Interpreting and War Journalism: Collecting Memories of Fixers in Ukraine

Presents the results of empirical study, which was attended by 246 people of different age (112 men and 134 women), which living in Donetsk, Mariupol and Kiev. We used the following methods: 2 author’s research questionnaires; Impact of Event Scale (M. Horowitz, N. Wilner). Empirically it is shown that in a situation of military conflict in Ukraine in comparison with the period before the military conflict: 1) displaced persons from the combat zone and the people currently living in Mariupol emphasize the negative impact of the situation of the military conflict in Ukraine on the well-being of their family members; 2) increased aggressiveness and proneness to conflict has been observed among the participants of the study currently living in Mariupol and among the displaced persons from the combat zone; 3) the situation of the military conflict in Ukraine has been stressful for the study participants and their families, this is especially pronounced persons from the combat zone and the people currently living in Mariupol; 4) a fairly strong and very strong degree of sleep disorders has been observed among the participants of the study currently living in Mariupol, among the displaced persons from the combat zone and among the participants residing now in Donetsk; 5) irritation and anger in connection with the event – the military conflict in Ukraine – in rather strong and very strong degree have been observed among the participants of the study currently living in Mariupol, among the displaced persons from the combat zone and among the participants residing now in Donetsk. Empirical evidence shows that the most powerful influence of the situation of the military conflict in Ukraine on relations with the immediate relatives has been observed among the displaced persons from the combat zone, in comparison with other groups of research participants. 39,84% of all study participants indicate disappointment in the state, because the state does not protect the rights of citizens. Regarding the organization of the relationship between the citizen and the state respondents think that such relationships should be based: 1) on the protection of the rights of citizens; 2) on trust, honesty; 3) on respect for the Constitution. 21,95% of all study respondents indicated a lack of confidence in the government. 10,98 % of all study respondents note that they have increased aggression to politics. 13,01 % of all study respondents indicate that there is more to discuss military and political issues. 11,38 % of all study respondents have avoided the subject of war and militarypolitical events. 17,07 % of all study respondents began to perceive military and political-legal events are more critical with less confidence.

BACKGROUND: The effects of war as well as military conflict include long-term physical and psychological harm to children and adults. Social relations and trust play a role in peace building and conflict resolution. Social capital is believed to facilitate institutional and interpersonal trust as well as safety and security, and thus may become an important resource in times of military conflict.OBJECTIVE: The aims of this study are to analyse how social capital may be transformed due to a military conflict in contemporary Ukraine and to explore the role of voluntarily services in this change. Further we aim to discuss the possible influence of social capital transformation on mental health in times of military conflict.METHODS: A qualitative case study design was chosen to explore it. In-depth interviews were chosen as a method for data collection. Informant’s selection criteria were: either to be involved in volunteering activities in the city of Khmelnitsky (which is the place of research) or to receive volunteering help. 18 interviews were conducted.Informants were reached by snowball sampling. Interviews are collected, transcribed, translated and analyzed using constructive Grounded Theory approach of Charmaz.RESULTS: Our results show that social capital transforms during military conflict experiences. The changes happen both in cognitive and structural components since they are connected. The most important changes occur in bonding social capital, where new formation such as brotherhood, emerges and replaces previous bonding ties with family and friends. In addition, voluntarily acting actors (those who normally belong to bridging social capital) transform into relations with bonding entities. New forms of social capital are thus generated through the existence of voluntary services, and these networks provide essential social support in times of military conflict. Perceived support softens negative emotional responses to traumatic events. In line with the stress-buffering model, our results support that the formation of new social capital in times of military conflict may protect against the negative mental health effects of these experiences.

