Influence of the Russia–Ukraine war on security discourse of Baltic presidents

The proliferation of fake news presents a critical threat to national security, with Nigeria being a prominent example. This study examines the relationship between fake news dissemination and national security threats, focusing on the media's role in shaping public perception and influencing policy responses. Using a mixed-methods approach, the research incorporates content analysis of Nigerian media, public opinion surveys, and interviews with policymakers and security experts. The findings illustrate how fake news intensifies conflicts, deepens social divisions, and hampers governmental security efforts. The study also highlights the role of traditional and social media in spreading misinformation, leading to diminished public trust in official communications. Case studies on election-related misinformation, ethnic tensions, and terrorist propaganda reveal how media narratives shape societal reactions and government strategies. In addition, the research evaluates current anti-fake news policies and suggests measures to mitigate its impact on national security. The study emphasizes the urgent need for coordinated efforts between media, government, and civil society to combat misinformation and enhance public resilience. These insights contribute to the broader discourse on media and national security, providing empirical evidence from Nigeria with implications for other nations facing similar challenges.

The Global President: International Media and the US Government. By Stephen J. Farnsworth, S. Robert Lichter, and Roland Schatz. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2013. 205 pp. Using an impressive data set of more than 770,000 television news stories collected from more than 40 broadcast outlets from Europe, the Middle East, China, South Africa, and the United States, the authors of The Global President: International Media and the US Government set out to understand how foreign media reported on the United States during the George W. Bush presidency and the first two years of the Barack Obama presidency. The wide variety of findings that emerge from the project's analysis of that data constitutes a useful contribution to scholarly understanding of international media coverage and of how that coverage interacts with foreign perceptions of the United States. The first chapter sets up the context for the rest of the book by providing a brief description of the content analysis data collected through Media Tenor as well as an overview of contemporary U.S. media coverage of presidents. While the data derive from a wide variety of outlets, the initial chapter does not provide enough information about how the data were collected and the key variables that were assessed to ground the study. (Some of this information does become clearer in later chapters; however, it would have been helpful to have a more detailed description of the data set at the outset, given how much the study relies on it.) The authors then lay out several premises regarding international coverage, including an international two-step flow, which argues that domestic media coverage of a country may influence that country's coverage in international media. They also highlight the so-called CNN effect (p. 14), which argues that politicians respond when elite news outlets spotlight issues or problems in other parts of the world. In subsequent chapters on international coverage of the United States, the Obama presidency, the Bush presidency, the 2008 election, and globalization, The Global President delves more deeply into the data set to reach a number of conclusions. As one might expect, for instance, U.S. broadcast outlets cover foreign nations much less than international news broadcasts cover subjects related to the United States. Interestingly, international coverage of the United States became more positive between January 2002 and June 2010 (the time frame for the study)-although it was still more negative than positive across that time frame. As for foreign coverage of the presidency specifically, Obama benefited from largely positive coverage from the international press in his first year in office, even among broadcast outlets in the Middle East. The Bush presidency did not fare as well, with coverage being more negative in some countries (e. …

The digital era brings major changes in various aspects of life, including in the field of national security. National security threats in the digital era no longer only come from military forces, but also from various forms of cyberattacks. Cyber threats become complex and diverse, and national resilience is tested by the emergence of various structured and organized cyber attacks. Pancasila is the basis of the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, which serves as the legal basis of the Indonesian state which mandates the implementation of national security to protect society. Security management is key in facing national security challenges in the digital era. This paper discusses the implementation of security management that can improve national security and cyber threats. This research aims to analyze the implementation of security management in national resilience in the digital era. This research uses a qualitative descriptive method with a case study approach.

This study aims to monitor and analyze the media elites' attitudes towards the impact of international media on the image of the cultural identity of the Palestinian community abroad. It seeks to identify the extent of exposure of media and cultural elites to international media, as well as to examine the role of international media in promoting Palestinian cultural authenticity from the perspective of intellectuals and media professionals. Furthermore, the study investigates the role of the Palestinian community in preserving its cultural identity in the face of international media influences and highlights the main challenges Palestinian media faces in maintaining the authenticity of its cultural identity.The study was conducted using a purposive sample consisting of 20 academics, media professionals, and intellectuals. Through in-depth interviews, the main findings indicate that there is a variation in the patterns of exposure to international media among the media elites and intellectuals. This reflects an advanced professional awareness of the media's role and the necessity of following international media coverage, particularly regarding the Palestinian issue. There is a preference for selective exposure linked to major events. The results also show that media elites and cultural figures rely on international media as analytical sources, with varying degrees of dependence based on the nature of the media outlet. Some exhibit critical awareness, prompting them to verify the credibility of information from multiple sources. International media outlets demonstrate clear differences in how they address Palestinian culture. Some media outlets that align with the Israeli narrative use culture as a tool to marginalize Palestinian identity and distort its heritage, while media outlets supporting the Palestinian cause fail to separate cultural from political narratives, which limits the recognition of culture as an independent value.

