Information Seeking, Information Repackaging, and Storytelling Techniques of Indonesian "Storytelling Youtuber"

Information repackaging is one of the library's efforts to meet users' information needs in the new normal era. Libraries need to prepare various strategies in providing repackaging products as a library service innovation. This research aimed to describe various aspects and stages of library strategy design in information repackaging in the New normal era. The research used a qualitative approach through literature studies research methods. The results showed that libraries and librarians in the new normal era needed to pay attention to various aspects and stages in designing a digital information repackaging strategy. Aspects of the information repackaging strategy include determining the source of packaging information, types of information repackaging products, and information repackaging methods. Libraries carry out information repackaging strategies by making information repackaging the library’s flagship program and the librarian's main job, understanding the information behavior of the library's native digital users, disseminating digital information packages through social media and collaborative networks, changing the librarian’s role into social librarians and public knowledge and implementing a Marketing and Public Relations (MPR) strategy to disseminate information repackaged products to users. The head of the library plays an important role in supporting librarians in carrying out information repackaging activities. This research concludes that the librarian strategy of repacking information in the new normal era is needed to improve library services that are more creative, interactive, and innovative, in accordance with the user's information needs.

In recent years, tremendous progress has been made toward providing health information in Africa, in part because of technological advancements. Nevertheless, ensuring that information is accessible, comprehensible, and usable remains problematic, and there remain needs in many settings to address issues such as computer skills, literacy, and the infrastructure to access information. To determine how librarians might play a more strategic role in meeting information needs of health professionals in Africa, the author reviewed key components of information systems pertinent to knowledge management for the health sector, including access to global online resources, capacity to use computer technology for information retrieval, information literacy, and the potential for professional networks to play a role in improving access to and use of information. The author concluded that, in regions that lack adequate information systems, librarians could apply their knowledge and skills to facilitate access and use by information seekers. Ensuring access to and use of health information can also be achieved by engaging organizations and associations working to enhance access to health information, such as the Association for Health Information and Libraries in Africa. These groups can provide assistance through training, dissemination, information repackaging, and other approaches known to improve information literacy.

Adequate access and effective use of information is succinctly linked to sustainable development and empowerment of rural women. Analysis of the situation reveals that Nigerian rural women face marginalization as far as information access is concerned. This chapter identified some channels and preferred sources of information for the rural women with their inherent challenges. Some implications were also discussed ranging from exploitation and trafficking of women, inability to access and harness agriculture and health information, credit facilities and government programs. Some challenges of information provision to rural women as identified include lack of basic infrastructure, poverty, illiteracy, culture, and religion. The study recommended some strategies for improvement as regards quality access to information: establishment of vibrant public libraries in rural areas, continuous research on information seeking behaviour of rural women, information repackaging, provision of adult educational centres. The chapter concluded that neglect of rural women can only portend danger

Information repackaging is an information service that allows users to access information content more easily, quickly, anytime, and anywhere. This study aimed to explain the process of repackaging industrial tree information based on Google Sites at PDDI LIPI. This study used the literature study method by collecting relevant references and participatory observation. The study results showed that repackaging industrial tree information was an activity of repackaging information, changing sources of journal article information into other forms that were more suitable for users, namely website-based digital information. The industrial tree is an information package that aims to provide an overview of a particular topic with primary commodities and supporting commodities. The activity of the information repackaging process based on Google Sites consists of a series of stages starting from determining the primary commodity of information, searching or searching for information sources, information storage, information analysis, designing the structure or information scheme of commodity utilization, and ending with repackaging information using Google Sites. In conclusion, the author can describe a series of stages of the information repackaging process through the creation of a website-based industrial tree using Google Sites as a means of implementation, starting from 1) Needs analysis; 2) Determining user profiles, target audiences, packaging forms and make scheduling and costs; 3) Determine and identify the purpose of packaging information; 4) Selecting, selecting and determining library sources; 5) Determine the strategy for finding sources of information; 6) Determine the location of information and access to media use; 7) Industrial tree repackaging process; 8) Controlling and monitoring; 9) Establish an information packaging dissemination system; 10) Distribution of information packaging; 11) Reviews, and 12) Evaluation.