While people are aware that there is a continuing conflict in Ukraine, there is little understanding of its impact. The military conflict in South-Eastern Ukraine has been on-going since 2014, with a major socio-economic impact on the Donetsk and Luhansk regions. In this study, we quantify land cover land use changes in those regions related to cropland changes. Cropland areas account for almost 50% of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions, and with the declining industry between 2014–2017, the role of agriculture to the regional economy has increased. We use freely available satellite data and machine learning methods to map cropland extent in 2013 and 2018 and derive corresponding changes in cropland areas. We use a multi-layer perceptron (MLP) to classify multi-temporal Landsat-7, Landsat-8 and Sentinel-2 images into cropland and non-cropland areas, and a sampling-based approach to estimate the areas of cropland change. We found that net cropland losses were not uniform across the regions, and were more substantial in the areas not under control of the Ukrainian Government (22% of net cropland area loss compared to cropland areas in 2013) and within a buffer zone along the conflict border line (46%), where combat activities occur. These results highlight the impact of the conflict on agriculture and the utility of spatially explicit information acquired from Earth observation satellites, especially for areas, where collecting ground-based data is impractical.

The contemporary period is characterized by intense scholarly, legal and socio-political debates about the conceptual framework, which ought to guide state responses to unmitigated violence resulting from protracted armed conflicts across the globe. The prevalence of military interventionist discourse in the media and governmental organizations necessitates further reflection on the international community’s legal obligations not only with respect to putting an end to violence, but holding aggressors of armed perpetrations individually accountable for political unrest, economic destabilization and loss of life as well as responsible for the reestablishment of social and political order on the ground, which are to ensure human security in the process of post-conflict nation-building. The analysis of two recent conflicts in Kosovo and Iraq will provide a critical foundation for the examination of international bodies’ and state actors’, such as the United Nations (in the case of Kosovo) and of the United States (in the case of Iraq), implementation of legal mechanisms by which the jus post bellum principles can be made useful for, both, (i) the purposes of providing justifications for war and (ii) post-conflict restoration of order. In addition, relevant connections will be examined between the principles guiding humanitarian interventions and just war narratives, which make military intermediations publically palpable. The study and conclusions drawn may prove especially pertinent to a continuing diplomatic stalemate with regard to armed conflicts in Syria and Ukraine, renewed tensions in South Sudan, the Central African Republic and various micro-insurgencies in Somalia, Libya or Mali.

One of the experiences of the initial stages of the development of the eastern Ukraine conflict was the decision of the authorities in Kyiv to establish the so-called volunteer battalions (BTRO) and, among them, the territorial defense battalions. This article presents synthetically the tasks set for the above military formations. The authors consider which of the BTRO designed capabilities can be useful and effective against an aggressor using hybrid combat methods. They refer primarily to the course of events taking place during the conflict in Eastern Ukraine and the annexation of the Crimean Peninsula. The authors discuss the capabilities of territorial defense subunits of the Armed Forces of Ukraine that can effectively defend against hybrid warfare. While looking to answer the question presented, materials and articles on current Russian war preparation and warfare concepts were analyzed. Attention was primarily paid to their practical application during the ongoing conflict in eastern Ukraine and the annexation of Crimea. Subsequently, documents and publications related to the creation and tasks posed to the Territorial Defense Battalions of the Ukrainian Armed Forces were examined. Assumptions concerning their organization and functioning were considered in the context of achieving the designed operational capabilities. The summary presents the conclusions of the compilation of the above work. They concern particularly the concept of territorial application of the discussed military formations, the possibility of their establishing cooperation with regular subunits of the Armed Forces to supplement their ability to perform tasks, as well as issues related to cooperation with local authorities and communities.