This study aims to explain the impact of the Beijing Olympic Games 2008 on China's image in the international TV media. It applies agenda-setting theory to analyse foreign TV coverage of the Olympics in nine countries. Using Rivenburgh's national image richness construct, it attempts to make sense of the coverage before and after Beijing 2008, particularly its impact on the image of the host country. The study concludes that the breadth and attribution of China's image remained relatively stable, that these factors did not improve China's national image directly but that indirectly they raised awareness of China in the international media and framed the host country's image more clearly.

Governmental crisis communication is one of public relations functions to deliver government crisis messages to public. Of late there were rising concerns on negative media coverage by international media toward the country's recent financial performance. The unfavorable news reporting from these international regulatory bodies can be seen as polemic issue which has potential to weaken the government integrity and ability in overcoming its economic crisis. The objective of this study is to examine the governmental crisis communication practices to reduce public uncertainty toward international negative media coverage on the financial crisis. To address this issue, the study integrates two models in social media crisis communication namely the networked crisis communication model (NCC) and the social-mediated crisis communication model (SMCC) to build a governmental crisis communication framework. The framework also incorporates two crisis communication elements such as negative online media coverage and public trust/distrust. The study will employ quantitative approach which involves survey on the perception among the Malaysian youth toward governmental crisis communication efforts and tests the hypotheses that has been put forward. This study contributes to enhance and establish a scientific, evidence-based guideline to fully utilise online public communication in conveying the government's initiatives and policies. The implication of the study emphasises on protecting national security through significant roles of effective public relations practices in managing governmental crisis communication to regain public trust.

Introduction. One of the primary important objects for ensuring the national security of any state, as an independent and self-sustained subject of the system of global policy coordinates, is its sovereignty. The sovereignty is the fundamental category in formulating the principles of the national constitutional and international law. Ensuring the sovereignty is one of the most important functions and tasks of the modern Russian state. The article analyses the state policy and its legal basis for ensuring the national security, it focuses on the threats and crises in both the international and national security systems. The research is relevant due to studying the selective approach of some states to fulfilling their obligations to adhere to the commonly recognised principles of the international relations. It is emphasised, that although formally observed, the principle of national sovereignty of the states is constantly violated when referred to the weaker states according to the medieval “right of the strong”. The topical issues of counteracting the threats to national security are investigated. Attention is focused on the need to develop the measures aimed at timely and efficient prevention thereof. The aim of the study is to analyse the concept of “sovereignty”, identify the external and internal threats to the sovereignty of Russia and develop recommendations on the strategic national priorities. Materials and Methods. The research was conducted using the general and specific methods of scientific cognition, in particular, the dialectical method, content analysis of the normative legal acts, juridical comparativistics, as well as systemic, structural-functional, logical and other methods. Results. Within the research such concepts as “sovereignty”, “national interests of the Russian Federation and strategic national priorities” have been analysed. The assessment of the current state of the world order is given, as well as the directions and trends of its reform are studied. The external and internal threats to the sovereignty of Russia have been identified and strategic goals in the field of ensuring the national security have been outlined. Discussion and Conclusion. Based on the results of the conducted research, it was proved that the qualitative change of the methodological and conceptual foundations of the national and international security is required. To counteract the different national security threats, it is necessary to adhere to the national priorities, goals and the developed strategy. The present paper deems to be important for the Russian juridical science, as well as for the subjects of lawmaking and law enforcement.