L'article compare le cout de la recherche d'information dans les environnements en ligne et physique. Il etudie egalement les effets des facteurs personnels et des variables du systeme sur le nombre de sites web visites et le temps passe sur chaque site. Le marche en ligne a transforme les consommateurs en utilisateurs d'ordinateur, remplacant l'effort physique par un effort cognitif qui peut empecher de rechercher davantage d'information.

The contemporary world is without any doubts based on using information from a plenty of information sources generally and E-based information sources especially. The Web can be considered a good representative of E-information source. Today, the Web is a medium which allows remote, fast and easy access to information. In general, the main aim of the Web is to allow people to share information. Information can be distributed over the whole world but users do not need to care about it. The architecture of the Web was proposed to be simple and undemanding. The Web is loosely coupled. It means minimum coordination between client and server is required. Their communication is based on a simple request and response transaction (Shirky, C., 2002) The Web focuses on information activities – like Information Needs, Seeking and Use (INSU) – on various professional and other everyday life settings. There are very few INSU studies that are based on individual tasks. Most studies, and especially those which relate INSU to task complexity, have considered the phenomenon studied on the basis of jobs (i.e., as a host of certain tasks) (e.g., Tiamiyu, 1992; Culnan, 1983, Hart & Rice, 1991; Van de Ven & Ferry, 1980). In this respect, the present study covers an area that has not previously been addressed within INSU research. Since no conceptual model concentrates sufficiently clearly on the aspects of tasks and INSU, one was created to serve the present work (Bystrom K., & Jarvelin, 1995; Bystrom K., 1996; Bystrom K., 1997, Bystrom K,, 1999). An illustrative pyramid diagram as per Bystrom, (Bystrom K.,1999) for the information activities is presented in Figure 1. Each corner of the pyramid represents one of the four main dimensions emphasised in information activities. One corner of the pyramid is occupied by the means of information seeking (e.g., information systems, information services, information seeking channels and information sources), another by information (e.g., type of information, content of information, usability of information), a third by individuals (e.g., cognitive styles, information seeking styles, information profiles, and demographic factors), and a fourth by contexts (e.g., aspects of work organizations, jobs, individual tasks, and everyday life situations). In the following sections we focus our attention on one corner of pyramid from Figure. 1, only. The selected corner is means of information seeking and from this problem point of view there are information sources represented by the Web. 19