The importance of the Minsk agreements in resolving the conflict and the fact that they are the only agreed basis for achieving peace in eastern Ukraine has been repeatedly stated by world leaders and leaders of international intergovernmental organizations (primarily the UN, OSCE, EU, NATO, etc.). This fact determines the high importance of the processes taking place in the field of peaceful resolution of the conflict in eastern Ukraine.
 The relevance of the chosen research topic is due to the fact that the process of resolving the military conflict in Ukraine in the context of establishing stable peace and security in the east, as well as returning the occupied territories of Donbass to Ukrainian control is given much attention by political leadership scientific environment and the average population. In addition, the implementation of the Minsk Agreements was discussed at various international official meetings at the highest political level with the participation of the Ukrainian side.
 For Ukraine, which in the framework of the «hybrid war» faced such factors as the temporary occupation of the territory of Ukraine by the Russian Federation, issues of peace and security in the east of the state have become extremely important. As a result, legal scholars are increasingly questioning the legal nature of the Minsk agreements themselves, as well as the nature of the parties’ international rights and obligations.
 The article examines the international legal aspects of clarifying the legal nature of the Minsk agreements. The parties’ different understanding of the Minsk agreements on their legal nature is analyzed, the possible legal consequences in case of non-compliance with these international legal documents are determined, and the role and place of the Minsk agreements in the process of peaceful settlement of the conflict in eastern Ukraine are clarified. Scientifically substantiated conclusions on the correct understanding and interpretation of the Minsk Agreements as a specific type of international legal documents are provided.

The military conflict provoked by the Russian Federation in Ukraine has created major imbalances in international security. In this fluid and unpredictable security environment, the defence industry has reacted promptly, increasing production and export of military equipment and modern weapon systems to counterbalance the aggressive actions of the Russian Federation. The data analysed indicate the Russian Federation’s continuing concern to make significant defence investments, including in the defence complex, which reveals its interest in continuing the military conflict in Ukraine. As for the Euro-Atlantic states, they are trying to counter the threat posed by the Russian Federation by supplying Ukraine with high-performance military equipment, while investing in their militaries to supplement the weapons supplied to Ukraine. After the outbreak of the military conflict in Ukraine, Romania has managed to increase its exports of arms and ammunition, creating favourable conditions for profitable partnerships with large companies in the Euro-Atlantic area. At the same time, Romania has increased its defence budget allocation to 2.5% of GDP, and there are discussions to further increase this percentage in the coming period. A substantial part of this budget allocation is earmarked for the procurement of modern military equipment to NATO standards for the Romanian armed forces.

The article analyzes the specifics of the issues of military social work during the war in Ukraine. Military social work in Slovakia is an important aspect of the support system for people affected by military conflicts in Ukraine. This area of ​​social work is actively developing, since Slovakia is a neighbor of Ukraine, which is experiencing a complex military conflict. The main tasks of military social work are to provide psychological, social and material assistance to military personnel, refugees, internally displaced persons and their families. One of the key aspects of this work is the integration of victims into society after returning from the front or fleeing from the war. Social workers in Slovakia work at the level of national and international programs aimed at providing assistance and support to people who have become victims of war. This includes counseling, therapy, integration into the labor market, legal assistance and temporary housing. The escalation of the military conflict in Ukraine has significantly increased the number of refugees and displaced persons, which affects the activities of military social work in Slovakia. Increased attention to ensuring the safety and well-being of these persons requires coordination between government, non-governmental organizations and international institutions. Military social work becomes necessary to assist war victims, taking into account the psychosocial needs and difficult conditions in which they find themselves. Thus, military social work in Slovakia is an important component of supporting the civilian population and military personnel facing the consequences of war. The escalation of the conflict in Ukraine poses new challenges for social work, where it is necessary to take into account global and local factors, in particular humanitarian, economic and political aspects.

