Intergenerational dynamics of migrants' family memory: global trends and Russian specifics

The article is based on the results of questioning and interviewing representatives of the first, one and a half and second generations of migrants in the Lipetsk region. On the basis of praxeological and transnational approaches, the family memory of migrants was considered as a configuration of relevant narratives and practices that simultaneously take into account the historical cultures of the country of origin and the host society. Family commemorations play an important role in the construction of the identity of migrant communities in the Russian provinces. The study revealed the persistence of the factor of family and compatriot relations as the main reason for choosing the place of resettlement. Analysis of the results of the survey and interviewing indicates a high level of openness of the first, one and a half and second generations of migrants in relation to the Russian language and secular holidays in Russia. At the same time, migrants continue to consider the religious holidays of the country of origin and belonging to the diaspora as markers of their identity. The study showed that migrants continue to actively oppose the images of the host society and the country of origin, which indicates the coexistence of communities of memory of local residents and migrants as "parallel" to each other. Significant differences between the generations of migrants in assessing the change in lifestyle after migration, in the level of involvement in the religious traditions of the country of origin, in the subject of nostalgia were revealed.

The article explores the phenomenon of collective trauma related to the historical experience of the forced relocation of the Churapchians during the Great Patriotic War and its transformation into a resource for forming resilient life strategies. Based on sociological research and analysis of commemorative practices (family narratives, institutional forms of commemoration, media channels), it examines how the traumatic experience endured by the first generation of migrants is processed into socially adaptive qualities in subsequent generations. Special attention is given to the mechanisms of "trauma processing" and its role in shaping collective identity, social solidarity, and a high level of patriotic sentiment among the residents of the village of Churapcha. The conclusions of the study are of significant interest for further research in the field of memory sociology, intergenerational studies, and the study of the ethno-cultural diversity of Russian society. The study employs the methodology of cultural trauma by P. Sztompka; the theory of cultural memory developed by A. Assmann; and the theory of "social frames of memory" by M. Halbwachs. The empirical basis of the research consists of the results of a sociological survey of 250 descendants of migrants and 100 residents of the village of Churapcha, materials from in-depth interviews with residents of the village of Bakhsy, and archival data. The main conclusions of the study are that the historical experience of forced relocation has a significant and lasting impact on the life strategies of descendants, manifesting in their social adaptation, professional self-identification, and migration attitudes. In the process of intergenerational transmission, this experience transforms: the traumatic narratives of the first generation of Churapchian migrants evolve into adaptive strategies in the second and are integrated into the ethno-cultural identity of the third. The formation of these resilient strategies is determined by family memory, social support, an emphasis on education, and a combination of traditional and modern values. Ultimately, the historical experience is reinterpreted in collective memory, transforming from vulnerability into a resource for adaptation, which indicates the mechanism of "trauma processing" into socially adaptive qualities.

The article is based on the findings of a field study conducted in Norway from 2008 to 2017. The focus group consisted of second-generation Lithuania migrants living in Norway. Transnationalism is one of the most promising concepts in anthropology in addressing contemporary migration. Transnationalism argues the changing nature of contemporary migration (when compared with the previous waves of migration in history). Contemporary migration is seen as intensive and simultaneous being “here” and “there” (in the country of origin and the host country). However, the identity construction in the second-generation migrants is seen as different if compared with the first generation. Critics of transnationalism see the second generation of migrants as a weak chain theoretically. According to them, previous concepts of assimilation and integration could be employed again in understanding identity construction of the second generation. A short analysis of the data from the field study of the second generation of migrants from Lithuania in Norway raises the question of whether transnationalism is inappropriate to explain the processes in the second generation of migrants. Surprisingly, it is evident that contrary to the claims of the critics of transnationalism, the second generation of migrants does not directly assimilate into the host society (Norway), and Lithuania remains a significant resource of identity. Even if second-generation migrants see themselves strongly connected with Norway both practically and emotionally (active participation in Norwegian society), at the same time Lithuania is considered more as a domain of emotions. In most cases, second-generation migrants seem to be active participants in Norwegian society. They understand Norwegian society better (if compared to the first generation), so it is natural that they want to be formally recognised as Norwegian citizens. To them, Lithuania is a country of holidays, grandparents, and entertainment. However, even in this case, we encounter a certain tension between being a Norwegian and a Lithuanian. The respondents speak of a certain duality or hybridity of identities when one does not want to be entirely Norwegian or entirely Lithuanian. However, although people note that both identities are equally important, they choose to become Norwegian citizens, because Norway is the country where they live and they feel better informed about its current affairs.