There is a critical need for an updated, more comprehensive, and integrated conceptual model to help health care providers, patients, and consumers, as well as researchers using this theoretical model, to better understand health information, communication, and information seeking of patients and consumers. My colleagues and I have developed such a model, based on an ongoing research agenda and empirical data provided by pilot studies in the area of breast cancer. However, this expanded model is now developed in such a manner that based on deliberations with experts in other clinical disciplines such as arthritis and diabetes, it is likely it can at least be tested with patients diagnosed and consumers at risk for these diseases. A situation recently unfolded in my neighbourhood which vividly illustrates the need for this conceptual model. It also illustrates how the model is useful beyond the area of breast cancer information. A 51-year-old, college-educated, married, mother of seven children sat down to read a popular women's magazine for a few minutes while she waited for her physician husband to come home from work. As she scanned the magazine she came across an article about the warning signs of ovarian cancer. As she read the article, she became engrossed in its details because she recognized the signs and symptoms discussed and realized she had experienced each of them. Her pulse raced as she began to realize that what she had attributed to perhaps the aging process and a hectic lifestyle could in reality be ovarian cancer. When her husband came home they discussed the issue, and the next day she made an appointment with her personal physician. A number of tests were ordered, a large abdominal mass was found, and surgery was ordered. This woman has terminal ovarian cancer. In a span of 10 days, her life and that of her family has changed dramatically based on her reading of a journal that prompted her to seek medical care. This is not a unique experience; such scenarios likely occur with hundreds, if not thousands, of individuals around the globe. However, as a researcher who examines health information use, especially as it relates to health care decision-making, I noted many implications from this experience that can inform health communication research. First, health information is not always intentionally sought, yet it may be used and have profound consequences. This requires consideration of the existence, role, and importance of 'passive' receipt of information vs. 'active' information seeking. My neighbour casually came across important information in a magazine written for the general public. The recent professional emphasis on 'Health Information Seeking Behaviour' must take into account that some individuals, who have no intent of seeking health information, come across such information as they go about their activities of daily living. Second, the information received came from traditional print media, not the 'new media,' such as the world wide web, that are so frequently cited as playing a major role in health information. This underscores the need for a comprehensive view of health information sources that recognizes not only 'high tech' or 'new media' sources, but also those that are traditional and easily accessible. Third, in this case an educated, economically upper class woman received her health information through a medium aimed at women of all educational and socio-economic classes. Given the current emphasis in the health care professions on targeting 'at risk' populations, it is important to recognize that while personal variables such as socio-economic status play a role in information use, contextual issues, such as relaxing with a popular magazine vs. accessing a medical journal or website, are also important influences. In 2001, together with colleagues Patrick and Kruse, I published an article titled 'The natural history of the use of healthcare information by women with breast cancer: a conceptual model.'1 The objective of the paper was to fill a significant knowledge gap, as a review of the literature at that time revealed a paucity of empirical studies using a strong conceptual framework or model that could provide the vital theoretical underpinnings for studies of health information use and communication, especially in understanding patient decision-making, and provide a context in which to analyse and interpret empirical data. More is known today, because of the efforts of many groups including the journal Health Expectations2,3 and in the United States, the National Cancer Institute's 'Health Information Service,'4–6 but far more work is needed. Noting the lack of a strong conceptual model using a broad spectrum of health, we developed the model first described in that 2001 paper. The first conceptual model1 illustrated the theoretical underpinnings of our approach and provides a context in which to analyse and interpret the results. In fact the National Cancer Institute's 'Health Information Service'5 cites this model as one of three viable models of health information seeking behaviour together with those of Johnson.17 Our model depicted the interrelationships among the various personal and situational factors that comprise the patient's information environment and different phases of her use of various types of information to make decisions about her own health care. We were heavily influenced by components of the Health Belief Model (HBM),7,8 the awareness-to-adherence model of physician adoption of clinical guideline information,9 and the patient practice variation theory I published in 1993.10 In an effort to test our model first published in 1991, we collected data from a total of 121 women who had previously been diagnosed with breast cancer and consented to participate in our survey. The pilot study was approved by the University of Missouri Health Sciences Institutional Review Board. The survey was conducted with patients in the Kansas City area, Columbia and mid-Missouri, and the Newark, New Jersey, area. Following the conceptual model initially developed, there was a logical progression of answers one would expect. For example, if a woman said she was not aware of health information related to breast cancer, one would not expect her to later say that health information influenced her decisions about her personal health care. An initial data analysis indicated that the expected logical pattern was not always followed. In fact only 73 of the women surveyed followed the expected pattern, with 48 not following the pattern. In an effort to better understand this potential validity problem, we took a two-step approach. First, we conducted a focus group meeting with the staff involved in patient interviews and those who worked on model development to review and discuss the detailed notes taken during the time of the interviews. We then re-contacted a sample of these women for whom our nurse interviewer had sufficiently detailed notes regarding the women's medical situation and use of health information. What we found was that the initial model had a number of flaws. Perhaps the most notable was the explicit lack of recognition of the role that the 'passive receipt' of information played in the process. For example, like the woman in the vignette above, a number of women did not intentionally seek health information. This finding is consistent with the work of Carlsson11, who reports that 'patients actively sought information to a limited degree, but the majority of patients take an interest when cancer issues are presented in newspapers and magazines, or on radio and television. A more passive information seeking strategy was common in her study of Swedish cancer patients, especially among those with lower educational levels.11 Many women in our study also came across information while they read the newspaper, read magazines, listened to radio shows, watched television, or simply spoke with others about their cancer diagnosis and treatment. So these women initially answered that they were not aware of such information, but ultimately health information became available and was in many cases very useful. In other cases, subjects may have thought only about media as sources as health information, but did not view direct communication with their physician or nurse as a source of information. Finally, there were inconsistencies introduced by the lack of a specific time frame to recall the cancer experience; this was especially true for long-term survivors. These further investigations clarified the need for more explicit wording in the survey instrument and the related conceptual model, as well as further development of the model to take into account both active and passive receipt of health information. This is now detailed in the expanded conceptual model depicted on page 4. As a further test, we conducted yet another survey using the model's revised instrument with 14 patients; consistently the logical patterns one would expect were found in all cases. Finally, consistent with the approaches taken by Cowin12 and Ouitmet et al.,13 we convened a focus group of experts in health communications, health services research, biostatistics, and nursing who in reviewing the data along with the supporting documentation determined that the revised model has both face and internal validity. Our experience shows the necessity of further work in the development, dissemination, and testing of conceptual models that assist in the understanding of this important development in the history and evolution of the role of patients in their own care. Additionally, we also need to better understand the nature, type, source, and use of health information by healthy consumers, including those with a known risk for various diseases, given our advances in knowledge of genetics and the role of family history in disease. Thus, I propose that we include but differentiate 'patients' and 'consumers' in any such models (Fig. 1). Expanded conceptual model of health information seeking behaviors and the use of information for health care decisions. Johnson14 cites Summers et al.,15 who in reporting about the critical nature of cancer-related information seeking, describe information seeking as 'the result of a complex set of interactions among multiple variables each with different capabilities to predict information use'15 and propose the need for good theory that promotes deeper understanding of the issues involved.14 Bower and Bilbody16 write that 'models are abstract representations of complex areas' and cite the original work of Siegler and Osmond,17 who describe models as 'inventions of the human mind to place facts, events and theories in an orderly manner. As such, they help place empirical data, research evidence, and systematic reviews in a broad perspective and 'can assist in the interpretation of evidence in a policy context … which may provide a more solid bridge between evidence and the policy context.'16 However, they also add that conceptual models must be continually evaluated; consequently, the proposed revised model is presented in this paper. A number of cautions are in order to fully understand this model. The model is indeed derived from the experience and reports of patients themselves. As such, it is consistent with a 'patient-centred' view of care, and may be useful in placing research findings in a broad patient perspective. However, when applied in an individual patient clinical setting, caution must be taken consistent with Barnett et al.,18 who write that a 'patient-centred approach must involve tailoring information to individual patient requirement' as 'it is difficult to predict how much information patients feel they need.' While it is widely recognized that appropriate information can increase knowledge, reduce anxiety and distress, reduce decisional conflict, and increase adherence to various regimens,15,16,19,20 many patients do not want any health information other than that provided by their personal physician. Friis et al.21 report this is more likely in the elderly, but it may also occur with other types of patients. For example, most studies focus on outpatients and little is known about the information needs of severely ill cancer patients treated in hospital.21 Therefore, the revised model takes these situations into account as some patients/consumers may decide not to access information. While the traditional medical perspective may not recognize such a view, a 'patient-centred' model must recognize patient needs and wants even when they are contrary to what the professional may view as necessary or helpful. Despite that fact that 'being informed and seeking information are discussed as society's expectations of today's cancer patient,'21 it may be in the best interests of a given patient to not seek information, 'as a strategy to maintain hope.' This also was identified in our study by at least one participant. The next step is more vigorous testing of the proposed model in various populations and cultures. This will provide not only important data for the model's enhancement, but also help us to better understand the current status of the use of health information by both patients and consumers, and clarify some of the confusion found in the current literature. For example, some articles point to the tremendous growth in health information and especially internet-based information,22 while others report that at least in the United States, as of 2001, only one-half of adults 'place a high priority on seeking health information.'23 Finally, Tu and Hargraves24 report that 'contrary to [the] popular belief that Americans avidly seek health information – especially on the internet – a majority of Americans in 2001 sought no information about health concerns, according to a Center for Health System Change study.' Interestingly, this study found that, like the woman in the above vignette, 'instead of surfing the internet, the 38% of Americans who did obtain health information relied more often on traditional sources such as books or magazines.' However, they report that level of education was shown to explain a large difference in health seeking information. While popular opinion and the reality of health information use are not yet consistent, it is anticipated that over time this situation will change as information increases, health awareness is heightened, literacy improves, education levels rise, and the consumer movement continues to evolve and mature. More rigorous studies using a model such as the one proposed here are needed as we attempt, as health professionals, to better understand patient and consumer desires for health information, how they will change over time, and how we must modify and develop new and more appropriate types of information that patients will use and find helpful as they face an illness, or simply wish to remain proactive in maintaining health.