The paper addresses the security threat perception and securitization of existential threats in Lithuania. It focuses upon the securitization theory and its ability to explain the change of national security agendas as affected by the changes in national identity and existential security threats. It takes into account the internal and external factors that are shaping the objective and subjective national threat perception. The paper applies O. Waever’s securitization theory with an aim to explain how the national security threats are being addressed and perceived in Lithuania. Moreover, the paper is developed against the backdrop of the most recent developments in securitization theory and evolution of its theoretical perceptions of identity, existential threats, and legitimacy. It also discusses the possibility of inclusion of hybrid security threats into an analysis of securitization. The empirical part of the article assesses the most recent security challenges, provides evaluation of changes in national security perception, and portrays the dynamics of national security threats as defined in the National Security Strategies and the Military Doctrine. The paper focuses upon the most recent dynamics in security policy of Lithuania. It also takes into account the hybrid nature of security threats and the reaction to hybrid security elements such as: cyber security, information security, and international terrorism.

Between 1972 and 1979, the politicians and officials of South Africa's Department of Information attempted to manipulate and neutralise the international media's treatment of South Africa. This programme of activity was exposed at the end of the decade in what became known as the Information scandal. Meanwhile, in Europe and North America, South African exiles and British and American citizens opposed to apartheid, campaigned under the banner of 'anti-apartheid'. Foreign correspondents in South Africa numbered little more than a dozen in 1972. By the end of the 1970s, they had become a formidable force. This expansion was directly related to events on the ground, most notably the South African invasion of Angola (1975) and the Soweto uprising (1976). The introduction of the Cold War to the southern African sub-continent transformed the nature of the international media's coverage, leading, eventually, to a greater American media presence in South Africa. The increased number of American journalists, resident in the Republic, served to expand the scope of the debate regarding the intertwining of colonialism and racism in apartheid. In general, Americans tended to represent South Africa as a metaphor for the racial problems of the United States, whereas British commentators discussed the country in the context of a decolonisation story that had somehow gone wrong. One of the most significant developments in the coverage of South Africa, during the 1970s, was the re-emergence of colonial representations of both Africans and Afrikaners. This followed the temporary' suspension of such representations in the 1960s. Despite the extensive efforts of the anti-apartheid movements and the Department of Information to influence the Stiuth African 'story', these shifts in representation appear to have originated with the international media. It should, however, be acknowledged that the British and American media's dependence on the South African English-language press remained profound throughout the decade.

I use the term mediated policy to refer to messages about Iraq sent by international news media outlets of foreign governments during the Iraqi parliamentary elections of 2010, and I hypothesize that US Mediated Policy, Iranian Mediated Policy, and Saudi Mediated Policy are three latent constructs interacting in a structural model where they influence a fourth latent variable, Iraqi Independent Media. To feed the model with data, I run a content analysis of relevant international and domestic media coverage. I measure saliences of two news media frames, Former Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki and Former Iraqi Prime Minister Ayad Allawi. The analysis shows that in 2010: (1) English represented a barrier to Iraqi independent media. (2) US foreign policy simultaneously dealt with two opposing regional policies, Iranian and Saudi. (3) There were significant policy messages about Iraq carried by international news media of foreign governments, which evidently influenced Iraqi independent media.

The Korean Air nut rage scandal: Domestic versus international responses to a viral incident

This study utilizes the Event-Domain Cognitive Model (ECM) within cognitive linguistics to analyze narrative construction in international news media coverage of the Beijing Winter Olympics. Through qualitative analysis of 1673 news articles from five diverse media outlets, the research outlines a multilevel cognitive rhetoric framework to explore the integration of cultural, historical, and emotional factors in media discourse. At the macro level, cultural and historical contexts influence the selection of event subdomains. At the meso level, cognitive reference points shape portrayals of international diplomacy. At the micro level, rhetorical strategies, especially metaphorical language, reveal media knowledge structures and emotional responses. The study highlights the media's dual role in reinforcing shared humanistic values and exposing geopolitical rivalries. Findings indicate the Olympics as a global stage for uniting cultures through common values and manifesting political and ideological differences, with varying narratives reflecting each outlet's cultural and political context. The study underscores the importance of cross-cultural media literacy to develop a critically aware public and contributes to international media studies, cognitive linguistics, and communication by providing a comprehensive model for analyzing media narratives and encouraging further research into global media events.