The problem of comparative study of socialization in the commemorative field of the family and the state is posed on the example of generations of immigrants and internal migrants. The parallel existence of discourses of family and official historical memory is stated. Based on a wide range of sources, common elements are identified in the family socialization of young generations and in the integration of “newcomers” by the state. The unifying mechanism is the “gift exchange” known to anthropologists and philosophers. It is proved that it is an important component of the worldview of immigrants and internal migrants of different generations, as well as official state narratives about the past. The hypothesis is proposed that full integration consists in the formation of a willingness to engage in a centuries-old exchange between this family and the state. Symbolic exchange, as in the case of socialization through family memory, should be beneficial to the family, and not to the state with the idea of sacrifice in its name. Thus, according to the authors, it is possible to overcome symbolic borders that are an obstacle to the integration of different generations of immigrants and internal migrants into the all-Russian commemorative space.

Taking migration as the point of departure and biographical narratives as the entry to the formation of the religious self and the texture of religious life, I draw from four key narratives – one each from the Christian, Islamic, Hindu and Chinese religious/Buddhist traditions – to examine how religion intersects with migration in migrant and religious journeys. I conceptualize migration as an intergenerational process, transcending the physicality of the actual move through lived experience in the web of collective narratives, transmitted through family memory on the one hand, and official state narratives on the other. Hence, I also draw these four narratives from different migrant generations, located in different registers of migrant temporality and state policies and politics. In exploring their attempts to make sense of their migrant lives in the changing contexts of time and place, specific migrant generations use specific religious idioms to create particular narratives of the religious migrant self. In the article, I highlight the encounter with other gods in the making of the religious self, as well as differences in the way religion travels. This portability of religion in a world of migration has been one reason, I suggest, for the failure of the secularization thesis to gain traction in the contemporary world.

BackgroundFirst generation migrants are reportedly at higher risk of mental ill-health compared to the settled population. This paper systematically reviews and synthesizes all reviews on the mental health of first generation migrants in order to appraise the risk factors for, and explain differences in, the mental health of this population.MethodsScientific databases were searched for systematic reviews (inception-November 2015) which provided quantitative data on the mental ill-health of first generation migrants and associated risk factors. Two reviewers screened titles, abstracts and full text papers for their suitability against pre-specified criteria, methodological quality was assessed.ResultsOne thousand eight hundred twenty articles were identified, eight met inclusion criteria, which were all moderate or low quality. Depression was mostly higher in first generation migrants in general, and in refugees/asylum seekers when analysed separately. However, for both groups there was wide variation in prevalence rates, from 5 to 44 % compared with prevalence rates of 8–12 % in the general population. Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder prevalence was higher for both first generation migrants in general and for refugees/asylum seekers compared with the settled majority. Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder prevalence in first generation migrants in general and refugees/ asylum seekers ranged from 9 to 36 % compared with reported prevalence rates of 1–2 % in the general population. Few studies presented anxiety prevalence rates in first generation migrants and there was wide variation in those that did. Prevalence ranged from 4 to 40 % compared with reported prevalence of 5 % in the general population. Two reviews assessed the psychotic disorder risk, reporting this was two to three times more likely in adult first generation migrants. However, one review on the risk of schizophrenia in refugees reported similar prevalence rates (2 %) to estimates of prevalence among the settled majority (3 %). Risk factors for mental ill-health included low Gross National Product in the host country, downward social mobility, country of origin, and host country.ConclusionFirst generation migrants may be at increased risk of mental illness and public health policy must account for this and influencing factors. High quality research in the area is urgently needed as is the use of culturally specific validated measurement tools for assessing migrant mental health.Electronic supplementary materialThe online version of this article (doi:10.1186/s12992-016-0187-3) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.

Understanding the housing and residential mobility of migrant populations is crucial to facilitate their integration into host societies. Yet, little is known about their experiences across generations, origin groups, and country contexts. This study investigates residential mobility and housing changes among immigrants and their descendants in five European countries (United Kingdom, France, Germany, Switzerland, and Sweden) with different housing markets and migrant populations. Using longitudinal data from 2010 to 2019, we first compare the risk of a residential move across migrant generations, origins groups, and host countries. We then study the propensity to move to different housing tenure types (i.e., homeownership, private renting, and social renting). We find distinct patterns of residential moves among migrant generations and origin groups. First, immigrants’ residential mobility levels vary across origin groups and country contexts. However, we generally find lower mobility for the second generation compared to the first in all groups. Second, in all countries, immigrants, especially from non-European countries, are less likely to move to homeownership and more likely to move to social or private renting than the native populations. Some of the differences decline across migrant generations, however, we still find lower levels of mobility to homeownership and a higher propensity of moving to social renting among some descendant groups. This study sheds light on persistent differences in residential mobility and housing patterns among immigrants and their descendants in Europe and contributes to a better understanding of the role of the country context in assimilation of housing behaviour and perpetuating housing inequalities.