BackgroundDigital media are increasingly abundant providing a wide scope of health information. To date, very little is known about parental health information seeking behaviour for child health outside of English-speaking and Nordic countries. Our study “Digital parental counsellors” examines how parents search for health information in digital media, print media and among “personal contacts”, distinguishing between the search for information about general child health and development and child’s acute illness, and comparing information seeking behaviour by disability status of the child.MethodsThe population-based sample consisted of 769 parents with children aged 0–2 in the German-speaking region of Switzerland returning the study questionnaire (30% response rate). We developed a frequency score of use of different information sources and conducted bivariate and multivariate linear regression analyses to describe parental search behaviour and the association with child’s disability status.ResultsThe sample consists of 88% mothers (mean age: 35.7 years SD 4.33). Children’s mean age is 16 months (SD 7.1), 49% of the children are female and 6% have a disability. Parents use digital media significantly more frequently to search for information about general health and development questions than about an acute child’s illness (p < 0.001). In case of acute child’s illness, parents refer to their paediatrician, family members and other personal contacts significantly more frequently than other information sources (p < 0.001). The use of digital media and “personal contacts” does not significantly vary between parents with and without a disabled child, whereas the use of print media does (p < 0.02). Moreover, irrespective of disability, 45% of parents resort to the Internet prior to a paediatric visit and 27% after a visit when a visit did not answer all questions.ConclusionsDespite the high prevalence of digital media, personal contacts are still the most frequent health information resource for parents with young children, irrespective of the child’s health. Parents combine all information resources (online, print, personal network) to improve their understanding or check the validity of information received regarding their child’s health. It is thus of utmost importance, that the increasingly accessed digital information parents search for is correct, understandable and addresses parent’s concerns.Trial registrationBASEC Req-2017-00817 (30 October 2017).

