gender equality to the forefront.

Malaysia and Pakistan sought to address their problems through economic growth and the management of ethnic tensions. Malaysia pursued the New Economic Policy (NEP) to favor Malay bumiputras (sons of the soil), and Pakistan, under a military government, pursued aggressive economic growth. However, these strategies did not resolve ethnic tensions as in Malaysia it did not alleviate the economic problems facing Malays, and in Pakistan it favored Punjab at the cost of other provinces, especially East Pakistan. Both states continued to experience serious challenges to their authorities in the form of racial tensions in Malaysia and the Bangladesh movement in Pakistan.

This article examines the issue of radicalism in Pakistan, often identified as the "Land of Ali Jinnah," reflecting the values and vision of its founder, Muhammad Ali Jinnah. Radicalism has been a deep-seated issue in Pakistan, with debates over whether religious or group factors play a more critical role in strengthening radical movements in the country. This article examines the historical development of radicalism in Pakistan, analyzes the factors that influence the spread of radical ideology, and considers the implications of this view on regional and global stability. Through a comprehensive analytical approach, it explores the role of religion as a central element in radicalism in Pakistan, highlighting the role of incorrect or extreme religious understandings in motivating individuals to engage in radical activity. It also examines how group factors such as economic inequality, political discontent and ethnic tensions are essential in strengthening radical movements in Pakistan. The result is that some extremist thinking is based on some of the conservative madrassa education curricula, and some people who lack access to education are, therefore, easily duped and pitted by vested interests. The importance of understanding the balance between religion and group factors in the context of radicalism in Pakistan is that prevention and countermeasures can be more effective. This investigation provides greater insight into the complexity of the issue. It provides a basis for formulating better strategies to address radicalism in the country, which will positively impact regional and global peace and stability. Contribution: This study contributes to a deeper understanding of radicalism in Pakistan by highlighting the interplay between extreme religious interpretations and socio-political conditions, providing a foundation for more effective counter-radicalism strategies.

The Siraiki ethnic movement in Pakistan has gained prominence since the 2000s through its demand for the creation of a new province in the southern districts of Punjab. This article examines the crucial role played by civil society in the growth of Siraiki nationalism. Starting from the 1960s, the Siraiki intelligentsia engaged in identity construction through an emphasis on recognition of Siraiki as a language separate from Punjabi. Having achieved this goal in 1981, the Siraiki movement quickly moved towards territorial ambitions with the adoption of the demand for creation of a Siraiki province in south Punjab. This claim gained momentum after the 18th Amendment to the Pakistan constitution in 2010 that gave rise to the demand for new provinces from ethnic minorities. The question of a south Punjab province became part of mainstream politics when it was adopted by the Pakistan People’s Party and the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf in the 2013 and 2018 elections, respectively. Throughout the evolution of the Siraiki movement towards the agenda of a new province, civil society acted as the prime agency for ethnic mobilization.

My difficulties with this paper relate primarily to the methodology. Professor Christophe Jaffrelot has chosen to omit the section on Kashmir that figured in the version first presented at the Fourteenth Annual General Meeting, of the Pakistan Society of Development Economists. The omission reinforces the exception I have to the approach. In my comments therefore, I will include some inter-related, and overlapping dimensions of the subject addressed, the exclusion of which, to my mind, hampers an holistic analysis. I will draw attention to the ‘role of Islam’ in Indian Muslim politics before partition, and the question of national identity since the creation of Pakistan. I will also highlight some of the features of the phenomenon of ethnicity itself that help explain the dynamics of the nature, content, and process of identity formation, and hence, an understanding of the mechanics of the identity that became pertinent during the Pakistan Movement. Similarly, I will comment on the ethnic expressions (that have been defined and re-defined) within the national context since the creation of Pakistan.

Photographs taken in Lahore in 1946–47 record the mass participation of women in the pro-Muslim League demonstrations against the Khizar Unionist government. This was the first such mass public mobilization of Muslim women anywhere in pre-independent India. The mobilization of women became a vital element in the League's tactics during the dramatic last months leading up to Independence and Partition. A small group of relatively emancipated female Muslim Leaguers from the Punjab who had been at the vanguard of the anti-Khizar demonstrations were also instrumental in mobilizing the unemancipated women of the North-West Frontier Province to protest against the Khan Sahib Congress ministry. This latter mobilization was evidently so successful that the British governor of the province, on seeing the crowds of burqa-clad women, was reported to have declared that ‘Pakistan is made’. It is perhaps no mere coincidence, then, that Jinnah made his statement about ‘awakening the political consciousness’ of Muslim women at the same session of the AIML at which the demand for Pakistan was made official League policy. The political awakening of Muslim women seemed to be inextricably linked to the struggle for a separate Muslim state in India. The question that this paper deals with, however, is whether in fact the Pakistan movement had a surplus of meaning for women over and above the nationalism of the Muslim League and why it was that many Muslim women were, in Begum Jahan Ara's words, ‘more impatient for Pakistan than men.’

Sport, reflects cultural and political contradictions of society where is done, in this context it is seen that also ethnic identitites are found symbolic expression areas in the world football. In Spain Barcelona football club identifies with Catalan nationalism; a match between Croatian and Serbian symbolize an ethnic conflict in Balkans; the club ‘Celtic’ represents Catholic Irish identity in Scotland. Diyarbakirspor which opens a symbolic expression canal for Kurdish identity from the 90s; Mohun Bagan- East Bengal rivalry that reflects the seperation of Hindus, after the migration which follows the independence of India and Pakistan shows the other examples of ethnic tensions in the world football. Football, use as a means for representation of  Dr., Istanbul Genclik Hizmetleri ve Spor Il Mudurlugu, k.zelyurt@gmail.com minorities or excluded social groups and can be a projection area for political expressions.

How to Fit Response to Intervention Into a Heavy Workload

University of Florida College of Medicine

Eastern Germans are often stereotyped as racist, and some empirical data as well as periodic incidences of violent hate crime seem to confirm the stereotype. This article offers a partial explanation of geographic concentrations of discrimination in Germany that centres on processes of boundary drawing in real contexts between small groups of youths. This is a meso-level approach that contrasts with macro- and micro-level sociological explanations of discrimination. We consider it more correct to say that conditions in much of eastern Germany – as well as in many parts of western Germany – are such that discrimination is more likely to occur within small groups in those places. Data are presented from 29 cities participating in an anti-racism programme that provide some insight into how boundaries are drawn and how some cities are currently attempting to reduce discriminatory behaviour within small groups. Knowledge about how group dynamics leads to discriminatory behaviour is particularly useful for those trying to prevent racism at the local level; intervention is more feasible at the small-group level due to their inherent visibility and accessibility for youth guidance counsellors.

Western University Schulich School of Medicine & Dentistry.