In Australia, 1.5 generation migrants (those who migrated as children) often enter a new cultural and religious environment, with its own set of constructs of sexual and reproductive health (SRH), at a crucial time in their psychosexual development—puberty/adolescence. Therefore, 1.5 generation migrants may thus have to contend with constructions of SRH from at least two cultures which may be at conflict on the matter. This study was designed to investigate the role of culture and religion on sexual and reproductive health indicators and help-seeking amongst 1.5 generation migrants. An online survey was completed by 111 participants who answered questions about their cultural connectedness, religion, sexual and reproductive health and help-seeking. Kruskall-Wallis tests were used to analyse the data. There was no significant difference between ethnocultural groups or levels of cultural connectedness in relation to sexual and reproductive health help-seeking attitudes. The results do suggest differences between religious groups in regard to seeking help specifically from participants’ parents. Notably, participants who reported having ‘no religion’ were more likely to seek help with sexual and reproductive health matters from their parent(s). Managing cross-cultural experiences is often noted in the extant literature as a barrier to sexual and reproductive health help-seeking. However, while cultural norms of migrants’ country of origin can remain strong, it is religion that seems to have more of an impact on how 1.5 generation migrants seek help for SRH issues. The findings suggest that 1.5 generation migrants may not need to adapt their religious beliefs or practices, despite entering a new ethnocultural environment. Given that religion can play a role in the participants’ sexual and reproductive health, religious organizations are well-placed to encourage young migrants to adopt help-seeking attitudes.

Diaspora 12:1 2003 The 1.5 Generation of Russian Immigrants in Israel: Between Integration and Sociocultural Retention Larissa Remennick Bar-Ilan University Introduction Consecutive immigrant generations and the process of their incorporation into host societies are emerging as a new focus of interest in the contemporary sociology of migration (Portes and Zhou; Portes and Schauffler; Portes and Rumbaut; Rumbaut and Portes). The bulk of the evidence from different countries and on various types of migration (ethnic return migration, labor migration , asylum seeking) shows a significant tendency to ethnic and cultural retention in the first generation of adult migrants (Alba and Nee; Rumbaut, “Assimilation”; Rumbaut and Portes). When these migrants assimilate at all, the process is usually partial and segmented, that is, the adjustment in some life realms (in the workplace , in educational and other public institutions) is more effective and expedient than in other, more private ones (family life, personal relationships, consumption patterns). In response to these observations , the concept of integration (instrumental adaptation to the host society while retaining the minority’s own ethnocultural core) emerged in modern migration discourse to replace the traditional assimilation perspective in research on first-generation migrants (Nauck; Remennick, “What Does”). Recent research among newly formed ethnic minorities in Europe and North America has shown that the pace of their integration is largely determined by the social capital they are endowed with, most importantly education, professional experience, and proficiency in the host language (Grillo; Nauck; Portes and Rumbaut). These personal resources allow recent migrants to develop biculturalbilingual identity and lifestyle over time, combining features of their home and host cultures (Berry; Portes and Schauffler; Nauck). The pace of integration is also determined by the attitudes and policies toward immigrants adopted by the host society; these can result in consensus, tension, or conflict. In response to exclusion and discrimination, immigrant communities may develop the reactive ethnicity syndrome, refusing to integrate even at the cost of marginalization and lost opportunities for upward social mobility (Portes and Rumbaut). 39 Diaspora 12:1 2003 It was commonly expected by migration theorists of the past (see Rumbaut, “Assimilation”; Neuwirth; Portes and Rumbaut) that integration should and probably would accelerate in the second generation , while the third and subsequent generations would in all likelihood reach a state of total assimilation (i.e., dissolution into the host country’s majority). However, this traditional linear model of assimilation has recently been challenged by new trends that have emergedasparadoxesofglobalization:increasedmigrationaccompanied by a revival of ethnicity and fortification of transnational ethnic diasporas. Contrary to all forecasts, second- and third-generation immigrants often reclaim their ethnic roots and reestablish social and economic links with their long-lost homelands. Reflecting this reality, some social theorists envision a new multicultural society emerging on the intersection of the global and the local, with a mosaic of ethnic languages and lifestyles preserved in some fashion and to various degrees, or even enhanced (Grillo; Vertovec). A common flaw of current research on immigrant generations is that the divide between them is too crude, overlooking significant variance in the pace and quality of integration between members of the same formal “generation” who moved to the host country at different phases of the life cycle. Clearly, there is a substantial difference in the experiences of migrants who arrive as children, as adolescents, as young adults, in middle age, or as older adults, even if they all technically belong to the first generation of immigrants. Recent studies among first-generation immigrants in Israel, Germany , and the United States have pointed to the age at migration as a salient determinant of integration through its influence on such factors as host language learning, opportunities for education, occupational success, and social inclusion in the host society (Leshem and Lissak, “Development”; Nauck; Steinbach; Gold, “Soviet Jews”; Remennick, “What Does”). Of special interest is the integration process among the so-called 1.5 generation, that is, immigrants who move to the host country as older children and adolescents, having spent part of their formative years in the country of origin. So far, few special studies have analyzed the experiences of young migrants from this standpoint; most that have done so focused on Asian youth in the United...