As the Internet has become one of the dominant sources of health information, online health information plays an important role for patients to acquire health knowledge and regulate their health behavior (European Commission, 2014). Researchers suggested different ways to nudge public health behavior through environments and policies (Marteau et al., 2011); few studies had explored the potential to use online health information environment to nudge health behavior. While there was established evidence showing the individual differences in online health information search behavior across the lifespan (e.g., Chin et al., 2009; Sharit et al., 2008), the current study was to examine the nudging effects on health behavior through online health information exposure and search. An online mixed-factor-design experiment was conducted on 136 adults across the lifespan (Mean age=49.79, SD=16.00). We examined two kinds of nudging routes, (1) health information exposure (manipulated by the experimenters), and (2) health information search (decided by the participants), on two kinds of health behaviors varying in the costs of taking these health behaviors. Target health behaviors included, (1) self-related health behavior: participants were asked to take a break for doing a stretch (low cost) or a walk (high cost) after long sitting; (2) self-unrelated health behavior: participants were asked to have researchers to donate to the rare disease association through writing down the date (low cost) or a 100-word endorsement article (high cost). In the experiment, each participant was assigned to read four topics (3 articles under each topic) and answer the questions after each health topic. The questions varied in difficulties, which participants could decide to answer the questions based on their own knowledge, their memory from reading, or searching the answers online. To manipulate health information exposure, half of the participants were assigned to read the online articles related to the target health behaviors (such as the harms of long sitting and the target rare disease). Participants were not disclosed about the study goals at the beginning. They were not told that the study goal was to examine whether they took the target health behaviors or not, but to examine how adults learn from online health information. To measure the actions of target health behaviors, for the self-related health behavior, after roughly 40 minutes of the study, participants were requested to take a break for 10 minutes. For the self-unrelated health behavior, at the end of the study, participants were asked whether they would like to show their support to a rare disease association. The manipulations in the costs of health behaviors were assigned in counterbalanced order. Logistic regressions were used to examine the effects of nudging routes and costs of actions on two kinds of target health behaviors. Results suggested that mere information exposure did not affect the likelihood to take the target health behaviors regardless of its relatedness to self-interests or costs of actions. Further, for self-related health behavior, adults were more likely to take actions after a more deliberate engagement with the information - through information search. For health behavior that was unrelated to self-interests, participants were more likely to take actions after they searched the information about this rare disease and only when the costs of actions were low. This study has shown the potentials and limitations of health nudging in different health behaviors, and has its implications on designing effective health nudging strategies on different health behaviors.