The outcome of the conflict in Ukraine will bring fundamental political, military, economic and social consequences, and define global and regional balance of power and fate of number of international organizations, including European Union and NATO. The aim of this paper is to analyze political and military consequences of the first year of the conflict in Ukraine for countries of Central and Eastern Europe, including the Baltic States and further development of trans-Atlantic link for European security, including development of NATO Alliance until 2030. Fundamentally different threat perception in Russian Federation and in NATO, EU countries, and Ukraine led to the beginning of military action of Russian Federation against Ukraine in February 24, 2022. Since then, military conflict in Ukraine has evolved into full-scale war on terrain of Ukraine, and increasingly negative escalation of political, military and economic relationships between Russian Federation and NATO, EU and other actors, bringing parties to nuclear standoff. War in Ukraine has brought substantial political and military endurance test for NATO and European Union. The immediate political consequences of the first year of war in Ukraine have been outlined in NATO Summit in Madrid in summer of 2022 and in NATO Agenda 2030. Continuation of NATO Open Door Policy has led to invitation of Finland and Sweden to join the Alliance thus fundamentally changing security environment in Central and Eastern Europe and the Baltic Sea Region. The Summit also declared to strengthen military posture on the Eastern flank of the Alliance thus countering hypothetical military threat of Russian Federation to the Baltic States and Central and Eastern European states. From the pure military perspective- NATO has substantially increased military support of Ukraine via creation of decision-making platform of Ramstein format as well as increasing understanding of NATO members for need to spend more resources allocated to defense. On the other hand, European Union has granted status of candidate for Ukraine, as well as provided continuous economic and financial support for Ukraine. Moreover, European Union has staged continuous and increasing policy of economic sanctions towards Russian Federation. However, despite substantial increase of political and military coherence and coordination of efforts of NATO and EU countries after the first year of the war in Ukraine, there are mounting challenges and risks. Firstly, increasing economic challenges in EU and NATO member- states which, subsequently, can lead to fundamental political consequences thus leading to diminished political and military support to Ukraine. Secondly, potential challenges for further military support of Ukraine and NATO Open Door Policy. NATO members- Turkey and Hungary-have different point of view on the enlargement of the Alliance and support of Ukraine. Thirdly, global and regional attitudes towards war in Ukraine and, predominantly, Western coalition of support for Ukraine. People’s Republic of China, India, Africa, Central and Latin America, other global and regional actors are mostly neutral towards war in Ukraine thus avoiding political and economic confrontation with Russian Federation. Yet another fundamental challenge: NATO countries are continuing to provide Ukraine with increasingly effective and sophisticated weapon systems which can lead to direct military confrontation between Russian Federation and NATO/The United States in 2023. Taking into account previously mentioned risks and challenges, it is obvious that there are several scenarios of development of war in Ukraine ranging from complete military victory for Ukraine and, subsequently, for the West to complete military victory of Russian Federation in Ukraine via long-term warfare of attrition.

IMPACT This article explores how local governments adapt their financial management systems during the chaos and uncertainty of war; the authors use the recent military conflict in Ukraine as a case study. This article has lessons for public managers and policy-makers—especially at the local government level. The authors emphasise the importance of aligning state and local financial systems, and the need for flexibility in financial decision-making during periods of high uncertainty. The article also highlights the uneven effects of wars in different local areas, urging policy-makers to ensure that top-level strategies accurately reflect local realities. The insights from this article deepen our understanding of how we should approach disaster recovery, contributing to more effective and resilient responses to future crises.

Recent political conflicts in Eastern Europe, including the armed conflicts in Ukraine, Nagorno-Karabakh, and Belarus have demonstrated that the scope of digitally mediated participation in war-related activities goes far beyond the information domain. In this context, a rapidly emerging sociomaterial practice is the use of crowdfunding platforms to provide aid to the conflict-affected military and civilian populations. Situating the inquiry in this empirical context, we ask: how do crowdfunding platforms constitute relationships between spectators and the hyperconnected battlefield, and what is the role of remote human suffering therein? Drawing on data craft, a theory/method package for critical internet studies, we investigate two sets of boundary objects that mediate the connection between zones of conflict and their remote participants. We find that conflict-related crowdfunding is a new form of identity proclamation with regard to the users’ positionality, which creates the conditions of possibility for post-conflict reconstruction and a future after the military conflict. This suggests that representations of distant human suffering are not the only mediators between spectators and the hyperconnected battlefield, adding a new research direction to our understanding of values that drive remote humanitarianism in the digital age.