This article examines how works in Brian Castro's Shanghai Dancing as way of challenging notion of identity confined within and community. Shanghai Dancing is seventh book by Brian Castro, who currently lives and teaches in Adelaide. was written over eight years and was refused by Australian publishing agents several times. eventually, ivor indyk at Giramondo press, who has helped Castro publish several of his books, put this book into print, and recommends as Castro's most important work (sullivan, qtd. in Brennan 1). i regard as his most representative book, in that not only challenges conventional ways of writing by contesting genres of fiction and autobiography, but also demonstrates relations between memory and identity. Quoting from Castro's own words about memory and self in Shanghai Dancing, this paper is interested in discussing how fictional autobiography can contest notion of identity defined by ethnicity and nationality. examines Castro's representations of based on theory of cosmopolitanism, and borrowing light from daniel Levy and natan sznaider's definition of (Levy and sznaider).THE NOTION OF COSMOPOLITAN MEMORYMaurice Halbwachs has argued that it is in society that people normally acquire their memories. is also in society that they recall, recognize, and localize their (38). Under trend of globalization, representations of collective memories have transcended borders and become what is called memory. in Shanghai Dancing, family memories of Castro's central characters Antonio and Arnaldo interweave and merge into global historical events dating back as early as year 1639, when the portuguese were evicted from Japan (Castro, Writing Asia 103), as depicted in novel. Castro does not intend to only represent his family memories, but rather how these memories crack of nation and ethnicity, and how transnational remembrances contribute to formation of cosmopolitan memory.What is cosmopolitan memory? What is its relation with collective memory? How is cosmopolitan memory represented in Shanghai Dancing? How does cosmopolitan memory inf luence understandings of identity in novel? As Levy and sznaider argue, there is recent trend called internal (quoting Beck et al. 88) through which global concerns become part of local experiences of an increasing number of people. Based on this, Levy further proposes cosmopolitan memory as different kind of memory, a memory transcending ethnic and national boundaries (88). About relationships between cosmopolitan memory and collective memory, Levy and sznaider argue that conventional concept of collective memory is embedded within of nation-state while this container is in process of being slowly cracked (88). they argue,Our central objective is to trace decoupling of collective memory and national history. national and ethnic memories are transformed in age of globalization rather than erased. they continue to exist, of course, but globalization processes also imply that different national memories are subjected to common patterning. [. . .] new, global narrative has to be reconciled with old, national narratives; and result is always distinctive. (89)The definition of cosmopolitan memory, of course, should be related to notion of cosmopolitanism. Remaining problematic term that is still undergoing questionable re-definition, there is some consensus on original meaning and philosophical references of cosmopolitanism. derived from Greek words for world (cosmos) and city (polis), refers to a man without fixed abode, or better, man who is nowhere stranger (pheng Cheah 4, 297). Cheah comments that term's philosophical usage, to refer to citizen of universe, however, emphasizes that this intellectual ethos or spirit is not one of rootlessness (487). …

The Networked Diaspora: Bulgarian Migrants on Facebook

In the context of current demographic situation in Russia, migration is considered one of the most efficient ways of population maintenance if not upsurge. Labour migrants coming to Russia are mostly young people. Moreover, in recent years, the youth who grew up in migrant families — the so called second generation migrants, the 1.5 generation migrants, and migrants of other more fractional categories — are becoming increasingly important. According to the international research, migration plans of these groups of young people can, to a varying extent, include the intentions to return to their or their parents’ country of origin, higher instability being their distinctive feature. In light of this, the issue of the-youth-with-migrant-background’s willingness to plan their future in Russia and, thus, their potential to be the resource for correcting the demographic situation is getting urgent. Basing on qualitative interviews and online surveys, this article considers the issue of how various groups of youth with a migrant background view plans of their future life in Russia and what these plans are connected with. Less than a half of the first generation migrants are willing to stay in Russia, whereas the majority of the second and 1.5 generation migrants plan to live in Russia in future. The factors associated with orientation towards Russia are the respondents’ age at their first migration to Russia and at the moment of the survey, social ties and identification attitudes. They are significant for both groups. However, there are differences as well: for migrants of the second and 1.5 generations the age at their migration to Russia is less important than their feeling of belonging to Russia, whereas these are legal statuses and documents that are decisive for the first generation migrants. Nonetheless, migration plans among youth with migrant a background are malleable, which opens up the receiving state’s opportunities to attract and retain this group