Background: Over the past several decades, practices of western medicine, especially in the context of public health, have become increasingly tied with state security apparatuses. These methodological and epistemological shifts in framing public health in terms of national security have shaped the ways that health care has been performed and articulated, as well as the ways in which both state and private actors have been granted participatory access within fields traditionally reserved for security experts or medical professionals. Since the attacks of September 11th, 2001 against the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, there has been significant medicalization of foreign political actors on the United States' list of Foreign Terrorist Organizations (FTOs) in particular, with both oncologists and national security planners continually using the metaphor of cancer to describe the organizations themselves, as well as the behavior, intentions, and motivations of these groups. Methods: This project utilized a mixed method approach employing discourse analysis, with an emphasis on metaphor analysis, to examine the way that cancer is deployed as an ideological technology within United States policy planning documents, Department of Defense publications, popular media articles covering the War on Terror, and speeches by senior political figures. This research uses these same methods to examine the ways in which the field of cancer biology/cancer medicine utilizes or participates in constructing the threat of political groups designated as FTOs through academic publications, popular media, and professional research in service of, or funded by, national security interests. Results: The equation of cancer and war generally, and terrorism specifically, by both medical professionals and national security experts is broad and serves a number of ideological purposes. Often this is done with the explicit purpose of justifying violence against marginalized political groups designated as Foreign Terrorist Organizations by the United States, though public awareness and funding were often found as motivations as well. Several of the cancer metaphors we encountered from security experts were imprecise and medically inaccurate in their descriptions, though still rhetorically powerful in how they were deployed. Given the importance in how the work of medical practitioners is depicted and its influence on how many types of health care are received, especially by marginalized communities, more work is needed in this area. Citation Format: Amanda Ray, Wesley Dwyer. Representations of cancer as a national security threat: An examination of public health and public policy discourse. [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the Ninth AACR Conference on the Science of Cancer Health Disparities in Racial/Ethnic Minorities and the Medically Underserved; 2016 Sep 25-28; Fort Lauderdale, FL. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Epidemiol Biomarkers Prev 2017;26(2 Suppl):Abstract nr A21.

<i>One form of activity in cyberspace is the information battle. One of the proposed definitions will define it as a negative co–operation in the sphere of information acquisition, information distortion and information defense, where each side of the action is subordinated to the antagonistic side of the other. It leads to the achievement of political objectives and is aimed at overthrowing the systems of the state responsible for the state of its security. It is important that this condition is at a high, or at least acceptable, level. To ensure this level, it is important to define cybersecurity fighting models that are adequate for the threats and to determine their impact on the level of national security risk in cyberspace. Literature on the subject contains many models of cyberwarfare information that have been shaped in recent years. However, there is no assessment of the adequacy of these models for the risks and risks associated with national security threats. It should be noted that information security itself, as part of national security, is variable. New threats are emerging and, at a very high rate and with high activity in cyberspace, they are capable of destabilising the security of key state administration bodies, military facilities and other important state– run infrastructures.</i><br><br> <i>It should be emphasised that existing cyberspace fighting information models are not universal and cannot be used for any type of threat to national security. They need to find, organise and evaluate those that would be the most appropriate not only for national security threats but also for geopolitical determinants. Assumptions for the research and its results are a noticeable increase in the number of cyberattacks, some of which are important from the point of view of national security – the military system and critical infrastructure elements of the state.<i><br><br> <i>The following subject of the research was adopted in the article – models of information fight, related to threats to national security coming from / to cyberspace. The purpose of scientific research is to define models of information combat and to determine the suitability and evaluation of these models for the purpose of evaluating the risks of national security threats. Identifying the subject and objectives of the research led to a general research question: <b>What appropriate models of information fight in cyberspace can be defined and used for the risks of national security threats?</b> The research method applied theoretical methods (analysis, synthesis, generalisation, abstraction, inference, analogy and comparison) as well as the empirical method of dialogue and the method of participant observation.</i>

This study examined how internet-based communication channels impact on national security in Nigeria. The study was conducted in Enugu State, South East Nigeria. Three research questions guided the study and three null hypotheses were tested at .05 level of significance. A total of 385 internet users were selected using a combination of purposive and snow ball sampling techniques. In the analysis of data for the study, correlation analysis and multiple regression were used. The result of the analysis showed that internet-based media of communication like the Facebook, Gmail, YouTube, Yahoo mail, and Twitter significantly correlate national security. It was also found that there are specific ways through which negative use of the internet could impact negatively on national security. Such predictors include using internet-based media to recruit agents of national security challenges, to finance such efforts, to radicalize such agents, to train such agents, and to spread incitement that may be inimical to national security. It was also found that internet-based media could be useful for creating awareness on national security threats, raising alarm on national security issues, and making people alert on national security issues. Base on the result of this study, the researcher recommends, among others, that the traditional media like radio, TV, newspapers, and magazines should form a synergy with security agencies on how to create awareness to Nigerians regarding how security alertness for the overall benefit of national security.