People are now confronted with the task of locating electronic information needed to address the issues of their daily lives. The Web is presently the major information source for many people in the U.S. (Cole, Suman, Schramm, Lunn, & Aquino, 2003), used more than newspapers, magazines, and television as a source of information. Americans are expanding their use of the Web for all sorts of information and commercial purposes (Horrigan, 2004; Horrigan & Rainie, 2002; National Telecommunications and Information Administration, 2002). Searching for information is one of the most popular Web activities, second only to the use of e-mail (Nielsen Media, 1997). However, successfully locating needed information remains a difficult and challenging task (Eastman & Jansen, 2003). Locating relevant information not only affects individuals but also commercial, educational, and governmental organizations. This is especially true in regards to people interacting with their governmental agencies. Executive Order 13011 (Clinton, 1996) directed the U.S. federal government to move aggressively with strategies to utilize the Internet. Birdsell and Muzzio (1999) present the growing presence of governmental Web sites, classifying them into three general categories, (1) provision of information, (2) delivery of forms, and (3) transactions. In 2004, 29% of American said they visited a government Web site to contact some governmental entity, 18% sent an e-mail and 22% use multiple means (Horrigan, 2004). It seems clear that the Web is a major conduit for accessing governmental information and maybe services. Search engines are the primary means for people to locate Web sites (Nielsen Media, 1997). Given the Web's importance, we need to understand how Web search engines perform (Lawrence & Giles, 1998) and how people use and interact with Web search engines to locate governmental information. Examining Web searching for governmental information is an important area of research with the potential to increase our understanding of users of Web-based governmental information, advance our knowledge of Web searchers' governmental information needs, and positively impact the design of Web search engines and sites that specialize in governmental information.Request access from your librarian to read this chapter's full text.