In the context of current demographic situation in Russia, migration is considered one of the most efficient ways of population maintenance if not upsurge. Labour migrants coming to Russia are mostly young people. Moreover, in recent years, the youth who grew up in migrant families — the so called second generation migrants, the 1.5 generation migrants, and migrants of other more fractional categories — are becoming increasingly important. According to the international research, migration plans of these groups of young people can, to a varying extent, include the intentions to return to their or their parents’ country of origin, higher instability being their distinctive feature. In light of this, the issue of the-youth-withmigrant-background’s willingness to plan their future in Russia and, thus, their potential to be the resource for correcting the demographic situation is getting urgent. Basing on qualitative interviews and online surveys, this article considers the issue of how various groups of youth with a migrant background view plans of their future life in Russia and what these plans are connected with. Less than a half of the first generation migrants are willing to stay in Russia, whereas the majority of the second and 1.5 generation migrants plan to live in Russia in future. The factors associated with orientation towards Russia are the respondents’ age at their first migration to Russia and at the moment of the survey, social ties and identification attitudes. They are significant for both groups. However, there are differences as well: for migrants of the second and 1.5 generations the age at their migration to Russia is less important than their feeling of belonging to Russia, whereas these are legal statuses and documents that are decisive for the first generation migrants. Nonetheless, migration plans among youth with migrant a background are malleable, which opens up the receiving state’s opportunities to attract and retain this group.

Inside the family, all individuals define their identity in relation to previous generations (those calling them to life), the present ones (those they share their life with), and the future ones (to whom they give life). This intergenerational exchange plays important educational roles: it fosters a sense of belonging and identification, promotes dialogue, and guarantees the passing down of ethical orientations. In addition to feelings of security and reliance on others, family memory creates a matrix that gives people a placement in the world, a sort of existential code through which to be located in existence. Fostering the habit of memory-making becomes therefore a major educational imperative, which however is not without challenges. The present contribution will consider those phenomena which can give rise to a weakening of bonds between generations and a growing exclusion of the ethical value of family heritage. The educational perspective that will be drawn is that of building a sense of alliance between generations, without being locked only on those aspects of psychological functioning or emotional ones. In order to explore the role of family heritage across the whole of a family life cycle, the article focuses on the identity and relational dynamics that come into being during a crucial phase that repeats itself across generations, i.e. the transition to parenthood and thus the arrival of a new family member. The reflections developed around the symbolic value of this transition will draw on the results of a qualitative research, conducted in order to analyze the ethical heritage passing through the bond between generations and to understand how the enhancement of an intergenerational pact may restore the ethical depth of parenting.

Purpose Preserving personal and family memories is central to maintaining identity, fostering emotional continuity and strengthening intergenerational bonds, particularly in an era marked by mobility, digitalisation and changing family dynamics. The purpose of this paper is to introduce Perpetua, a multi-platform digital storytelling system developed to enhance intergenerational communication between grandparents and grandchildren. It aims to address challenges posed by geographic dispersion, evolving family structures and technological barriers by enabling the preservation and sharing of personal and family narratives in a meaningful and emotionally resonant way. Design/methodology/approach The system was designed using a participatory design methodology involving older and younger adults in iterative co-design sessions, focus groups and usability testing. The agile development process supported the refinement of functionalities and interface design to ensure accessibility, emotional relevance and ease of use across generations. The platform supports creating, organising and accessing stories in video, audio and image formats via mobile devices and smart TVs. Findings Findings from participatory activities and usability testing highlight a strong preference among older users for asynchronous communication and intuitive, low-pressure interaction modalities. Participants valued themed prompts, multimodal recording options and the emotional connection facilitated by storytelling. The project resulted in several key outputs, including a functioning medium-fidelity prototype, a narrative theme library and a user-friendly interface tailored for intergenerational engagement. Originality/value Perpetua represents an innovative application of digital storytelling to support active ageing, digital inclusion and emotional continuity in intergenerational relationships. By combining participatory design with a focus on emotional design and asynchronous communication, the system offers a novel approach to bridging generational divides through technology.