This article reviews research on history education about recent or ongoing conflict since 1990. History education is recognized as a key site for constructing identity, transmitting collective memory, and shaping “imagined communities,” which makes its revision or reform a complex and important part of Education in Emergencies work. The article reviews 42 empirical studies from 11 countries, exploring whether recent conflict forms part of national curricula, and, where it does, how this teaching is approached. Young people learn about recent conflict in all of the cases reviewed; in the majority curriculum is one source for this learning, but in some cases the history of recent conflict is taught without curricular guidance or not at all. Where recent conflict is taught, the review finds a reliance on a traditional, collective memory approach to disseminating national narratives, though often within social studies rather than history classrooms. In many cases, these narratives are top-down and ethno-nationalist and rely on devices like mythical past unity and the exceptionalism of conflict. The review concludes by suggesting that actors undertaking history curriculum revision or reform attend to recent conflict as an “active past.” It also highlights some promising suggestions for approaching such pasts in history curricula.

In light of Slovakia commemorating 20 years since its accession to the EU and NATO in 2024, it is foreseeable that new disinformation narratives will emerge, becoming significant aspects of societal and political discourse. Therefore, there is an urgent need for research on narratives surrounding the current presentation of the military conflict in Ukraine. Utilizing qualitative content analysis, our study concentrates on identifying the most dominant narratives related to the military conflict in Ukraine, given its proximity as the eastern neighbor of post-communist Slovakia. We conducted our research within the framework of five of the most popular pro-Russian disinformation websites in Slovakia, which have been considered dominant tools of Russian media propaganda in the country in recent years. Our findings shed light on the nature of disinformation and pro-Russian narratives during the time of the military conflict in Ukraine, calling for acute and effective solutions that can engage a wide audience as effectively as pro-Russian agents (not only) in Slovakia.

The Russian Federation allocates significant government funds for the development of the defence industry in order to successfully support the military conflict in Ukraine. In order to support the war effort, the Moscow authorities have ordered measures to strengthen the domestic defence industry, while at the same time purchasing certain military and dual-use products from strategic partners such as China, the Islamic Republic of Iran, North Korea, in order to cope with the sanctions imposed by the Euro-Atlantic states. The Russian Federation’s main strategic partner in Asia is China, which has given the necessary military aid to the Moscow authorities to support the military conflict in Ukraine, although the Beijing authorities are declaring that they support neutrality and a balanced approach to this war illegally waged by the Russian Federation in Ukraine. The defence industry of the Russian Federation is capable of sustaining the military conflict in Ukraine in the long term, benefiting from research and development capabilities of military products and technologies, including on the basis of technological support received from China. In this context, it is necessary to take measures at the level of the Euro-Atlantic states to reduce the resilience of the Russian Federation’s defence industry, including by adopting additional sanctions against the Russian Federation and its allies, which would have a direct impact in reducing the production of military equipment and munitions.

The Russian Federation allocates significant government funds for the development of the defence industry in order to successfully support the military conflict in Ukraine. In order to support the war effort, the Moscow authorities have ordered measures to strengthen the domestic defence industry, while at the same time purchasing certain military and dual-use products from strategic partners such as China, the Islamic Republic of Iran, North Korea, in order to cope with the sanctions imposed by the Euro-Atlantic states. The Russian Federation’s main strategic partner in Asia is China, which has given the necessary military aid to the Moscow authorities to support the military conflict in Ukraine, although the Beijing authorities are declaring that they support neutrality and a balanced approach to this war illegally waged by the Russian Federation in Ukraine. The defence industry of the Russian Federation is capable of sustaining the military conflict in Ukraine in the long term, benefiting from research and development capabilities of military products and technologies, including on the basis of technological support received from China. In this context, it is necessary to take measures at the level of the Euro-Atlantic states to reduce the resilience of the Russian Federation’s defence industry, including by adopting additional sanctions against the Russian Federation and its allies, which would have a direct impact in reducing the production of military equipment and munitions.