People are now confronted with the task of locating electronic information needed to address the issues of their daily lives. The Web is presently the major information source for many people in the U.S. (Cole, Suman, Schramm, Lunn, &amp; Aquino, 2003), used more than newspapers, magazines, and television as a source of information. Americans are expanding their use of the Web for all sorts of information and commercial purposes (Horrigan, 2004; Horrigan &amp; Rainie, 2002; National Telecommunications and Information Administration, 2002). Searching for information is one of the most popular Web activities, second only to the use of e-mail (Nielsen Media, 1997). However, successfully locating needed information remains a difficult and challenging task (Eastman &amp; Jansen, 2003). Locating relevant information not only affects individuals but also commercial, educational, and governmental organizations. This is especially true in regards to people interacting with their governmental agencies. Executive Order 13011 (Clinton, 1996) directed the U.S. federal government to move aggressively with strategies to utilize the Internet. Birdsell and Muzzio (1999) present the growing presence of governmental Web sites, classifying them into three general categories, (1) provision of information, (2) delivery of forms, and (3) transactions. In 2004, 29% of American said they visited a government Web site to contact some governmental entity, 18% sent an e-mail and 22% use multiple means (Horrigan, 2004). It seems clear that the Web is a major conduit for accessing governmental information and maybe services. Search engines are the primary means for people to locate Web sites (Nielsen Media, 1997). Given the Web’s importance, we need to understand how Web search engines perform (Lawrence &amp; Giles, 1998) and how people use and interact with Web search engines to locate governmental information. Examining Web searching for governmental information is an important area of research with the potential to increase our understanding of users of Web-based governmental information, advance our knowledge of Web searchers’ governmental information needs, and positively impact the design of Web search engines and sites that specialize in governmental information.

Situation awareness is a key construct in human factors and arises from a process of situation assessment (SA). SA comprises the perception of information, its integration with existing knowledge, the search for new information, and the prediction of the future state of the world, including the consequences of planned actions. Causal models implemented as Bayesian networks (BNs) are attractive for modeling all of these processes within a single, unified framework. We elicited declarative knowledge from two Royal Australian Air Force (RAAF) fighter pilots about the information sources used in the identification (ID) of airborne entities and the causal relationships between these sources. This knowledge was represented in a BN (the declarative model) that was evaluated against the performance of 19 RAAF fighter pilots in a low-fidelity simulation. Pilot behavior was well predicted by a simple associative model (the behavioral model) with only three attributes of ID. Search for information by pilots was largely compensatory and was near-optimal with respect to the behavioral model. The average revision of beliefs in response to evidence was close to Bayesian, but there was substantial variability. Together, these results demonstrate the value of BNs for modeling human SA.

Measuring Information Seeking through Facebook: Scale development and initial evidence of Information Seeking in Facebook Scale (ISFS)

The demonstrated benefits of information seeking for cancer patients, coupled with increases in information availability, underscore the importance of monitoring patient information seeking experiences over time. We compared information seeking among cancer survivors to those with a family history of cancer and those with no history of cancer. We identified characteristics associated with greater information seeking among cancer survivors, key sources of cancer-related information, and changes in information source use over time. Data from five iterations of the Health Information National Trends Survey (HINTS) spanning 2003 to 2013 were merged and analyzed. Frequencies, cross-tabulations, multivariate logistic regression, and multinomial regression analyses were conducted. All data were weighted to provide representative estimates of the adult US population. Cancer information seeking was reported most frequently by cancer survivors (69.8 %). The percentage of cancer survivors who reported information seeking increased from 66.8 % in 2003 to 80.8 % in 2013. Cancer information seeking was independently associated with age, education, and income; seeking was less likely among older adults, those with less education, and those with lower incomes. Compared to respondents in 2003, those in 2005 (odds ratio (OR) = 0.40, 95 % confidence interval (CI) = 0.24-0.65) and 2008 (OR = .43, 95 % CI = 0.26-0.70) were about half as likely to use the Internet as the first source of cancer information compared to a healthcare provider. Despite overall increases in cancer information seeking and access to health information from a variety of sources, healthcare providers remain a key source of health information for cancer survivors.

Secondary research: Information sources and methods: By David W. Stewart Beverly Hills, California: Sage Publications, Inc., 1984, 135 pages, $17.95 (cloth), $8.95 (paper). ISBN 0-8039-2338-4 (cloth), 0-8039-2339-2 (paper). LC 84-9879.